A year has passed in Israel and Gaza like some nightmare from which there is no awakening. Hatred is the only winner. It towers over the corpse of a two-state Israeli-Palestinian peace and threatens to spread across the Middle East.

在以色列和加沙，就像一场不会醒来的噩梦一般，一年的时间已经过去。仇恨是唯一的赢家。它凌驾于巴以两国和平的尸骸之上，并有可能蔓延到整个中东。

“Bring them home now” say ubiquitous posters in Israel, alluding to the roughly 100 hostages, many dead, still held by Hamas. Gaza lies in ruins as Israel exacts a terrible price in Palestinian life for the Oct. 7 Hamas terrorist attack that killed more than 1,200 Israelis, and summoned in Jews every devouring specter of the Holocaust. War spreads to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, to Lebanon and to Iran, defying the futile peacemaking efforts of a rudderless world.

“快把他们带回家”这样的标语在以色列随处可见，指的是大约100名仍被哈马斯扣押的人质，其中许多已经死亡。10月7日的哈马斯恐怖袭击导致1200多名以色列人丧生，在犹太人心中唤起了纳粹大屠杀那骇人的幽灵，以色列要求巴勒斯坦人为此付出惨重代价，加沙成为一片废墟。战争蔓延到以色列占领的约旦河西岸、黎巴嫩和伊朗，无视这个没有掌舵者的世界徒劳的和平努力。

Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport stands almost empty, symbol of a lonelier Jewish state that is excoriated in many places amid calls to “globalize the intifada.” Protesters in New York chant “the state of Israel has to go.” The health authorities in Gaza announce that Israel has killed 41,788 Palestinians in the past year. Numbers tend to numb, but they promise another cycle of retribution in due course.

以色列的本·古里安机场几乎空无一人，这象征着一个更孤立的犹太国家，伴随着“让巴勒斯坦起义全球化”的呼声，这个国家在许多地方都受到了谴责。纽约的抗议者高呼“一定要推翻以色列国”。加沙卫生当局宣布，以色列在过去一年中杀害了41788名巴勒斯坦人。数字往往会让人麻木，但它们预示着未来还会有又一轮报复。

As after the Sept. 11 attacks two decades ago, the world has changed, people have changed, language itself has changed, becoming more treacherous. The tribal has triumphed over reason in a sea of mutual incomprehension and recrimination. Once the David of Middle Eastern conflict, Israel is now the increasingly vilified Goliath, even as it sees itself in a struggle for survival that it did not initiate.

就像20年前的9·11恐怖袭击之后一样，世界变了，人们变了，语言本身也变了，变得更加莫测。在相互不理解和相互指责的海洋中，部落思维战胜了理性。以色列曾经是中东冲突中的大卫，现在却成了日益被诋毁的歌利亚巨人，尽管它认为自己正处于一场并非自己发起的生存斗争中。

一些哈马斯袭击中的丧生者的尸体。

“We are a different society, a different country. Just look at the traumatized faces of people,” said Nirit Lavie Alon, an Israeli teacher at the Technion university in Haifa. “I gave up on peace, completely. Really, we are very desperate.”

“我们是一个不同的社会，不同的国家。看看人们受创伤的脸吧，”海法以色列理工大学的以色列教师尼利特·拉维·阿隆说。“我完全放弃了和平。真的，我们非常绝望。”

Doaa Kaware, a mother of four in the Gazan city of Khan Younis, said: “This was a year that killed our hearts and souls before it destroyed the buildings, hospitals, schools and streets. In this war we feel someone pushed us down into a deep, dark and awful well.”

加沙城市汗尤尼斯的朵阿·卡瓦尔是四个孩子的母亲，她说：“这一年，在建筑、医院、学校和街道被摧毁之前，我们的心和灵魂都已被摧毁。在这场战争中，我们觉得有人把我们推入了一个黑暗而可怕的深渊。”

Israeli and Palestinian narratives have always seemed irreconcilable, but over the past year they have diverged with a new intensity. For Israel, the Oct. 7 Hamas attack was its 9/11, with the enemy not across the world in Afghanistan but right next door. The country, shaken and disoriented by the catastrophe, shamed by its failure to foresee it, was near unanimous in the conviction that it must extirpate Hamas from Gaza, at any price.

以色列和巴勒斯坦的叙事似乎总是不可调和的，但在过去的一年里，他们的分歧达到了新的强度。对以色列来说，10月7日哈马斯的袭击是它的9·11，敌人不是在世界另一端的阿富汗，而是在它的隔壁。这个国家被这场灾难震撼了，迷失了方向，为自己未能预见到它而感到羞愧，整个国家几乎一致认为，必须不惜一切代价将哈马斯从加沙消灭。

Much of the world understood Israel’s reaction, at least for a moment. But quickly a Palestinian narrative of Israeli “genocide” in Gaza gained traction, backed by wholesale destruction and killing in the rubble of collapsed buildings. The catastrophe, then, was not Israel’s, but that of the Palestinian people, systematically oppressed, in this telling, by a ruthless Israel intent for decades on dispossessing them.

世界上许多国家理解以色列的反应，至少在一段时间内是这样。但很快，巴勒斯坦人关于以色列在加沙进行“种族灭绝”的说法获得了支持，倒塌的建筑物废墟中，大肆的破坏和杀戮为这一说法提供了佐证。因此，这场灾难不是以色列的，而是巴勒斯坦人民的，在这种叙事中，几十年来，无情的以色列一直蓄意剥夺他们的权利，系统性地压迫他们。

The issue, in a striking transference, was no longer Oct. 7; it was the Israeli retaliation.

这是一个惊人的转变，问题不再是10月7日；而是以色列的报复。

去年10月，在以色列对加沙地带中部发动的空袭中受伤的巴勒斯坦人。

Now, with the widening of the war to Lebanon and even Iran, the catastrophe is broader and murkier, the narrative even more confused, as the suffering spreads. Iran and its Shiite proxy forces are no longer facing off with Israel; they are at war with it. Hamas is only part of the story now. But by no means does all of Lebanon or Iran want to die for the Palestinian cause.

现在，随着战争扩大到黎巴嫩甚至伊朗，灾难的范围变得更广、更模糊，随着苦难的蔓延，叙事变得更加混乱。伊朗及其什叶派代理武装不再是同以色列对峙；他们正在与它交战。哈马斯现在只是故事的一部分。但绝不是所有的黎巴嫩或伊朗人都愿意为巴勒斯坦的事业而死。

Much has changed and much has not. The war, detonated a year ago by Hamas rockets in the dawn fired from Gaza, is new in its frenzied intensity, its yearlong duration and its expansion to include Iran directly, but not in its essential nature.

很多事情已经改变，也有很多事情没有改变。一年前，哈马斯在黎明时分从加沙发射的火箭弹引爆了这场战争。战争的激烈程度、长达一年的持续时间，以及导致伊朗直接卷入，都是前所未有的，但其本质并没有改变。

As the author I. F. Stone noted in 1967, just after the third Arab-Israeli war in 19 years and the Israeli conquest of the West Bank, the “struggle of two different peoples for the same strip of land” is marked by an “ethnocentric fury” to which “the Bible is still the best guide.”

正如作家I·F·斯通在1967年指出的那样，就在19年来的第三次阿以战争和以色列征服西岸之后，“族群中心主义的愤怒”成为这场“两个不同的民族为同一块土地进行的斗争”的显著特征，而“《圣经》仍然是最好的指南”。

Writing in The New York Review of Books, he noted that both sides believe that “only force can assure justice.” He continued: “If God as some now say is dead, He no doubt died of trying to find an equitable solution to the Arab-Jewish problem.”

他在《纽约书评》上撰文指出，双方都认为“只有武力才能确保正义”。他接着写道：“如果像现在一些人说的那样，上帝死了，他无疑是因试图找到一个解决阿拉伯—犹太人问题的公平办法而死。”

Almost six decades have gone by since those words were written, not without glimpses of possible peace, to which the 1995 assassination by a nationalist Israeli zealot of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin sounded the death knell.

自这些话被写下以来，已经过去了近60年，其间不乏和平的曙光，1995年，伊扎克·拉宾总理被以色列民族主义狂热分子暗杀，为和平敲响了丧钟。

要求达成释放人质协议的以色列抗议者，在9月封锁了一条道路。

But the cycle of destruction has never been broken, and the conflict that erupted with the founding of the modern state of Israel in 1948 is now well on the way to becoming the Hundred Years’ War of our times. No other war has such power to lacerate nations, communities, families and even the conscience of a single individual.

但是，毁灭的循环从未被打破，伴随1948年现代以色列建国后爆发的冲突，现在正逐渐演变成我们这个时代的百年战争。没有任何一场战争有如此强大的力量，去撕裂国家、社区、家庭，甚至个人的良知。

The current round of fighting has been different in some ways, and not only in its feverish register. It has demonstrated the limited reach of American diplomacy, once decisive but now ineffective and increasingly attacked for its ironclad military support of Israel, even as thousands of Palestinian children have been killed in Gaza.

当前这一轮的战斗在某些方面有所不同，不仅仅是在激烈程度上。它证明了美国外交的影响力有限，美国外交曾经是决定性的，但现在已经失效，而且受到越来越多的攻击，因为尽管数以千计的巴勒斯坦儿童在加沙遇害，它仍为以色列提供坚定的军事支持。

The war has seen another significant shift: the broad embrace of the Palestinian cause as an extension of movements for racial and social justice in the United States. It has also been adopted by the Global Majority, sometimes known as the Global South, as an expression of the battle of Indigenous peoples — read Palestinians — against white colonial oppressors and interlopers.

这场战争还见证了另一个重大转变：在美国，巴勒斯坦事业被广泛接受，成为种族和社会正义运动的延伸。全球多数（有时也称为全球南方）也将其作为本土人民——也就是巴勒斯坦人——反抗白人殖民压迫和侵入的一种表现形式。

周日，在以色列多次空袭之后的贝鲁特南部郊区。

Across the world, from the Americas to Africa, the quest to create a state of Palestine supplanting Israel has become the North Star of many young people. Israeli “colonialism” is increasingly shorthand for the Zionist project of establishing a homeland for the Jewish people after their millennial persecution, rather than for Israel’s post-1967 colonial settlement of the occupied West Bank.

在世界各地，从美洲到非洲，寻求建立一个取代以色列的巴勒斯坦国已成为许多年轻人的向往。以色列的“殖民主义”日益成为犹太复国主义计划的简称，该计划旨在为遭受千年迫害的犹太人建立一个家园，而不是指1967年后以色列在被占领的约旦河西岸建立的殖民定居点。

Not all the protesters think this way, of course. They are appalled by Israel’s conduct of the war but do not dispute its right to exist. As with past protest movements against the Vietnam War or Apartheid South Africa — but unlike the seemingly numbing wars in Syria or in Ukraine or in Sudan — this is now the passionate cause of a generation, the emblem of their idealism.

当然，不是所有抗议者都这么想，也有人只是对以色列的战争行为感到震惊，但并不质疑以色列存在的权利。与过去反对越南战争或南非种族隔离的抗议运动一样——但与在叙利亚、乌克兰或苏丹看似令人麻木的战争不同——如今，这是一代人的激情事业，是他们心目中理想主义的象征。

It focuses on the forced displacement of some 750,000 Palestinians at Israel’s birth and the high death toll in Gaza today. It tends not to acknowledge that Israel is a multiracial society born through U.N. Resolution 181 of 1947 and peopled not by colonial forces but by persecuted Holocaust survivors and other refugees, often from Arab states that evicted them, with no motherland to return to. As for the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, it has generally been relegated to a subordinate clause.

它的重点是，以色列诞生时，约有75万巴勒斯坦人被迫流离失所，以及今天加沙的大量死亡。它往往不承认以色列是一个根据1947年联合国181号决议诞生的多种族社会，居住在这里的不是殖民势力，而是受迫害的大屠杀幸存者和其他难民，他们往往来自驱逐他们的阿拉伯国家，没有祖国可归。至于10月7日哈马斯的袭击通常被置于次要地位。

7月，巴勒斯坦人在遭到破坏的加沙南部城市汗尤尼斯。

“I’d been hearing warnings of antisemitism on the left, but the militancy of the antisemitism of student groups has been shocking,” said Ruth Franklin, an adjunct associate professor of writing at Columbia University and the author of the forthcoming “The Many Lives of Anne Frank.” “When you hear ‘Burn Tel Aviv to the ground,’ as I have with my own ears, the intent is pretty clear.”

“我一直听到左翼人士在说要警惕反犹主义，但学生团体反犹主义的激进程度令人震惊，”哥伦比亚大学写作副教授露丝·富兰克林说。她是即将出版的《安妮·弗兰克的多种生活》(the Many Lives of Anne Frank)的作者。“当你听到‘把特拉维夫夷为平地’时——这是我亲耳听到的——这其中的意图非常明显。”

Today, Israel is poised to strike back against Tehran in response to Iran’s firing of nearly 200 ballistic missiles at Israel last Tuesday, which in turn was a retaliation for Israel’s assassination in Lebanon of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, the potent army of Iran’s westward projection.

今天，以色列准备对德黑兰进行反击，以回应伊朗上周二向以色列发射的近200枚弹道导弹，而这场袭击又是对以色列在黎巴嫩暗杀真主党领袖哈桑·纳斯鲁拉的报复。真主党是伊朗向西投射的强大军事力量。

Certainly, there were other possible courses for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, including a cease-fire, a deal for the release of Israeli hostages in return for the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the possible breakthrough normalization of Israel’s relations with Saudi Arabia that President Biden pushed for many months.

当然，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡总理还有其他可能的方案，包括停火，用以色列人质换取巴勒斯坦囚犯的协议，以及拜登总统数月来推动的以色列与沙特阿拉伯关系正常化的可能突破。

But ultimately Mr. Netanyahu has felt free to ignore American pressure without cost or consequence. His need to satisfy his far-right partners in government and his interest in prolonging the war to postpone a possible formal reprimand for the military and intelligence failures that allowed the Oct. 7 attack will almost certainly complicate any diplomatic efforts.

但最终，内塔尼亚胡认为自己可以无视美国的压力，而无需付出代价或承担后果。他需要满足他在政府中的极右翼伙伴，而且他有意延长战争，以推迟因军事和情报失误而导致10月7日袭击可能面临的正式问责，这几乎肯定会使任何外交努力变得困难。

9月，纽约的抗议者呼吁以色列停止在加沙、约旦河西岸和黎巴嫩的军事行动。

Hamas, with the hostages as leverage and global support growing for Palestinians, has its own reasons to adopt a waiting game as the killing spreads.

哈马斯有人质作为筹码，国际社会对巴勒斯坦人的支持也在不断增加。随着杀戮的蔓延，哈马斯有自己的理由采取拖延策略。

“This time sadness is beyond bearing,” Ms. Kaware, the Palestinian mother in Khan Younis, said. “Nothing will ease this pain that will last forever.”

“这一次的悲伤无法忍受，”在巴勒斯坦，汗尤尼斯的母亲卡瓦尔说。“没有什么能缓解这种将会永远持续下去的痛苦。”

As for Ms. Lavie Alon, the teacher, she struggles to survive. “We don’t have enough things to give us hope,” she said.

拉维·阿隆是一位在为生存而挣扎的教师。“我们没有足够的东西给我们带来希望，”她说。

Her younger son, Chen, 22, told her last week he will be out of touch for a while as he is about to deploy with Israeli forces in Lebanon. Her older son, Noam, 25, has gone to Germany to avoid the pain of the Oct. 7 anniversary.

她的小儿子、22岁的谢上周告诉她，他将有一段时间失去联系，因为他即将被部署到在黎巴嫩的以色列部队。她25岁的大儿子诺姆去了德国，以避免10月7日纪念活动带来的痛苦。

Noam’s great love, Inbar Haiman, 27, lived her last moments of freedom at the Tribe of Nova music festival, where Hamas killed 364 people on Oct. 7. A video captured her being dragged, bleeding from the face, into Gaza.

诺姆的爱人、27岁的因巴尔·海曼在10月7日的新星部落音乐节上度过了她最后的自由时光，哈马斯在那个音乐节上杀害了364人。一段视频记录下了她被拖进加沙时的情形，她脸上流着血。

When there was a hostage release last November, Lavie Alon and her son hoped that Haiman would be among those freed. But a month later, on Dec. 14, 2023, the Israeli army informed them that she was dead.

去年11月人质获释时，拉维·阿隆和儿子希望海曼也能被释放。但一个月后，也就是2023年12月14日，以色列军方通知他们，她已经死亡。

Haiman’s corpse is still in Gaza. “We are struggling to bring her back,” Lavie Alon said. “We don’t have a grave. We cannot start to rebuild.”

海曼的尸体仍在加沙。“我们正在努力把她带回来，”拉维·阿隆说。“我们没有坟墓。我们无法开始重建。”

Nor can anyone in Gaza. The gyre inexorably turns.

加沙所有人也不能。旋涡不可阻挡地转动着。

上周伊朗对以色列的导弹袭击，一座建筑被击中。