In her closing rally on the Ellipse last week, Kamala Harris scorned Donald J. Trump as an outlier who did not represent America. “That is not who we are,” she declared.

上周，贺锦丽在椭圆形草坪的收官集会上嘲讽特朗普是不能代表美国的异类。“那不是我们，”她宣称。

In fact, it turns out, that may be exactly who we are. At least most of us.

最终，事实证明，那可能正是我们。至少是我们中的大多数人。

The assumption that Mr. Trump represented an anomaly who would at last be consigned to the ash heap of history was washed away on Tuesday night by a red current that swept through battleground states — and swept away the understanding of America long nurtured by its ruling elite of both parties.

周二晚上，红色潮流席卷各战场州，冲走了特朗普代表一种最终会被扔进历史垃圾堆的异类的假设，也冲走了两党执政精英长期以来对美国的理解。

No longer can the political establishment write off Mr. Trump as a temporary break from the long march of progress, a fluke who somehow sneaked into the White House in a quirky, one-off Electoral College win eight years ago. With his comeback victory to reclaim the presidency, Mr. Trump has now established himself as a transformational force reshaping the United States in his own image.

政治建制派再也不能把特朗普看作漫长进步过程的暂时中断，看做八年前凭借一场古怪的、一次性的选举团胜利潜入白宫的侥幸者。此次，随着他卷土重来，重新当选总统，特朗普确立了自己作为变革力量的地位，正在按照自己的形象重塑美国。

Populist disenchantment with the nation’s direction and resentment against elites proved to be deeper and more profound than many in both parties had recognized. Mr. Trump’s testosterone-driven campaign capitalized on resistance to electing the first woman president.

事实证明，民粹主义者对国家方向的失望和对精英的怨恨比两党许多人认识到的更深刻、更强烈。特朗普由男性荷尔蒙驱动的竞选活动利用了人们对选出第一位女总统的抵制情绪。

And while tens of millions of voters still cast ballots against Mr. Trump, he once again tapped into a sense among many others that the country they knew was slipping away, under siege economically, culturally and demographically.

尽管仍有数千万选民投票反对特朗普，但他再次利用了许多人的一种感受——他们所知道的这个国家正在衰退，在经济、文化和人口构成方面受到冲击。

To counter that, those voters ratified the return of a brash 78-year-old champion willing to upend convention and take radical action even if it offends sensibilities or violates old standards. Any misgivings about their chosen leader were shoved to the side.

为了应对这种情况，选民们认可了这位78岁的粗鲁斗士回归，他愿意颠覆传统，采取激进的行动，即使这会冒犯他人的感情或违反旧标准。对他们所选领导人的任何疑虑都被抛到一边。

As a result, for the first time in history, Americans have elected a convicted criminal as president. They handed power back to a leader who tried to overturn a previous election, called for the “termination” of the Constitution to reclaim his office, aspired to be a dictator on Day 1 and vowed to exact “retribution” against his adversaries.

结果，美国人在历史上第一次选择了一名被定罪的罪犯担任总统。他们把权力交还给一个试图推翻上届选举的领导人，他要求“终止”宪法，以便夺回自己的职位，他渴望在执政第一天成为独裁者，并发誓要对他的对手进行“报复”。

特朗普把这次选举说成是美国的某种战争。

“The real America becomes Trump’s America,” said Timothy Naftali, a presidential historian at New York University. “Frankly, the world will say if this man wasn’t disqualified by Jan. 6, which was incredibly influential around the world, then this is not the America that we knew.”

“现在特朗普的美国才是真正的美国，”纽约大学总统历史学家蒂莫西·纳夫塔利说。“坦率地说，全世界都会觉得，如果在全世界产生惊人影响的1月6日事件不能让他被取消资格，那这就不是我们所认识的美国。”

To Mr. Trump’s allies, the election vindicates his argument that Washington has grown out of touch, that America is a country weary of overseas wars, excessive immigration and “woke” political correctness.

对于特朗普的盟友来说，这次选举证明了他的观点是正确的——华盛顿已经变得脱离现实，认不清美国是一个厌倦了海外战争、过度移民和“觉醒”政治正确的国家。

“The Trump presidency speaks to the depth of the marginalization felt by those who believe they have been in the cultural wilderness for too long and their faith in the one person who has given voice to their frustration and his ability to center them in American life,” said Melody C. Barnes, the executive director of the Karsh Institute of Democracy at the University of Virginia and a former adviser to President Barack Obama.

弗吉尼亚大学卡什民主研究所执行主任、贝拉克·奥巴马总统的前顾问梅洛迪·巴恩斯说，“特朗普当选总统，说明那些认为自己在文化荒原中中待得太久的人感觉自己被极度边缘化，以及他们非常信任这个表达了他们的不满的人，相信他有能力把他们带回美国生活的中心。”

Rather than be turned off by Mr. Trump’s flagrant, anger-based appeals along lines of race, gender, religion, national origin and especially transgender identity, many Americans found them bracing. Rather than be offended by his brazen lies and wild conspiracy theories, many found him authentic. Rather than dismiss him as a felon found by various courts to be a fraudster, cheater, sexual abuser and defamer, many embraced his assertion that he has been the victim of persecution.

特朗普就种族、性别、宗教、国籍，尤其是跨性别身份问题发出了凶恶的、基于愤怒的呼吁，对此许多美国人非但不厌烦，反而感到振奋。许多人并没有被他厚颜无耻的谎言和疯狂的阴谋论所冒犯，反而觉得他真实可信。许多人并没有将他视为一个被多个法院认定为欺诈者、舞弊者、性虐待者和诽谤者的重罪犯，而是接受了他关于自己遭受迫害的说法。

“This election was a CAT scan on the American people, and as difficult as it is to say, as hard as it is to name, what it revealed, at least in part, is a frightening affinity for a man of borderless corruption,” said Peter H. Wehner, a former strategic adviser to President George W. Bush and vocal critic of Mr. Trump. “Donald Trump is no longer an aberration; he is normative.”

“这次选举是对美国人民的一次CT扫描，尽管很难说出口，尽管很难命名，但它至少在一定程度上揭示了对没有底线的腐败者的一种骇人的亲近感，”乔治·W·布什总统的前战略顾问、激烈批评特朗普的彼得·韦纳说。“唐纳德·特朗普不再是一个异类；他成了常态。”

The fact that Mr. Trump was able to bounce back from so many legal and political defeats over the past four years, any one of which would have been enough to wreck the career of any other politician, was a testament to his remarkable resilience and defiance. He is unbowed and, this time at least, undefeated.

过去四年里，特朗普在法律和政治上屡屡遭受失败，其中任何一次都足以毁掉其他任何一位政界人士的职业生涯，但他能从中恢复，证明了他非凡的韧性和反抗。他没有屈服，至少这一次没有被击败。

It also owed in part to failures of President Biden and Ms. Harris, his vice president. Mr. Trump’s victory was a repudiation of an administration that passed sweeping pandemic relief, social spending and climate change programs but was hobbled by sky-high inflation and illegal immigration, both of which were brought under control too late.

这在一定程度上也要归咎于拜登总统和贺锦丽副总统的失败。特朗普的胜利是对上届政府的否定，上届政府通过了大规模的流行病救济、社会支出和气候变化计划，但却因高通胀和非法移民而步履艰难，对这两个问题的控制来得太晚了。

Moreover, Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris never managed to heal the divisions of the Trump era as promised, though it may never have been possible. They could not figure out how to channel the anger that propels his movement or respond to the culture wars he fosters.

此外，拜登和贺锦丽从未像承诺的那样弥合特朗普时代的分歧，尽管这可能永远都无法实现。他们不知道如何疏导推动特朗普运动的那种愤怒，也不知道如何回应他所引发的文化战争。

Once she took the torch from Mr. Biden, Ms. Harris initially emphasized a positive, joy-filled mission to the future, consolidating excited Democrats behind her, but it was not enough to win over uncommitted voters.

从拜登手中接过火炬后，贺锦丽最初强调的是对未来的一种积极、喜悦的使命感，将兴奋的民主党人团结在她身后，但这还不足以赢得尚未下定决心的选民。

At that point, she switched back to Mr. Biden’s approach of warning about the dangers of Mr. Trump and the incipient fascism she said he represented. That was not enough either.

随后，她又转向拜登的方式，警告特朗普的危险，以及他代表了所谓的早期法西斯主义。而这也不够。

贺锦丽副总统最初强调一种积极而喜悦的使命，但这不足以赢得尚未下定决心的选民。

“The coalition that elected them wanted them to unite the country, and they failed to do so,” said former Representative Carlos Curbelo, an anti-Trump Republican from Florida. “Their failure has resulted in further disillusionment with our country’s politics and empowered the Trump base to give him another narrow victory after setbacks in three consecutive general elections.”

“选举他们的联盟希望他们团结全国，但他们没能做到，”反特朗普的前佛罗里达州共和党众议员卡洛斯·库贝罗说。“他们的失败导致了对我们国家政治的进一步幻灭，这为特朗普的票仓注入了力量，尽管连续三次大选都困难重重，他们还是带来了又一次优势微弱的胜利。”

Ms. Harris did preach unity in her closing days, but her “we are all in this together” message of harmony fell short against Mr. Trump’s “fight, fight, fight” message of belligerence. As much as anything, the election reinforced how polarized the country has become, split down the middle. It is a tribal era, an us-versus-them moment, when each side is so divorced from the other that they find it hard to even comprehend each other.

贺锦丽在最后的日子里确实宣扬了团结，但她所传达的“我们同舟共济”的和谐信息与特朗普“战斗、战斗、战斗”的好战信息相比未免相形见绌。最重要的是，这次选举加剧了这个国家的两极分化，它已分裂成两半。这是一个部落时代，一个我们对抗他们的时刻，双方格格不入，连听懂对方在说什么都很难。

Mr. Trump’s political resurrection also highlighted an often underestimated aspect of the 248-year-old American democratic experiment.

特朗普在政治上的复活也突显了美国248年民主实验中经常被低估的一面。

For all of its commitment to constitutionalism, the United States has seen moments before when the public hungered for a strongman and exhibited a willingness to empower such a figure with outsized authority. That has often come during times of war or national peril, but Mr. Trump frames the current struggle for America as a war of sorts.

尽管美国一直奉行宪政，但它也经历过公众渴望铁腕人物、愿意赋予这位强人极大权力的时刻。这种情况通常发生在战争或国家处于危险时期，但特朗普将美国目前的斗争描述为某种战争。

“Trump has been conditioning Americans throughout this campaign to see American democracy as a failed experiment,” said Ruth Ben-Ghiat, a historian and author of “Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present.” By praising dictators like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and President Xi Jinping of China, she said, “he has used his campaign to prepare Americans for autocracy.”

“在整个竞选过程中，特朗普一直在引导美国人把美国的民主视为一场失败的实验，”历史学家、《强人——从墨索里尼到现在》（Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present）一书的作者露丝·本-吉亚特说。她说，通过赞扬俄罗斯总统普京和中国国家主席习近平等独裁者，“他利用竞选活动让美国人为专制做好了准备”。

She cited his adoption of language from Nazi and Soviet lexicons, such as branding opponents as “vermin” and the “enemy from within” while accusing immigrants of “poisoning the blood of our country,” and suggesting that he might use the military to round up opponents. “A victory for Trump would mean that this vision of America — and the recourse to violence as a means of solving political problems — has triumphed,” Ms. Ben-Ghiat said.

她指出，特朗普使用了纳粹和苏联的词汇，比如把反对者称为“害虫”和“来自内部的敌人”，指责移民“毒害了我们国家的血液”，并暗示他可能会动用军队来围捕反对者。“特朗普的胜利将意味着这种美国愿景——以及用暴力解决政治问题的手段——取得了胜利，”本-吉亚特说。

Others cautioned against assuming Mr. Trump would follow through on his most outlandish threats. Marc Short, who was chief of staff to Vice President Mike Pence and might have reasons to worry given Mr. Trump’s anger at him and his former boss, said he was not concerned about a wave of retaliation.

也有人告诫说，不要以为特朗普会兑现他最离谱的威胁。马克·肖特曾是副总统迈克·彭斯的幕僚长，考虑到特朗普对他和他的前老板的愤怒，他可能有理由担心，但他表示，他并不担心会出现一波报复行动。

特朗普再次利用了一些选民的一种感觉：他们所熟悉的这个国家正在消逝。

“I don’t believe in that,” he said. “I think there’s a lot of theater around that more than there is real sort of retribution.”

“我不信，”他说。“我认为很多是装模做样，不是真正的报复。”

But Mr. Short predicted another four years of chaos and uncertainty. “I would anticipate a lot of volatility — personnel but also significant boomerangs on policy,” he said. “Not boomerang from Biden-Harris but boomerang from himself. You’ll have one position one day and another the next.”

但肖特预测，未来四年将是混乱和不确定的。“我预计会有很大的动荡——人事方面，但政策方面也会有很多回旋镖，”他说。“不是来自拜登-贺锦丽的回旋镖，而是来自他自己的回旋镖。今天是一个立场，明天又是另一个立场。”

Mr. Trump’s latest victory also adds ammunition to the argument that the country is not ready for a woman in the Oval Office. Mr. Trump, a thrice-married admitted adulterer accused of sexual misconduct by more than two dozen women, has for the second time defeated a woman with more experience in public office than he had. Each of them was flawed, just as male candidates are flawed, but the sense of 2016 déjà vu on the left on Wednesday morning was palpable.

特朗普的最新胜利也验证了美国还没有准备好让一位女性入主椭圆形办公室的说法。特朗普结过三次婚，曾经承认通奸，被20多名女性指控有不当性行为，这是他第二次击败一名比他更有公职经验的女性。和所有男性候选人一样，她们各有自己的缺点，但周三上午，左翼人士显然有一种2016年重演的感觉。

Mr. Trump ran a campaign openly aimed at men, featuring Hulk Hogan ripping off his shirt at the Republican National Convention, macho talk at his closing Madison Square Garden rally and even the former president himself seeming to simulate a sex act on a microphone in the final days of the race. On Election Day, Mr. Trump’s adviser Stephen Miller posted a message on social media saying, “If you know any men who haven’t voted, get them to the polls.”

特朗普的竞选活动公开针对男性，在共和党全国代表大会上，胡克·霍根撕开了自己的衬衫；在麦迪逊广场花园的收官集会上，他发表了充满大男子主义色彩的讲话，甚至在竞选的最后几天，前总统本人似乎还用麦克风模拟性行为。在选举日，特朗普的顾问史蒂芬·米勒在社交媒体上发布了一条消息，称“如果你认识任何没有投票的男人，请让他们去投票”。

According to exit polls, a majority of her supporters were women while a majority of his supporters were men. Yet even though most abortion rights referendums were passing in various states on Tuesday, the issue did not galvanize women in the first presidential race since Roe v. Wade was overturned to the extent that Democrats had expected and Republicans feared.

根据出口民调，贺锦丽的大部分支持者是女性，特朗普的大部分支持者是男性。然而，尽管周二大多数州通过了堕胎权利公投，但不像民主党人预期和共和党人担心的那样，在罗诉韦德案被推翻后的首次总统竞选中，堕胎权问题并没有激发女性的积极性。

In a sense, Mr. Trump’s victory also brings the Jan. 6, 2021, ransacking of the Capitol by a mob of his supporters full circle. The attack, aimed at stopping the finalization of Mr. Biden’s 2020 victory, has now been recast from a deadly assault on democracy that discredited Mr. Trump into a patriotic act that will generate pardons promised by the newly re-elected president.

从某种意义上说，特朗普的胜利也为2021年1月6日他的支持者对国会大厦的冲击画上了圆满的句号。那次袭击旨在阻止对拜登2020年胜选结果的最终确认，现在已经从对民主发起的一场致人死亡的攻击——并让特朗普名誉扫地——变成了爱国行为，再度上任的新总统承诺将对其做出赦免。

“In many ways, this is the last chapter of the Jan. 6 drama,” said Mr. Naftali. “Many Republicans thought they had managed to thread the needle, to avoid pissing off their base while also jettisoning Trump. And it turned out they hadn’t. And now they have him back. And if he wins the bet, and he’s returned to power, then the final verdict of Jan. 6 is that in modern America, you can cheat and the system isn’t strong enough to fight back.”

“从很多方面来说，这是1月6日那出大戏的最后一章，”纳夫塔利说。许多共和党人认为，他们已经成功完成了任务，既避免激怒自己的票仓，又抛弃了特朗普。事实证明他们没有。现在他们又把他拉回来了。如果他赌赢了，重新掌权，那么对1月6日的最终裁决就是，在现代美国，你可以作弊，而制度却没有足够的力量来反击。”

The defining struggle going forward will be the war that Mr. Trump says he will now wage against a system that he deems corrupt. If he follows his campaign promises, he will seek to consolidate more power in the presidency, bring the “deep state” to heel and go after “treasonous” political opponents in both parties and the media.

未来的决定性斗争将是特朗普所称的对他认为腐败的制度发动战争。如果他履行竞选承诺，他将寻求巩固总统职位的更多权力，让“深层政府”就范，并打击两党和媒体中那些“叛国”的政治对手。

As he does that, he will have legitimacy and experience that he did not have the last time around. He learned from his first term, not so much about policy, but about how to pull the levers of power. And this time, he will have more latitude, a more aligned set of advisers and possibly both houses of Congress as well as a party that even more than eight years ago answers solely to him.

在实现这些目标的过程中，他将拥有上一任期所没有的正当性和经验。他从第一个任期里学到的与其说是政策，不如说是如何撬动权力杠杆。而这一次，他将拥有更大的自由，一群更加团结一致的顾问，可能还有国会两院，以及一个甚至比八年前更加只听命于他的政党。

The Trump era, it turns out, was not a four-year interregnum. Assuming he finishes his new term, it now looks to be a 12-year era that puts him at the center of the political stage as long as Franklin D. Roosevelt or Ronald Reagan were.

事实证明，特朗普时代并不是一个四年的过渡期。假设他完成了自己的新任期，那么现在看来，这将是一个长达12年的时代，他将像富兰克林·D·罗斯福或罗纳德·里根一样，长期处于政治舞台的中心。

It is Mr. Trump’s America after all.

毕竟，这是特朗普的美国。