To many left-leaning Americans, it is resoundingly clear that women who backed Donald J. Trump in the presidential election voted against their own self-interest.

在许多左倾的美国人看来，在总统选举中支持特朗普的女性显然违背了自己的利益。

Liberal women, in particular, have spent recent days practically stunned, stewing over how other women could have rejected Kamala Harris, who would have been the first woman to lead the nation in its nearly 250-year history. Instead, they chose a candidate who spews misogyny seemingly with glee. For the second time.

尤其是自由派女性，她们最近几天震惊不已，她们在纠结其他女性怎么会不选贺锦丽：她本可以成为美国近250年历史上第一位女性领导人。相反，其他女性似乎兴高采烈地选择了一个满口厌女言论的候选人。而且是第二次。

One voter from Maine, interviewed after Mr. Trump declared victory, offered a takeaway shared by many. As she put it, “The sisterhood did not stand up.”

一名来自缅因州的选民在特朗普宣布获胜后接受了采访，她提出了一个许多人都认同的观点——“姊妹情谊没有显现。”

In many ways the election results seemed to contradict generations of progress made toward women’s equality and for feminism generally. Women have made strides in nearly every facet of American life in recent decades, generally making up a greater proportion of the U.S. work force than in the past, taking on high-paying jobs and outpacing men in higher education — though they remain underrepresented at the top levels of both business and government.

在许多方面，选举结果似乎与几代人在争取女性平等和女权主义方面取得的进展相矛盾。近几十年来，女性几乎在美国生活的方方面面都取得了长足的进步，总体而言，女性在美国劳动力中所占的比例比过去更大，她们从事高薪工作，在接受高等教育方面也超过了男性——尽管她们在商业和政府高层的代表性仍然不足。

They now find themselves in a country where Mr. Trump won decisively with a campaign that pitted men against women, sitting down with podcasters who trade in sexism and choosing a running mate who had criticized single women as “childless cat ladies.” Mr. Trump took credit for appointing the Supreme Court justices who overturned the constitutional right to abortion but appeared to pay little price at the polls. Immediately after the election social media posts were circulating by men that read, “your body, my choice.”

她们现在发现，在自己身处的这个国家，特朗普在竞选中将男性与女性对立起来，他会上那些贩卖性别歧视的播客，选择了一位批评单身女性是“没有孩子的爱猫女”的竞选伙伴，就这样获得了决定性的胜利。特朗普任命了推翻宪法堕胎权的最高法院大法官，但在投票中似乎没有为此付出代价。选举结束后，社交媒体上立即流传着男性的帖子，声称：“你的身体，我的选择。”

But women themselves clearly were divided in the election. Exit polls show that 45 percent of female voters cast ballots for Mr. Trump, and far more white women voted for Mr. Trump than Black women. The compounding rejection of first Hillary Clinton then Ms. Harris has exposed an uncomfortable but steady undercurrent of American society: Women do not necessarily agree on what counts as progress or a setback.

但女性本身在选举中显然存在分歧。出口民调显示，45%的女性选民把票投给了特朗普，而投给特朗普的白人女性远远多于黑人女性。先是希拉里·克林顿，然后是贺锦丽，她们先后遭到否决，暴露了美国社会中一股令人不安但却稳定的暗流：对于什么是进步、什么是挫折，女性的意见不见得一致。

For Tiffany Justice, co-founder of Moms for Liberty, a conservative organization, the election of Mr. Trump is “the liberation of women out of the dark days of so-called feminism.”

对于保守派组织“自由妈妈”的联合创始人蒂芙尼·贾斯蒂斯来说，特朗普的当选是“把女性从所谓女权主义的黑暗时代解放出来”。

上周在宾夕法尼亚州韦恩斯堡举行的投票。出口民调显示，今年有45%的女性选民将选票投给了特朗普。

“This,” she said, “is real American feminism.”

“这才是真正的美国女权主义，”她说。

Ms. Justice sees Mr. Trump’s elevation of Susie Wiles as the first female chief of staff as the first of many moves by the next president that will be good for women.

贾斯蒂斯认为，特朗普提升苏西·怀尔斯为首位女性幕僚长，是下一任总统将采取的诸多有利于女性的举措中的第一步。

“Every woman who feels like Donald Trump is going to be bad for their lives may want to just wait a minute and stop listening to the mainstream media and listen to what President Trump does,” she said.

“每一个觉得唐纳德·特朗普对她们没好处的女性，可能都应该等一等，不要再听主流媒体怎么说，而是应该看看特朗普总统怎么做，”她说。

In the days since the election, it seems as though womanhood itself has fractured. Plans have yet to emerge for a large show of togetherness like the pussy hat rally in Washington after Mr. Trump’s first election in 2016. Liberal women have blamed conservatives for siding with Mr. Trump, a known philanderer who was found liable for the sexual abuse of E. Jean Carroll, the former magazine writer. Some Black women have blamed white women for betraying them by voting for a candidate who says not only sexist but racist things.

在大选后的日子里，似乎女性身份本身已经四分五裂。目前尚未出现2016年特朗普首次当选后在华盛顿举行的“粉帽”集会那样的大型团结秀计划。自由派女性指责保守派站在了特朗普一边，尽管此人是一个出了名的花花公子，被裁定对前杂志作家E·让·卡罗尔的性侵负有责任。一些黑人女性指责白人女性背叛了她们，因为她们把票投给了一个不仅有性别歧视言论，还有种族主义言论的候选人。

Jamila K. Taylor, president and chief executive of the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, a think tank that aims to close inequality gaps for women, has tried to parse the fact that women in some states voted to protect abortion rights but also voted for Mr. Trump. To her, that indicates that some voters were uncomfortable voting for Ms. Harris because she is Black.

旨在缩小女性不平等差距的智库女性政策研究所的总裁兼首席执行官贾米拉·泰勒试图解析这样一个事实：一些州的女性投票支持保护堕胎权，但也投票支持特朗普。对她来说，这表明一些选民是因为贺锦丽是黑人而不愿意投票给她。

“We have to call it out — the misogyny and racism and sexism,” Dr. Taylor said.

“我们必须把它揭露出来——厌女、种族主义和性别歧视，”泰勒说。

A myth of sisterhood

姊妹情谊的迷思

To academics who study women’s movements and activists who have led them, the idea of a sisterhood where women stick together because of their gender, is a myth with deep roots in American society. In examples that start from the nation’s earliest days — through suffragist movements, racial integration and the legalization of abortion — some of the biggest opponents of women’s rights have been women.

对于研究女性运动的学者和领导女性运动的活动人士认为，女性因为性别而团结在一起的“姊妹情谊”，是一个深深扎根于美国社会的迷思。从美国建国早期的例子开始——妇女参政运动、种族融合和堕胎合法化——女性权利的一些最大的反对者一直是女性。

1977年，菲利斯·施莱夫利在伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德举行的反对平等权利修正案的集会上。纵观美国历史，一些最大的女权反对者就是女性。

“Women don’t speak with one voice,” said Lisa Levenstein, director of the Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies Program at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. “They never have, they never will.”

北卡罗来纳大学格林斯博罗分校女性、性别和性研究项目主任丽莎·莱文斯坦说：“女性发出的声音并不一致，过去没一致过，今后也不会一致。”

Some of the biggest opponents of the fight to allow women to vote in the early 1900s were groups led by women. White mothers were among the loudest opponents of school desegregation and busing. In the 1970s, Phyllis Schlafly ridiculed feminists and glorified traditional roles for women as she fought to block the Equal Rights Amendment, saying it would lead to the complete unraveling of traditional American society.

20世纪初，一些最大的反对女性投票的团体都是由女性领导的。身为母亲的白人女性是反对学校和校车废除种族隔离的最强烈反对者之一。20世纪70年代，菲利斯·施莱夫利在反对《平等权利修正案》的斗争中嘲笑女权主义者，颂扬女性的传统角色，称这将导致传统美国社会的彻底瓦解。

Still, the election results last week came as a shock to many in a country where popular culture celebrates an awareness of women’s struggles and achievements.

尽管如此，上周的选举结果还是让许多人感到震惊，因为在这个国家，流行文化颂扬女性的奋斗和成就。

America today is awash in examples of feminism’s popularity. Beyoncé on her summer tour sang to enormous crowds, “Who run the world? Girls.” Taylor Swift sold out arenas across the country calling out sexism she has faced (“If I was out flashing my dollars/I’d be a bitch, not a baller”). The “Barbie” movie drew hordes of people to theaters in red and blue states alike to see a doll with impossible curves turned into a feminist icon.

今天的美国充斥着女权主义受欢迎的例子。碧昂斯在她的夏季巡演中对着人山人海唱道：“谁主宰世界？女孩们”。泰勒·斯威夫特在全国各地的演出场场爆满，她为自己面临的性别歧视大声疾呼（“如果我炫耀我的钱/我就是个婊子，不是浪子”）。《芭比》电影吸引了成群结队的人来到红州和蓝州的电影院，观看一个有着不可思议的身材曲线的娃娃变成女权主义的象征。

But pop culture did not translate to political culture, and signs of fractures among women were obvious during the campaign.

但流行文化并没有转化为政治文化，在竞选期间，女性之间的裂痕很明显。

In Nebraska, female university athletes filmed a TV ad supportive of an ultimately successful ballot measure restricting abortion rights. Well-coiffed women from a North Carolina evangelical charismatic Christian church followed Mr. Trump to rally after rally.

在内布拉斯加州，女大学生运动员拍摄了一则电视广告，支持一项最终成功的限制堕胎权的选票提案。一些来自北卡罗来纳一个充满魅力的福音派教会的女人精心打扮，跟随特朗普参加了一个又一个集会。

Recently, the “tradwives” movement on social media picked up traction, celebrating the return of women to traditional roles as submissive wives. Mainstream media has treated the trend largely as a curiosity.

最近，社交媒体上的“传统妻子”运动越来越受欢迎，庆祝女性回归传统角色，成为顺从的妻子。主流媒体基本上把这种趋势视为一种好奇。

But for women who stay at home in lieu of low-paying jobs, including taking care of other people’s children, or are faced with workplaces where gender pay gaps are still prevalent, focusing on supporting their working husbands to better help their families is its own act of empowerment.

但是，对于那些待在家里而不是从事低薪工作（包括照顾别人的孩子）的女性，或者面临着性别收入差距仍然普遍存在的工作场所的女性来说，专注于支持工作的丈夫，从而更好地帮助家庭，这本身就是一种赋权行为。

“There is still so much discrimination and pay inequity, you can see why some women would like to boost their husband’s status,” said Katherine Turk, a historian of second-wave feminism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. “Women who are not feminist have different ideas about what it means to have a self-actualized life and meaningful choices.”

北卡罗来纳大学教堂山分校研究第二波女权主义的历史学家凯瑟琳·特克说，“仍然存在如此多的歧视和薪酬不平等，你可以理解为什么有些女性想要提高丈夫的地位。对于什么是自我实现的生活和有意义的选择，不是女权主义者的女性有不同的想法。”

Some women this year said they themselves were uncomfortable with a woman being president.

今年，一些女性表示，她们自己也对女性担任总统感到不舒服。

“I’m a woman and it probably goes against the grain, but I think we need a man to deal with foreign countries,” said Lynn Lewis of Old Fort, N.C., who voted for Mr. Trump.

“我是一名女性，这么说可能不太合情理，但我认为我们需要一个男人来处理与外国的关系，”北卡罗来纳州奥德堡的林恩·刘易斯说，她投票给了特朗普。

In the days before the election Mr. Trump vowed to be a protector of women, “whether the women like it or not.” Some women were offended, but for others that message appealed. Ms. Lewis, 60, said she fears foreign leaders might think they could push around a female president.

在大选前几天，特朗普誓言要成为女性的保护者，“不管女性喜欢与否”。有些女性觉得被冒犯了，但对另一些人来说，这个信息很有吸引力。现年60岁的刘易斯说，她担心外国领导人可能会认为他们可以去摆布一位女总统。

“There are certain things that men need to lead,” she said.

“有些事情是需要男人来领导的，”她说。

Unequal gains

不平等的收益

Many historians of women’s equality movements through the decades say that the gains won by women often didn’t benefit all women; rather, they helped privileged women secure more opportunities in society. The fight for legal equality allowed women with the necessary means to pay for college and find jobs with good salaries, for instance. That’s part of the reason women have not been unified in what they want from politicians.

几十年来，许多研究女性平等运动的历史学家说，女性赢得的成果往往并没有惠及所有女性；相反，它们帮助享有特权的妇女在社会上获得更多的机会。例如，争取法律平等的斗争使女性有了支付大学学费和找到高薪工作的必要手段。这也是女性在对政治人士的要求上没有达成一致的部分原因。

In last week’s election, some women said they specifically appreciated Mr. Trump’s support for their role as mothers.

在上周的选举中，一些女性表示，她们特别感谢特朗普对她们作为母亲的角色的支持。

Conservative women argued that the national movement for transgender rights took power away from mothers to make decisions for their children. Some believe Mr. Trump will support their position that parents, not the government should decide whether children are vaccinated. They think his crackdown on the border will stop their children from accessing fentanyl, even though the largest group of known fentanyl smugglers are Americans, not immigrants, crossing through legal points of entry. And they said they saw the rising cost of groceries as an affront to women trying to feed their families, and something they think Mr. Trump can stem.

保守派女性认为，全国性的跨性别权利运动剥夺了母亲为孩子做决定的权力。一些人认为，特朗普将支持她们的立场——由父母而不是政府来决定儿童是否接种疫苗。她们认，为特朗普对边境的打击将阻止她们的孩子接触芬太尼，尽管已知的芬太尼走私者中最大的群体是美国人，而不是通过合法入境点入境的移民。她们还说，她们认为食品杂货价格的上涨是对努力养家糊口的女性的侮辱，她们认为特朗普可以阻止这种情况。

In her campaign, Ms. Harris tried to appeal to mothers and others by advancing “the care economy,” a set of policies aimed at helping parents and other caregivers.

在竞选中，贺锦丽试图通过推进“护理经济”来吸引母亲和其他人。“护理经济”是一套旨在帮助父母和其他照顾者的政策。

上周在拉斯维加斯观看选举结果的特朗普支持者。

Anne-Marie Slaughter, who gained renown after her article for The Atlantic about the difficulty of career advancement for professional women with children, said she once focused her fight for gender equity on the workplace and now sees it as just as important for women who care for others.

安-玛丽·斯劳特因在《大西洋月刊》上撰文讲述有孩子的职业女性在职业发展上的困难而闻名。她说，她曾经把争取职场性别平等的斗争集中在工作场所，现在她认为，这一斗争对照顾他人的女性同样重要。

“Feminism should be framed in terms of care and career, but within that there are going to be lots of debates about what care reasonably encompasses,” she said. “I would not include it to mean control over all my children’s choices, but that is complicated ground.”

“女权主义应该从照护他人和事业的角度出发，但在这个框架内，会有很多关于合理照顾包括什么的争论，”她说。“我不会把它定义为控制子女的所有选择，但这是一个复杂的问题。”