胡锡进，中美对抗时代的民族主义传声筒
2019年8月1日
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BEIJING — Inside a bustling, 700-person newsroom in downtown Beijing, Hu Xijin leads a 24-hour propaganda machine that some media scholars call China’s Fox News.
北京——在北京市中心一个700人的忙碌新闻编辑室里，胡锡进领导着一个24小时运行的宣传机器，一些媒体学者称它为中国的福克斯新闻(Fox News)。
Mr. Hu was one of the first to defend China’s vast detention of Muslims against international criticism. His newspaper has described Secretary of State Mike Pompeo as crazy. Thirty years ago, he marched with students on Tiananmen Square demanding democracy in China, but now he is a leading critic of protesters in Hong Kong who have been resisting Chinese rule.
针对国际社会的批评，胡锡进是最早为中国大规模拘禁穆斯林的做法辩护的人之一。他的报纸称国务卿迈克·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)“疯狂”。30年前，他和学生们在天安门广场游行，要求中国实行民主，但现在，他是对在香港抵制中国统治的抗议者的主要批评者。
China is rife with nationalist voices. But Mr. Hu stands out because of his position as the top editor of the Global Times, a popular tabloid controlled by the ruling Communist Party, and his flair for verbal warfare against the United States and the Trump administration. To Mr. Hu, virtually every criticism of China is an opportunity to launch a counterattack about what he derides as the hypocrisy of Beijing’s critics.
中国充斥着民族主义的声音。但作为《环球时报》的主编，加之爱怒怼美国和特朗普政府，胡锡进脱颖而出。《环球时报》由执政的共产党控制，是一份深受读者欢迎的小报。在他看来，几乎每一次对中国的批评都是反击的机会，借以嘲笑北京批评者的虚伪。
As the trade war between China and the United States has escalated, Mr. Hu has played a critical role in the party’s mission to tell the world that China will not back down. He was once dismissed by many as a commentator whose self-satisfied broadsides did not always reflect China’s official views. But Mr. Hu is now increasingly seen as a combative public voice of the administration of President Xi Jinping in an era of more open rivalry with the United States.
随着中美贸易战不断升级，党在向世界宣告中国不会退缩，胡锡进在这项任务中起到关键作用。曾经在许多人看来，他不过是一介评论员，认为他自鸣得意的抨击并不总是反映中国官方的观点。但在与美国公然竞争的时代，胡锡进现在越来越被视为一个替习近平政府发出好斗声音的人物。
“There is a sense of crisis,” Mr. Hu, 59, said during a recent interview at the paper’s headquarters in Beijing, where he often works late so he can respond to President Trump’s tweets. “America can’t suppress China’s rise.”
“我们真的认为有这样的危机感，”59岁的胡锡进最近在该报位于北京的总部接受采访时表示。为了可以回应特朗普总统的推文，他经常在这里工作到很晚。“美国不能够压制中国崛起。”
Mr. Hu’s critics in China call him a “Frisbee fetcher,” a party loyalist who retrieves whatever the government throws at him. Western diplomats and commentators regularly accuse him of bending the truth to inflame nationalist instincts.
胡锡进在中国的批评者称他为“飞盘侠”，意思是他听党的话，无论官方扔给他什么，他都会叼回来。西方外交官和评论人士也经常指责他歪曲事实，煽动人们的民族主义本能。
Mr. Hu, who is one of China’s longest-serving newspaper editors — he took the job in 2005 — says he wants to promote stability at home and improve the world’s understanding of China.
2005年上任的胡锡进是中国任职时间最长的报纸主编之一。他说他希望促进国内的稳定，增进世界对中国的了解。
“China’s ability to explain itself to the world is inadequate,” he said.
“中国向世界阐释自己的能力不足，”他说。
With its mix of lively editorials and news articles, Global Times is now one of China’s most widely read publications, with more than two million readers in print and 30 million unique visitors per month online.
《环球时报》既有言辞生动的社论，也有新闻报道，是中国读者最多的出版物之一，拥有超过200万的纸质读者和每月3000万的在线独立访问者。
Giulia Marchi for The New York Times
“Like it or not, they shape public opinion,” said Yik Chan Chin, a lecturer in media and communication studies at the Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University in China. “They are more outspoken and radical than the others.”
“不管你喜不喜欢，他们塑造了公众舆论，”中国西交利物浦大学媒体与传播研究讲师钱忆亲说。“他们比其他人更直白、更激进。”
Mr. Hu now has more than 19 million followers on Chinese social media sites, and investors, diplomats and political pundits in China and the United States scour his posts for hints of what China’s famously secretive leaders might be thinking. Opinions vary over whether the paper’s belligerent editorials truly represent the leadership’s positions.
胡锡进现在在中国的社交媒体网站上有1900多万粉丝，中美两国的投资者、外交官和政治评论家都在他的帖文中寻找蛛丝马迹，看看中国以神秘著称的领导人可能在想些什么。对于该报极具挑衅性的社论是否真能代表领导层的立场，众说纷纭。
Mr. Hu, a former war correspondent with a fondness for Tolstoy and polo shirts, says he is surprised by the attention. But he acknowledges that he has special access and lives “in the same system” as Chinese officials.
胡锡进曾是战地记者，喜欢托尔斯泰和马球衫，对于受到这样的关注，他感到意外。但他承认，自己拥有特殊的渠道，与中国官员生活在“同一个体制里”。
Growing up in Beijing, Mr. Hu was not always a model of party loyalty.
在北京长大的胡锡进并非从一开始就是忠于党的模范。
In the spring of 1989, as pro-democracy protests erupted across China, Mr. Hu, then a graduate student in Beijing specializing in Russian literature who had served in the People’s Liberation Army, joined the crowd of students and workers gathered at Tiananmen Square. He chanted slogans, joined in renditions of protest anthems like “L’Internationale” and grew excited as he heard American radio broadcasts declare that democracy might come to China.
1989年春天，中国各地爆发了支持民主的抗议活动，曾在中国人民解放军服役、当时在北京攻读俄罗斯文学研究生的胡锡进加入了聚集在天安门广场的学生和工人人群。他高呼口号，唱着《国际歌》等抗议歌曲，听到美国电台宣Even in China’s tightly controlled media environment, where newspaper editors are fired for pushing the boundaries, Mr. Hu has thrived. He remains a loyal party cadre, even as he occasionally levels criticism at the government over excessive social control.
在中国受到严格管控的媒体环境下，报纸总编会因为越界而遭到解雇，然而即便如此，胡锡进依然干得风生水起。他仍然是忠诚的党干部，尽管他偶尔会对政府过度的社会管控提出批评。
His philosophy is summed up in a slogan that hangs inside the paper’s offices: “Don’t just strive to pioneer, but also to remain extremely safe.”
他的哲学可以用挂在报社办公室楼的一句口号来概括：“既要努力开拓，又要十分稳妥。”
Zhan Jiang, a retired professor of journalism in Beijing, said he worried that Mr. Hu was “ingeniously” stoking nationalism in Chinese society. Mr. Hu has managed to stay in his position because he is nimble at anticipating changes in political winds, Mr. Zhan said.
北京退休的新闻学教授展江担心，胡锡进在“巧妙地”煽动中国社会的民族主义。展江说，胡锡进能保住这样的位置，是因为他可以敏锐地预测政治风向的变化。
“Sometimes, he has small criticisms of the government,” Mr. Zhan said. “But at the crucial moments, he will be there to help the officials.”
“但他关键的时候他一定是帮助官方的，有时候有些小批评，”展江说。
Mr. Hu’s loyalty to the party has been on display in recent weeks as Beijing has sought to undermine protests against mainland Chinese rule in Hong Kong. Mr. Hu has published dozens of editorials and social media posts about the unrest, denouncing some of the protesters as “fanatical” and a threat to Hong Kong’s future.
最近几周，北京试图破坏香港对中国大陆统治的抗议，胡锡进在这个时候展现出了对党的忠诚，他发表了数十篇有关香港骚乱的社论和社交媒体帖子，谴责一些抗议者“狂热”，是对香港未来的威胁。
In the interview, Mr. Hu said that he could relate to the protesters because of his time at Tiananmen but said they were acting impulsively. He accused the West of helping to fuel instability in Hong Kong, though he acknowledged he did not have any evidence of that.
在采访中，胡锡进说，因为自己在天安门的经历，他可以理解抗议者，但表示他们太冲动了。他指责西方助长了香港的不稳定，不过他承认自己没有任何证据证明这一点。
These days, Mr. Hu works through the night on editorials about the trade war, North Korea and other topics. He travels with an aide wherever he goes so that he can dictate editorials — punctuation included — as soon as an idea strikes him. He keeps a close eye on Mr. Trump’s Twitter account and on Fox News.
这些天，胡锡进彻夜工作，撰写关于贸易战、朝鲜和其他话题的社论。无论走到哪里，他身边都有助手陪同，以便他能在灵感闪现时口述社论（包括标点符号）。他密切关注特朗普的Twitter账号和福克斯新闻。
On a recent day, Mr. Hu published an editorial defending a Chinese diplomat who was criticized by Susan E. Rice, the American former national security adviser, for making racist comments. The editorial reprised one of Mr. Hu’s favorite themes: that the West is intent on “demonizing” China while ignoring its own “pride and prejudice.”
前不久，胡锡进发表了一篇社论，为一个因为发表种族言论而被前美国国家安全顾问苏珊·E·赖斯(Susan E. Rice)批评的中国外交官辩护。社论重申了胡锡进最喜欢的主题之一：西方意在“妖魔化”中国，同时无视自己的“傲慢与偏见”。
Mr. Hu is optimistic about China’s prospects for prevailing in the trade dispute, saying that the public is girded for a long-running battle.
胡锡进对中国在贸易争端中的可以占优势的前景持乐观态度，他说中国人民已经为持久战做好了准备。
As trade talks continue, the party has seemed to find it useful to amplify Mr. Hu’s hawkish views, featuring his editorials about Mr. Pompeo, for example, on the evening news.
随着贸易谈判继续进行，中共似乎觉得放大胡锡进的鹰派观点能带来好处，比如说在新闻联播中播出了他关于庞皮欧的社论。
Mr. Hu brushes aside criticism that he is exacerbating tensions between China and the United States by promoting nationalistic views. He blames American officials for the friction, likening their efforts to restrict Chinese technology companies to a form of warfare. Asked if he foresees military conflict between the two countries, Mr. Hu said the “possibility cannot be ruled out.”
对于那些认为他通过鼓吹民族主义来加剧中美之间紧张关系的批评，胡锡进表示不屑。他将这种摩擦归咎于美国官员，将他们限制中国科技企业的努力比作战争的一种形式。在被问到是否认为两国之间会发生军事冲突时，胡锡进表示，“这种可能性不能排除。”
Mr. Hu then reconsidered his answer, worried his words might be perceived as too forceful. He offered a new assessment: “The danger is greater than before.”
随后，胡锡进重新考虑了一下自己的回答，担心他的话会被认为太冲了。他给出了一个新的评估：“这种危险比过去大。”