Airline ticket giveaways, elaborate drone and pyrotechnic shows, and invitations to thousands of influencers to visit and “tell a good story.” These are among the wide-ranging ways Hong Kong has tried to revive its international tourism industry, a crucial economic driver battered by years of pandemic restrictions and political upheaval.

赠送机票，精心制作的无人机和烟火表演，邀请数千网红参观并“讲一个好故事”。这些是香港为试图重振国际旅游业所采取的各种各样的做法，旅游业是香港经济的一个重要推动力，受到了持续几年的控制疫情措施和政治动荡的打击。

It hasn’t been working that well.

这些做法的效果并不理想。

Despite these efforts, for which the Hong Kong government budgeted roughly $129 million this year, the rebound of international travel to the city continues to lag far behind the tourist activity reported at most other Asian destinations. Thailand, South Korea and Japan are reporting visitor numbers nearing or surpassing prepandemic levels, as is most of the rest of the world, according to the latest data from the United Nations World Tourism Organization.

尽管香港政府今年为推动旅游业发展增拨了逾10.9亿港元的预算，香港国际旅游的复兴仍远远落后于大多数其他亚洲目的地。联合国世界旅游组织的最新数据显示，泰国、韩国和日本报告的游客数量已接近或超过疫情前的水平，世界上大部分其他地区也如此。

But across Hong Kong, small shops and restaurants have closed, luxury hotels have dozens of empty rooms on any given night, and vibrant neighborhoods, once thronged with tourists, have quieted.

但香港到处都有关了门的小商店和餐馆，豪华酒店每个晚上都有几十间空房间，曾经游客如织的热闹街道已变得冷清。

Numerous factors have led to this decline. In 2019, pro-democracy demonstrations over mainland China’s deepening control roiled Hong Kong. Tourism plummeted amid the turmoil, falling nearly 40 percent in the second half of the year compared with 2018. In early 2020, in response to the pandemic, Hong Kong closed its borders, enacted long quarantines and intermittently banned flights — some of its measures went beyond those in the other parts of the world. Recently, an exodus of foreign residents and companies has threatened the city’s reputation as a global finance hub, while other Asian cities continue to rapidly develop their own tourism infrastructure. And Hong Kong locals, lured by cheaper prices, are traveling to mainland China to eat and shop.

许多因素导致了这种衰退。2019年，抗议中国大陆加强控制的大规模民主示威活动席卷了香港，旅游业受动荡影响一落千丈，下半年的来港人数与2018年同期相比下降了近40%。2020年初，为应对疫情，香港关闭了边境，对来香港的人进行长时间的隔离，还断断续续地暂停航班，这些措施中有一些超过了世界其他地区的做法。最近，外国居民和公司的大量外流威胁了香港作为全球金融中心的声誉，而其他亚洲城市则继续快速发展自身的旅游基础设施。而香港本地人受便宜物价的诱惑，纷纷前往中国大陆就餐购物。

“It had glamour, entertainment, lifestyle, the beautiful harbor. But the sands have shifted,” said Gary Bowerman, a travel expert who heads a Hong Kong-based consulting company called Check-In Asia. “It’s not just about Covid and the uprising; the whole of Asia has changed around them.”

“这里曾有魅力、娱乐、生活方式和美丽的港口。但情况已经变了，”旅游专家加里·鲍尔曼说，他是一家总部位于香港的咨询公司Check-In Asia的负责人。“这不只是由于疫情和动荡；整个亚洲已在这些方面发生了变化。”

‘We haven’t had a lot of luck lately’

“我们最近运气不太好。”

Hong Kong’s neon-lit atmosphere, Michelin-heavy restaurant scene, and iconic skyline of impossibly tall buildings and undulating hills built the city’s reputation as a cosmopolitan destination that annually drew millions of tourists.A British colony turned special administrative region of China, Hong Kong was long known for its relative autonomy from Beijing.

香港霓虹闪烁，米其林餐厅众多，标志性的天际线上有高耸入云的摩天大楼和起伏的山峦，这一切曾让这座城市享有国际大都市的声誉，每年曾吸引来百千万的游客。香港曾是英国殖民地，后来成为中国的特别行政区，长期以来一直有相对自治的名声。

In 2018, the city received its most visitors ever: around 65 million people, according to the Hong Kong Tourism Board, with tourists spending more than $42 billion, about 4.5 percent of the city’s gross domestic product. In 2019, tourism slowed; 56 million travelers spent about $33 billion.

据香港旅游发展局，2018年的访港旅客人次超过6500万，是有史以来最高的，入境旅游总消费3282亿港元，约占当地生产总值的4.5%。2019年，旅游业放缓，访港旅客人次降到5600万以下，游客总消费减少到2562亿港元。

In all of 2023, 34 million people visited Hong Kong while in the first eight months of this year about 29 million people have visited, according to the tourism board. A welcome increase, but lukewarm compared with the high figures before the pandemic.

据旅游发展局，2023年全年的访港旅客人次为3400万，今年前八个月的访港旅客人次约为2900万。这是一个可喜的增长，但与疫情前的高数字相比显得不温不火。

In July, I traveled to Hong Kong to experience the city myself. One evening in Mong Kok, known before the pandemic to be a frenetic and densely packed shopping district, I easily navigated the maze of vendors peddling everything from fresh mangosteen to goldfish. There weren’t any crowds. Cavernous luxury malls along Victoria Harbor in Tsim Sha Tsui, a brief ferry ride north of Hong Kong Island, had plenty of high-end stores, but customers were scarce and employees, in stores like Burberry and Aesop, seemed to be idling in their shops. The majority of tourists were outside leisurely strolling the Avenue of Stars, a sweeping waterfront promenade, and taking in the views of the harbor, which cost nothing.

今年7月，我前往香港亲身体验了这座城市。疫情暴发前，旺角是一个有名的购物区，商铺密集，买卖兴旺。一天晚上，我在兜售从新鲜山竹到金鱼等各种商品的摊贩迷宫里轻松地逛了逛。没看到拥挤的人群。乘渡轮只需很短时间就到了位于港岛北边尖沙咀的维多利亚港。维多利亚港沿岸的豪华购物中心很大也很空，虽然高端商店云集，但顾客稀少，巴宝莉和伊索等商店的销售员们似乎无事可做。大多数游客悠闲地漫步在外边宽阔的海滨长廊星光大道上，欣赏港口的美景，那是免费的。

I also visited the M+ Museum, a 700,000-square-foot complex that opened in 2021 after years of delays with space for galleries, cinemas and a rooftop garden, and designed to rival internationally renowned museums like the Tate Modern and Museum of Modern Art. But I found the atmosphere to be quiet and Zenlike compared with the crowds you’ll find at those museums.

 我还参观了M+博物馆。推迟多年后，这座总建筑面积约为6.5万平方米的综合建筑终于在2021年开放，内有展览空间、几个剧场和一个天台花园，其设计目的是与伦敦泰特现代美术馆和纽约现代艺术博物馆等国际知名博物馆竞争。但与那些博物馆里拥挤的人群相比，我发现这里气氛安静，颇有禅意。

Another evening, I sought out Under Bridge Spicy Crab, a popular restaurant in Wan Chai, one of Hong Kong’s oldest districts. I braced for a long wait, but instead was quickly ushered in to a half-empty room.

另一天晚上，我去了一家很受欢迎的餐厅“桥底辣蟹”，它位于香港最古老的地区之一湾仔。我做好了长时间等位的准备，但很快就被领进了一个半空的房间。

Small businesses and restaurants are struggling from the dearth of customers. Simon Wong Ka-wo, president of the Hong Kong Federation of Restaurants & Related Trades, said he estimated that about 1,000 restaurants had shuttered from March through August, reeling as Hong Kong residents head to mainland China and elsewhere to dine and shop, as well as the fewer tourist dollars coming to Hong Kong.

小企业和餐馆因缺乏顾客正在苦苦挣扎。香港餐饮联业协会会长黄家和表示，据他估计，从今年3月到8月，已有约1000家餐馆关门，香港居民纷纷前往中国大陆和其他地方就餐购物，再加上来港游客人数减少，让这些餐馆难以为继。

Kevin Shih, who owns several Japanese restaurants including Jan Jan Kushikatsu in Wan Chai, never saw the uptick in business he expected after Hong Kong’s pandemic restrictions were relaxed last year. Nightlife in the city overall, he said, remains subdued.

石健华拥有多家日本料理店，包括位于湾仔的串扬专门店。香港去年放宽疫情限制措施后，石健华的生意并没有像他预期的那样好转。他说，香港的夜生活总体上仍不活跃。

“There’s less people hanging out in bars, less people hanging out late night. In general, there’s just less people in the street,” Mr. Shih said. “I guess Hong Kong is trying, but we haven’t had a lot of luck lately.”

“泡酒吧的人少了，很少有人一直呆到深夜。总的来说，街上的人少了，”石健华说。“我觉得香港在努力，但我们最近运气不太好。”

But recently some welcome changes could be seen, Mr. Wong Ka-wo said, with more visitors arriving around Golden Week, a weeklong Chinese national holiday in early October.

但最近已能看到一些可喜的变化，黄家和说，更多的游客已在黄金周前后来港，黄金周指的是10月初为期一周的中国国庆节假期。

“The inflow of tourists from the mainland and other countries has been encouraging,” he said. “More new shops of different specialties have been opened in early September to meet the demand.”

“来自内地和其他国家游客数量令人鼓舞，”他说。“更多不同特色的新店已在9月初开门来满足需求。”

‘Slower than anyone anticipated’

“比所有人预期的都要慢”

The Peninsula Hotel, the territory’s oldest hotel and one of the most luxurious properties in the world, towers grandly over Victoria Harbor. Inside are 300 rooms and suites, and afternoon tea is served in an opulent and vast lobby with gilded molding. A fleet of spotless Rolls-Royce Phantoms flanks the entrance, awaiting passengers to whisk around the city, and guests can also arrive by helicopter, using a rooftop helipad.

维多利亚港气派雄伟的半岛酒店是香港历史最悠久的酒店，也是世界上最豪华的酒店之一。酒店有300个客房和套房，在金色装饰的华丽大堂里有下午茶提供。一尘不染的劳斯莱斯幻影系列车队停在酒店入口两侧，等待着把乘客迅速送到城市各处，客人还可以乘坐直升机抵达屋顶的直升机停机坪。

In August, the Hongkong and Shanghai Hotels, the holding company that owns and operates the Peninsula and nine other locations worldwide, reported an underlying loss of $57 million for the first half of this year. In contrast, the company had an underlying profit of $19 million for the same period in 2019. This year’s loss was attributed in part to lackluster performance in Hong Kong, with weakened long-haul markets from the United States and Europe, in addition to Hong Kong residents traveling to nearby Shenzhen, in mainland China.

今年8月，拥有并经营香港和全球其他九家半岛酒店的控股集团香港上海大酒店有限公司报告称，今年上半年的基本亏损为2.57亿港元。相比之下，该公司2019年同期的基本利润为1.48亿港元。今年的亏损可部分归因于美国和欧洲的长距离旅行市场疲软，导致香港旅游业表现不佳，再加上香港居民前往附近的中国内地城市深圳。

Clement Kwok, the company’s chief executive, said that while Hong Kong continued to be affected by “weaker long-haul travel,” there were “positive signs of recovery.”

该公司总经理郭敬文说，虽然香港继续受“长距离旅行市场疲软”的影响，但已有“复苏的积极迹象”。

“An increasing number of overseas visitors to Hong Kong have realized that Hong Kong remains an attractive destination for both business and leisure travelers,” Mr. Kwok said.

“从海外来香港访问的越来越多旅客已意识到，香港仍是商务和休闲旅行的理想目的地，”郭敬文说。

Most of the 23 million visitors who came to Hong Kong between January and August traveled from mainland China, while fewer than two million came from long-haul markets, including the United States, Canada and Australia. This was about a million fewer long-haul tourists than in the same time period of 2019.

今年1月至8月，访港游客达到2300万人次，其中大多数来自中国内地，来自美国、加拿大和澳大利亚等长距离市场的游客不到200万人次。与2019年同期相比，长距离旅行的访港游客减少了约100万人次。

Across town in Central, the city’s business district, the Upper House is a five-star hotel with serene, minimalist interiors and rooms that start at $600 a night. The property has tried to lure guests with offers such as complimentary extra nights and curated wellness experiences.

位于市中心商业区中环的弈居是一家五星级酒店，内部装潢静谧简约，客房起价每晚4500港元。这家酒店已试图通过免费多住一晚和精选健康体验等优惠来吸引客人。

“It has taken time for international tourism to come back to Hong Kong,” said Kristina Snaith-Lense, the hotel’s general manager. “Our No. 1 long-haul leisure market is the U.S., followed by the U.K. And it’s coming. It’s just slower than anyone anticipated.”

“国际旅游业重返香港需要时间，”弈居总经理克里斯蒂娜·斯奈斯-伦斯说。“我们的第一大长距离休闲旅行市场是美国，其次是英国。市场正在重返。只是比所有人预期的都要慢。”

Airlines slow to restore service

航空公司恢复航班的速度慢

During the pandemic, global airlines drastically cut flights connecting Hong Kong to the rest of the world. Airlines have been slow to restore service.

疫情期间，全球的航空公司都大幅减少了连接香港与世界其他地区的航班。航空公司恢复这些航班的速度很慢。

The number of seats between Hong Kong and everywhere else is down 18 percent this October, compared with the same month five years ago, according to Cirium, an aviation data company. But the drops to and from certain regions are startling: a 34 percent decline in seats for connections to North America and a 41 percent decrease in those to Europe.

据航空数据公司Cirium的统计，今年10月从香港往返世界其他地区的航班座位数量与五年前的同期相比减少了18%。但往返于某些地区的座位数量下降惊人：香港往返北美的航班座位数减少了34%，往返欧洲的航班座位数减少了41%。

Some airlines, like Lufthansa, have slashed the number of seats by more than 60 percent. British Airways, which flies 42 percent fewer seats now than in 2019, is halving service from London to Hong Kong. (A spokesperson for British Airways told The South China Morning Post that operating costs had risen because the closure of Russian airspace.)

有些航空公司，如汉莎航空，已将座位数削减了60%以上。英国航空公司目前往返香港的航班座位数比2019年减少了42%，并正在把伦敦与香港之间的航班数减半。（英国航空公司的一名发言人对《南华早报》说，俄罗斯领空关闭已造成运营成本上升。）

Others, like American Airlines, haven’t resumed flights to Hong Kong. The airline discontinued service in December 2021, citing soft demand in Asia.

其他航空公司，如美国航空，尚未恢复飞往香港的航班。美国航空在2021年12月停飞了航班，理由是亚洲的需求疲软。

However, United Airlines, currently the only U.S. carrier with flights to Hong Kong, will soon operate more flights than it did before before the pandemic. Later this month, it will offer a second flight from Los Angeles, in addition to two daily flights operating from San Francisco.

但美国航司中目前唯一有飞港航班的联合航空不久将把飞香港的航班数增加到高于疫情前的水平。本月晚些时候，美联航将开通第二班每天从洛杉矶飞往香港的航班，它每天已经有两个从旧金山飞往香港的航班。

Patrick Quayle, United’s senior vice president for global network planning and alliances, said that the additional flights to Hong Kong would give customers more flexibility.

美联航负责全球飞航网路规划和结盟的高级副总裁帕特里克·奎尔说，增加飞往香港的航班将为乘客提供更大的灵活性。

“Coming out of the pandemic, the increased service will provide more connectivity and optionality to one of the world’s premier business destinations,” Mr. Quayle said.

“疫情过去之后，这些增加的航班将为全球最著名的商务旅行目的地之一提供更多的连接和选择，”奎尔说。

Hong Kong’s Cathay Pacific Airways, which has struggled with pilot shortages, said it aimed to have all of its prepandemic flights back by early 2025, and would be increasing the number of flights between Hong Kong and North America next year. And ongoing work on a third runway system at Hong Kong International Airport, which would significantly boost the airport’s capacity, is scheduled for completion by the end of this year.

香港的国泰航空表示目标是在2025年初恢复所有疫情前的航班，并将在明年增加香港与北美之间的航班数量。国泰一直受飞行员短缺问题的困扰。香港国际机场的第三条跑道系统目前仍在建设中，预计将于年底完工，这将大大提高机场的飞机起降数量。

‘The energy of the city is still there’

“这座城市的活力仍在”

Flight connectivity is far from the only obstacle.

空中交通远非唯一的障碍。

“It’s a lot of twisted perceptions about Hong Kong,” said Dane Cheng, executive director of the Hong Kong Tourism Board, at a recent news conference. That, he continued, “is most difficult for us to deal with, particularly in the long-haul markets.”

“人们对香港有很多扭曲的看法，”香港旅游发展局总干事程鼎一在最近的一个记者会上表示。那是“我们最难解决的问题，尤其是在长距离旅行市场”，他继续说。

He added that visitors would feel different once they came.

他还表示，游客一旦来到这里，会有不同的感觉。

The tourism board has stacked the calendar with events to entice tourists. In October alone, Hong Kong will host a food and wine festival, a major cycling event, a jazz festival and a professional women’s tennis tournament. In December, two giant pandas given by the Chinese government will go on public view at the Ocean Park theme park.

旅游发展局已安排了一系列盛事以吸引游客。仅今年10月份就将举办香港美酒佳肴巡礼、大型自行车比赛、爵士音乐节，以及女子职业网球公开赛。今年12月，公众将在在海洋公园首次看到中央政府赠送的两只大熊猫。

And there are big hopes for the new Kai Tak Sports Park, scheduled to open in March, to draw tourists from both near and far. Coldplay will perform three shows at the park’s 50,000-seat stadium in April.

人们对定于明年3月开门、新建的启德体育园寄予厚望，希望它能把附近和远方的游客吸引来。酷玩乐队将于明年4月在这个有5万个座位的体育场举行三场演出。

The Tourism Board has also highlighted improving customer service for workers in service and hospitality, with a directive to “smile more.” Videos released online by the board promote attentive hospitality and “going the extra mile” while serving customers in restaurants and taxis. There’s even one about demonstrating courtesy while shoe shopping.

旅游发展局也强调了服务和酒店行业改进从业人员客户服务的重要性，指示他们“多微笑”。该局在网上发布的视频提倡餐馆和出租车为顾客服务时要细心周到，“加倍努力”。甚至还有一段有关顾客买鞋时如何以礼相待的视频。

Curtis Bergh, whom I met in an airport lounge at Hong Kong International Airport, maintained that “the energy of the city is still there.” Mr. Bergh, a 41-year-old who works as a start-up consultant, lives in Taiwan and said he visits Hong Kong often.

我在香港国际机场的贵宾室遇到的柯蒂斯·伯格坚称，“这座城市的活力仍在。”现年41岁的伯格是一名创业顾问，住在台湾，他自称经常去香港。

But noting the departure of many businesses to other cities such as Singapore, he remarked that “people’s perceptions have changed.”

但他也注意到许多企业已迁往新加坡等其他城市，并表示“人们的看法已经变了”。

A crackdown by the authorities in Hong Kong has raised concerns among western companies and officials. Governments among Hong Kong’s top tourism markets, including the United States and Canada, have advised their citizens to exercise increased caution when visiting. The U.S. State Department warned that the Hong Kong government had “dramatically restricted civil liberties” and encouraged travelers to “keep a low profile.”

香港当局压制异见的做法引起了西方公司和官员的担忧。美国和加拿大等国曾是香港主要的入境旅游市场，这些国家的政府已建议本国公民去香港旅行时要更加谨慎。美国国务院警告，香港政府“大幅限制公民自由”，并劝告去那里旅行的人“保持低调”。

The government began prosecuting journalists and pro-democracy activists under an expanded national security law adopted last March. Acts like wearing a T-shirt with a protest slogan or criticizing China’s leader, Xi Jinping, on social media have landed Hong Kong citizens in prison with sentences exceeding a year.

香港去年3月通过了《维护国家安全条例草案》后，政府开始用该法律来惩罚记者和民主活动人士。已有香港公民因为穿着印有抗议口号的T恤，或在社交媒体上批评中国领导人习近平等行为而被判处一年以上的监禁。

After a ride on the Star Ferry across Victoria Harbor, I disembarked in Kowloon. There, I spotted a billboard with mug shots of people sought by the Hong Kong Police Force for pro-independence efforts. All were accused of endangering national security; cash rewards were being offered for information leading to their arrest.

从维多利亚港乘天星小轮在九龙下船后，我看到一块广告牌，上面贴着被香港警方通缉者的大头照，通缉的原因是他们支持香港独立。他们都被指控危害国家安全；警方悬赏捉拿归案的线索。

Another day, I took the tram up Victoria Peak, a viewpoint that offers staggering vistas of the city. About seven million people visit each year, according to the peak’s website. The ride was both extremely scenic and vertical.

还有一天，我乘坐缆车来到太平山顶，从这里可将香港的壮丽景色一览无遗。据山顶缆车网站，每年约有700万人来这里观光。缆车几乎是垂直升降，一路风景优美。

At the top, I spoke with Venita Ross, an educator visiting from Salt Lake City. She had added a few days in Hong Kong after a work trip to Seoul.

我在山顶上与来自盐湖城的教育工作者温妮特·罗斯进行了交谈。她去首尔出差后顺道来港停留数天。

“I just wanted to see it. It has always been a dream,” said Ms. Ross, of her first visit to the city. “There’s so much people, so much shopping, there’s so much entrepreneurship; it looks like a thriving economy.”

“我只是想看看香港。这一直是我的梦想，”罗斯说，这是她第一次来香港。“这里有很多人，很多的购物，还有很多的创业精神；经济看起来也繁荣。”

That made me think of a conversation I had with another tourist, whom I met on the Avenue of Stars, admiring the statue of the martial arts star Bruce Lee.

这让我想起了我与另一名游客的对话，我们在星光大道上相遇时，她正驻足观看功夫明星李小龙的雕像。

Victoria Hamade, visiting from Qatar with her husband and young daughter, said she initially didn’t have a lot of expectations for Hong Kong. But she’d been impressed by the scenery and the shopping, and said the quiet was nice.

维多利亚·哈马德与丈夫和一个年幼的女儿一起从卡塔尔来香港旅游，她说她最初对香港没有太多期待。但她已对这里的风景和购物留下了深刻印象，并说游客少也不是坏事。

“I was expecting a lot of tourists, but it’s not like that,” she said.

“我原以为会有很多游客，但情况不是这样，”她说。

Daniel, her husband, was quick to interject. “I think there are a lot of local tourists,” he said. “Most of them seem like they’re from other parts of China, not Western tourists.”

她的丈夫丹尼尔很快插了句话。“我觉得这里有很多本地游客，”他说。“他们中的大多数看起来是来自中国其他地方，不是西方游客。”

The war in Ukraine is providing North Korea’s military with something it has long hoped for: opportunities to test its new weapons and its officers’ preparedness for modern warfare, analysts and officials in South Korea said on Wednesday.

韩国的分析人士和官员周三表示，乌克兰战争为朝鲜军方提供了它一直希望得到的东西：测试新武器以及让朝鲜军官为现代战争做好准备的机会。

In recent weeks, Ukrainian officials, including President Volodymyr Zelensky, have said that in addition to providing large shipments of artillery shells and ballistic missiles for Russia, North Korea has been sending military engineers and soldiers to fight alongside Russian troops. Last week, Kim Yong-hyun, South Korea’s defense minister, called it “highly likely” that several North Korean soldiers had already been killed in the fighting, and that North Korea would send more troops to help Russia.

最近几周，总统泽连斯基和其他乌克兰官员称，除了为俄罗斯提供大量炮弹和弹道导弹外，朝鲜还派遣军事工程师和士兵与俄罗斯军队并肩作战。上周，韩国国防部长金龙显称，“极有可能”已经有几名朝鲜士兵在战斗中丧生，朝鲜还将派遣更多军队帮助俄罗斯。

Moscow helped North Korea fight the Korean War seven decades ago by supplying weapons and pilots. Now, the North’s aid to Russia in a distant war is turning history back on itself. It is also, analysts said, strengthening its military preparedness on the Korean Peninsula at a time of growing tensions with South Korea​.

70年前，通过提供武器和飞行员，莫斯科帮助朝鲜打了朝鲜战争。现在，朝鲜在一场遥远的战争中向俄罗斯提供的援助正在翻转历史。分析人士表示，在与韩国的紧张关系日益加剧之际，它还加强了在朝鲜半岛的军事准备。

Since the Korean War, North Korea has not fought another major conflict. But it has sought opportunities to sell weapons and other military assistance to friendly countries. It sent pilots to aid North Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Its pilots also flew for Egypt in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. North Korea also sent missile technicians and, according to Tass, the Russian state news agency, two small units of combat troops to fight for the Assad regime during Syria’s civil war in 2016.

自朝鲜战争以来，朝鲜没有再卷入重大冲突。但它一直在寻找机会向友好国家出售武器，提供其他军事援助。在越南战争期间，它派遣飞行员援助北越。它的飞行员还在1973年的赎罪日战争中为埃及飞行。据俄罗斯国家通讯社塔斯社报道，2016年叙利亚内战期间，朝鲜派遣了导弹技术人员和两支小型作战部队为阿萨德政权作战。

“It has been a pattern: When North Korea has sold weapons to countries at war, they sent personnel not only to help those countries use the weapons, but often also to fight there themselves,” said Yang Uk, a military expert at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul. “They don’t seem to like missing opportunities to fight in a war and gain experience.”

“这已经成为了一种模式：当朝鲜向处于战争状态的国家出售武器时，他们不仅会派人员帮助这些国家使用这些武器，而且往往还会派人员亲自去那里作战，”首尔峨山政策研究院的军事专家杨旭（音）说。“他们似乎不喜欢错过参战和获得经验的机会。”

If North Korea sent ground troops to Ukraine, it would be “their first major war in decades, an opportunity where their officers could get a sample of how modern war is fought, including the use of drones,” Mr. Yang added. “They will study how the knowledge they gain there can be translated into the Korean theater.”

如果朝鲜向乌克兰派遣地面部队，那将是“他们几十年来的第一次重大战争，他们的军官可以借此机会了解现代战争如何进行，包括无人机的使用”，杨旭还说。“他们将研究如何把在那里获得的知识转化到朝鲜战场上。”

1月，袭击乌克兰哈尔科夫的一枚据信由朝鲜制造的导弹的残骸。

Washington has repeatedly warned of growing military cooperation between Russia and North Korea, providing photographic evidence that weapons from North Korea, especially its KN-23 short-range ballistic missiles, have been used against Ukraine.

华盛顿曾多次警告，俄罗斯与朝鲜之间的军事合作日益密切，并提供照片证据，证明朝鲜的武器已被用于对付乌克兰，尤其是KN-23短程弹道导弹。

The KN-23 is one of a series of nuclear-capable short-range ballistic missiles North Korea has developed and tested in recent years. It would be one of the main weapons North Korea would use against South Korea should war break out on the Korean Peninsula, military experts said.

KN-23是朝鲜近年来开发和试验的一系列具备核能力的短程弹道导弹之一。军事专家表示，如果朝鲜半岛爆发战争，这将是朝鲜用来对付韩国的主要武器之一。

“From the battlefield use, North Korea will collect valuable data to improve its missiles’ effectiveness — data it can also use to help sell the missiles to foreign buyers,” said Yang Moo-jin, the president of the University of North Korean Studies in Seoul.

位于首尔的朝鲜大学校长梁茂进（音）表示：“朝鲜将从战场使用中收集宝贵的数据，以提高其导弹的效能——这些数据也可以用来帮助向外国买家出售导弹。”

Analysts in South Korea said that North Korea’s main personnel contribution to Russia’s war would be engineers and weapons advisers to help the Russian military operate its weapons, observe defects and collect data from their battlefield use. Many of the North Korean artillery shells and missiles are said to be of poor quality, turning out to be duds.

韩国分析人士表示，朝鲜对俄罗斯战争的主要人员贡献可能是工程师和武器顾问，他们帮助俄罗斯军方操作武器，观察缺陷，并收集战场使用数据。据说，朝鲜的许多炮弹和导弹质量很差，最终被证明是哑弹。

Some analysts doubted that North Korea would commit a large number of troops to the war in Ukraine anytime soon.

一些分析人士怀疑，朝鲜短期内不会向乌克兰战场派遣大量军队。

“That kind of operation requires extensive preparations by both sides, like those annual military exercises South Korea and the United States conduct,” said Park Won-gon, a political scientist at Ewha Womans University in Seoul.

“这种行动需要双方进行大量准备工作，就像韩国和美国进行的年度军事演习一样，”首尔梨花女子大学的政治学家朴元坤（音）说。

North Korea is believed to have shipped thousands of shipping containers of artillery shells, missiles and other weapons to Russia since Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, United States and South Korean officials say. In return, North Korea may seek Russia’s technological help for its nuclear and space programs, as well as opportunities to send its workers to help rebuild Russian-occupied regions in Ukraine and bring home urgently needed income, they said.

美国和韩国官员表示，自莫斯科于2022年入侵乌克兰以来，朝鲜据信已经向俄罗斯运送了数以千计装有炮弹、导弹和其他武器的集装箱。他们说，作为回报，朝鲜可能会寻求俄罗斯对其核项目和太空项目的技术帮助，并有机会派遣朝鲜工人帮助重建俄罗斯占领的乌克兰地区，将急需的收入带回国。

Under United Nations Security Council resolutions, countries are banned from employing North Korean workers or engaging in arms trade with the North.

根据联合国安理会决议，各国被禁止雇佣朝鲜工人或与朝鲜进行武器贸易。

本月首尔阅兵式上的韩国士兵。

Both Moscow ​and Pyongyang have denied ​engaging in arms shipments from North Korea. Russia also called reports that North Korean troops were fighting alongside ​its troops “another fake news story.” In recent weeks, Ukrainian officials and news media have increasingly reported such accusations, without providing photographic or other evidence.

莫斯科和平壤都否认来自朝鲜的武器运送。俄罗斯还称，有关朝鲜军队与俄罗斯军队并肩作战的报道是“又一个假新闻”。最近几周，乌克兰官员和新闻媒体越来越多地报道这类指控，但没有提供照片或其他证据。

“We see an increasing alliance between Russia and regimes like North Korea,” Mr. Zelensky said on Sunday. “It is no longer just about transferring weapons. It is actually about transferring people from North Korea to the occupying military forces.”

“我们看到，俄罗斯与朝鲜等政权之间的联盟越来越紧密，”泽连斯基在周日说。“这不再仅仅是转移武器的问题。这实际上是把人从朝鲜转移到占领军那里。”

As North Korea has fueled its partnership with Russia, it has also turned increasingly hostile toward South Korea, demolishing all railway and road links between the two Koreas with dynamites this week in a symbolic gesture of declaring the South as an enemy state.

随着朝鲜加强与俄罗斯的伙伴关系，它对韩国的敌意也越来越大，本周，朝鲜用炸药摧毁了两国之间的所有铁路和公路连接，这是宣布韩国为敌国的象征性姿态。

“The sense of being allied with Russia can embolden North Korea to become more aggressive toward South Korea,” Mr. Park said.

“与俄罗斯结盟的感觉可能会让朝鲜更加大胆地对韩国采取更具侵略性的行动，”朴元坤说。

The Chinese warplanes, deployed in record numbers, crossed an informal boundary between China and Taiwan. Chinese Coast Guard boats joined naval ships in encircling Taiwan. Fighter jets took off from an aircraft carrier parked off the island’s east coast.

飞越中国与台湾之间非正式边界线的中国战机数量创下纪录。中国海警船只加入到环绕台湾的海军舰艇之列。战斗机从停泊在台湾岛东海岸不远的一艘航空母舰上起飞。

The large-scale military drills China held this week were aimed at demonstrating its potential to choke Taiwan’s access to food and fuel and block the skies and waters from which the United States and its allies would presumably approach in coming to the island’s defense.

中国本周举行了大规模环台军演，旨在展示它有能力阻断台湾的食品和燃料供应，封锁协防台湾的美国及其盟友可能会使用的海空通道。

The exercises showed how China was improving its coordination of complex operations involving a range of military, coast guard and rocket forces. They also raise the risk of a confrontation or accident that could draw in the United States and its Asian allies.

演习表明，中国正在如何改进涉及不同军种、海警部门和火箭部队的复杂行动的协调能力。演习还增加了发生冲突，或有可能将美国及其亚洲盟友卷进来的事故的风险。

China’s tightening military squeeze on Taiwan is imposing a new normal — creating daily pressure that exhausts the island’s defense forces and increases the incentive for Taiwan to capitulate without a fight.

中国对台湾的军事钳制正在形成一种新常态，制造让其每天都能感受到的压力，消磨它的国防力量，增加台湾在不打仗的情况下投降的动机。

It was the second time in less than five months that China has conducted similar exercises in response to what it regarded as pro-separatist remarks by the island’s president, Lai Ching-te. By comparison, China held two such drills during the eight years Mr. Lai’s predecessor, Tsai Ing-wen, was in office.

这是中国在不到五个月的时间里第二次举行类似的演习，是对它眼中台湾总统赖清德支持分裂言论的回应。相比之下，在赖清德的前任蔡英文执政的八年里，中国总共举行了两次这类演习。

“Beijing is normalizing the use of these large scale military and coast guard activities under the Lai administration,” said Brian Hart, a fellow with the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “They have made it clear that if they see things that they perceive as provocative from Taiwan that they will respond this way.”

“赖清德上台后，北京正在将这些大规模的军事和海警活动正常化，”国际战略研究中心中国实力项目研究员贺博然(Brian Hart)说。“中国政府已明确表示，如果他们看到台湾所谓的挑衅行为，将会这样做出回应。”

台湾总统赖清德上周在双十节发表的讲话被中国认为传递了台独信息。

Some analysts saw China’s drills as aimed in part as a response to military exercises by the United States and its allies in the region. On Wednesday, the United States and the Philippines began their annual war games. Troops from Japan, South Korea, Australia, Britain and France are also participating. U.S. exercises with Japan are planned for later this month.

一些分析人士认为，中国的军演部分是针对美国及其盟友在该地区举行的军事演习。周三，美国和菲律宾开始了两国的年度军演。来自日本、韩国、澳大利亚、英国和法国的军队也将参加演习。美国与日本的联合军演计划于本月晚些时候举行。

China kept up the drumbeat of pressure on Taipei on Wednesday with a tour by President Xi Jinping of Dongshan County, a coastal community in eastern Fujian Province that is close to Taiwan. On the same day, Chen Binhua, a spokesman for China’s Taiwan Affairs Office, reiterated that Beijing would not renounce the use of force to take Taiwan, if necessary.

中国在周三继续对台北施压，国家主席习近平视察了位于福建省东部沿海地区的东山县，这里距离台湾最近。同一天，中国国台办发言人陈斌华重申，中国永远不会承诺放弃对台湾使用武力。

Should they become more frequent, China’s large-scale drills increase the risks in what was already one of the most contested areas in the world. An accident between Chinese and Taiwanese forces could plunge the two sides into a political crisis and an “escalation spiral” in which neither Beijing nor Taipei can pull out of, risking war, Mr. Hart said.

如果中国的大规模军演变得更加频繁的话，这个已是世界上争议最激烈地区的风险将进一步加大。贺博然表示，一旦两岸发生军事意外，双方可能会陷入一场政治危机以及北京和台北都无法摆脱的“升级螺旋”，从而引发战争。

In any such conflict between China and Taiwan, the United States might come to Taiwan’s defense. That American support for Taipei remains one of the biggest drivers of tension with China. Beijing accuses Washington of promoting Taiwanese independence, and Washington accuses Beijing of sowing instability with provocative military drills.

如果发生这类冲突的话，美国可能会出面保卫台湾。美国对台湾的支持一直是中美关系紧张的最大动因之一。北京指责华盛顿推动台湾独立，华盛顿则指责北京用挑衅性的军事演习制造不稳定。

The pressure campaign includes challenging Taiwan’s limits in the skies and the waters. Among the record 153 planes China flew toward the island, 111 crossed the so-called median line in the Taiwan Strait. Until several years ago, it was an informal boundary that they had rarely crossed. The coast guard also sent four boats into restricted waters near Taiwan’s Matsu Islands, close to mainland China.

中国的施压行动包括挑战台湾在空中和海上的界限。中国出动了创纪录的153架次军机飞向台湾，其中111架次越过了所谓的台湾海峡中线。中国几年前很少越过这条非正式边界线。中国海警还派出四艘船只进入台湾马祖岛附近的禁区，该岛靠近中国大陆。

China is still trying to teach its army, navy, air force and other military branches to coordinate better. That is a skill militaries like that of the United States have honed over decades of continuous war, whereas the Chinese People’s Liberation Army has not fought a battle since its brief conflict with Vietnam 45 years ago.

中国仍在努力训练其陆军、海军、空军和其他军种更好地协调作战。美国等国的军队已在几十年未曾停止的战争中磨练出这种技能，而中国人民解放军自从45年前与越南发生了一场短暂冲突以来，没有打过一场仗。

“China continues to press up against the contiguous zone so these activities are coming closer and closer to Taiwan shores,” said David Sacks, a fellow for Asia studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. “We see them flying further from China’s coast. We see them operating on the east side of Taiwan as well, so you know we see the sophistication increasing.”

“中国不断向毗连区域逼近，这些活动正在越来越接近台湾海岸，”美国外交关系委员会的亚洲问题研究员戴维·萨克斯说。“我们看到他们飞向离中国海岸越来越远的地方。我们也看到他们在台湾岛以东地区有军事行动，因此可以说，我们看到的熟练程度在日益增长。”

China is also not nearly as experienced as the United States wielding aircraft carriers. The inclusion of the Liaoning, China’s first carrier, allowed the ship to practice projecting its strength toward the Pacific Ocean where it is presumed U.S. and other forces, potentially from bases in Japan and Guam, would come from should the two sides go to war. China released video of fighter jets launching from its decks.

中国在使用航空母舰上的经验也远不如美国。中国的第一艘航母辽宁舰参加了这次演习，让该舰练习向太平洋投射力量。如果中国与台湾开战的话，人们认为美国和其他国家的部队可能会从日本和关岛的基地进入太平洋。中国发布了战斗机从辽宁舰甲板上起飞的视频。

中国军方发布的一段视频的截图显示，一架战斗机在周一的环台军演中从辽宁舰的甲板上起飞。

“It is equivalent to having an airport on the Pacific side,” said Lin Ying-yu, an assistant professor at Tamkang University in Taiwan who specializes in the People’s Liberation Army, of the Liaoning. “If the People’s Liberation Army today has the ability to attack from the east side, Taiwan’s strategy of using the east as a reserve base will need to be adjusted.”

“它相当于一个建在太平洋那边的机场，”台湾淡江大学专门研究解放军的助理教授林颖佑谈到辽宁舰时说。“如果解放军今天有可以从东部这一边来攻击的能力，台湾的用东部作战力保存基地的战略就必须要调整。”

Still, the most significant aspect of this week’s drills may be the inclusion of 18 coast guard vessels, the most in any such exercise. That indicated that China would lean heavily on maritime law enforcement to impose a quarantine around Taiwan, analysts said, leaving the military to focus on fighting.

尽管如此，中国本周军演最重要的方面也许是包括了18艘海警船，是参加演习最多的一次。分析人士称，这表明中国从周边隔离台湾的努力将在很大程度上依赖海上执法部门，让军队把精力集中在打仗上。

A bigger role for the coast guard reinforces Beijing’s assertion that Taiwanese waters are actually Chinese, making any blockade or quarantine a domestic issue. And during a war, it is generally assumed an opposing navy would avoid firing on coast guard ships because it could play into a Chinese narrative that it is other militaries escalating tensions.

海警发挥更大作用强化了北京关于台湾水域实际上是中国内海的说法，让封锁或隔离台湾成为一个国内事务。人们通常认为，在战争中，敌方的海军会避免向中国海警船只开火，因为那样做可能符合中国的叙事，即加剧紧张局势的是其他军队。

台湾海巡署发布的一段视频的截图显示，海巡署队员在中国海警船周一从台湾马祖岛附近海域经过时对其进行观察。

Beijing’s continued bid to intimidate Taiwan with its military has potential consequences for its other interests. The specter of Chinese forces surrounding Taiwan could scare off foreign investors at a time when China is trying woo them back to help stabilize its economy, which has been badly weakened by a property crisis.

中国政府继续竭力用军队恐吓台湾的做法可能会影响它的其他利益。中国军队环绕台湾带来的恐慌可能会吓跑外国投资者，而此时中国正试图将外国投资者吸引回来，帮助稳定受房地产危机严重拖累的经济。

The drills also risk making China a greater focus of the American presidential campaigns — something analysts said Beijing has been trying to avoid so that the next administration might not feel as much pressure to confront China.

这些军演也可能让中国成为美国总统竞选的焦点——分析人士称，北京一直在努力避免这种情况，以免下一届美国政府面临巨大的压力必须要对抗中国。

“While China is thought to be cautious during this period, the drills send the message that Taiwan remains so sensitive, so important and crucial for the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party,” said Bonnie Glaser, the director of the Indo-Pacific program at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a Washington policy research group.

“尽管中国被认为会在此期间保持谨慎，但军演传递的信息是：台湾问题仍非常敏感、非常重要，并继续对中共的合法性至关重要，”华盛顿的政策研究机构德国马歇尔基金会印度太平洋项目主任葛来仪(Bonnie Glaser)说。

Indeed, a crucial audience for China’s drills is the one at home. In propaganda messages, the Chinese Coast Guard sought to cast its exercises as a paternalistic gesture of love toward its Taiwanese compatriots, captured in a graphic depicting Taiwan surrounded by a line of red arrows in the shape of a heart.

其实，中国军演的一个关键受众是国内民众。中国海警局在宣传中试图传递的信息是，演习是对台湾同胞们家长式的爱，这体现在它发布的一张海报上：包围台湾的红色箭头线构成了一个心形。

The gesture fell flat in Taiwan, where on social media and political talk shows, commentators poked fun at the illustration, which was accompanied by the message: “The patrol is in the shape of loving you.”

这种示爱方式在台湾彻底失败了。社交媒体上和政评节目中的评论员们嘲弄了那张配有“巡航都是爱你的形状”文字的图。

平潭岛的海滩，这是中国大陆距离台湾本岛最近的地方。

Many in Taiwan responded with a collective “ick.” Some compared the illustration to the mind-set of an abusive partner. Others said the graphic was “too disgusting” and called it “sexual harassment.”

许多台湾人对其总体上的反应是“恶心”。一些人将该图比作“恐怖情人”的心态。也有人说该图“太恶”，将其称为“性骚”。

The awarding of the Nobel Prize in Literature to Han Kang on Thursday stands as yet another validation of the outsize soft power of the South Korean cultural juggernaut.

上周四，韩江获得了诺贝尔文学奖，再次证明无比强大的韩国文化软实力。

Ms. Han is both the first South Korean and the first Asian woman to win the Nobel, the world’s most prestigious literary prize, in its 123-year history. Her achievement follows Bong Joon Ho’s best-picture Oscar for “Parasite” in 2020, as well as the broad popular success of television shows like Netflix’s “Squid Game” and K-pop acts like BTS and Blackpink.

诺贝尔文学奖是世界上最负盛名的文学奖项，在其123年的历史上，韩江是首位获得该奖项的韩国女性，也是首位获得该奖的亚洲女性。在她取得这一成就之前，奉俊昊在2020年凭借《寄生虫》(Parasite)获得了奥斯卡最佳影片奖，Netflix的《鱿鱼游戏》(Squid Game)等电视剧，以及“防弹少年团”(BTS)和“Blackpink”等韩国流行组合也获得了广泛的成功。

The win by Ms. Han, who is best known outside her home country for “The Vegetarian,” is fitting at a time when female novelists and poets from South Korea have flourished, particularly in translation, sending a wave of works into the hands of international readers.

韩江在国外最知名的作品是《素食者》(The Vegetarian)。如今，韩国女性小说家和诗人正处于全盛时期，向国际读者呈现了大量作品——尤其是通过翻译版，韩江的获奖可谓恰逢其时。

But while her victory was widely celebrated as a crowning cultural achievement for South Korea, what Ms. Han and these female writers represent is a form of rebellion against South Korean culture, which remains deeply patriarchal and often misogynistic.

然而，尽管她的胜利被广泛誉为韩国文化的最高成就，韩江和这些女作家所代表的却是对韩国文化的一种反抗，这种文化仍然深深根植于父权、时有厌女表现的观念。

Only one of the 10 heads of the country’s Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism has been a woman since it assumed its current name in 2008. Until Ms. Han’s triumph, South Korea’s male-dominated literary critics’ circles had long championed the poet Ko Un as the country’s most likely and deserving Nobel candidate. Before allegations of sexual abuse surfaced against him, local reporters would gather in front of his home when the Nobel announcement was imminent. Ms. Han never drew such crowds.

自2008年韩国文化体育观光部更名以来，该部的10位部长中只有一位是女性。在韩江获奖之前，以男性为主的韩国文学评论界长期以来一直推崇诗人高银，认为他是该国最有可能、也最有资格获得诺贝尔奖的候选人。在针对他的性虐待指控浮出水面之前，每逢诺贝尔奖宣布前夕，当地记者都会聚集在他家门前。韩江从来没有吸引过这么多的人。

韩江在海外最著名的作品是《素食者》。

For her and other female authors in South Korea, writing “is a form of dissent and a form of resistance,” said Bora Chung, a writer whose collection of short stories, “Cursed Bunny,” was published in English in 2022. Ms. Chung’s book was one of several by female writers recommended by Ms. Han herself in The New York Times last year.

对她和其他韩国女作家来说，写作“是一种异见和反抗的形式”，作家郑宝拉（音）说，她的短篇小说集《被诅咒的兔子》于2022年出版了英文版。去年，韩江本人在《纽约时报》上推荐了几位女性作家的作品，这本书就是其中之一。

South Korea has an obsession with the international recognition that comes with awards like Olympic golds and Nobel Prizes. Until Thursday, it had produced only one Nobel laureate: a former president, Kim Dae-jung, who won the Peace Prize in 2000 for his fight for democracy under military rule and his efforts to build reconciliation and peace with North Korea.

韩国痴迷于奥运会金牌和诺贝尔奖等奖项所带来的国际认可。在周四之前，韩国的诺贝尔奖得主只有一位：前总统金大中。2000年，他因在军事统治下争取民主，以及努力同朝鲜达成和解与和平而获得和平奖。

That Nobel and now the one for Ms. Han are both deeply tied to South Korea’s tumultuous modern history, which has been marked by the division of the Korean Peninsula, a war, military dictatorship and a long and often bloody struggle for democracy and labor rights.

当时与现在的诺贝尔奖都与韩国动荡不安的现代史密切相关，朝鲜半岛的分裂、战争、军事独裁以及为争取民主和劳工权利而进行的长期且经常伴随流血的斗争，都是这段历史的重要标志。

In South Korea, Ms. Han is best known for “Human Acts,” a novel about the massacre of democracy activists in Gwangju in 1980.

在韩国，韩江最出名的作品是《少年来了》(Human Acts)，这是一部关于1980年光州民主活动人士被屠杀的小说。

The government of Park Geun-hye, the conservative president of South Korea from 2013 until her impeachment in 2017, put Ms. Han on a “blacklist” of writers, artists and directors it considered unfriendly and barred from government-controlled support programs, according to Kang Yu-jung, an opposition lawmaker.

据反对党议员姜与正（音）称，韩国保守派总统朴槿惠的政府——从朴槿惠2013年上任到2017年被弹劾为止——将韩江列入其认为不友好的作家、艺术家和导演的“黑名单”，并禁止她参与政府控制的支持项目。

The list has never been made public, but Ms. Han was blackballed because the brutal crackdown chronicled in “Human Acts” was carried out by a past conservative dictatorship, Ms. Kang said. “We Do Not Part,” Ms. Han’s 2021 novel, discussed another civilian massacre that many conservative South Koreans did not want to see in public debate.

这份名单从未公开过，但姜与正说，韩江之所以被列入黑名单，是因为《少年来了》当中记载的残酷镇压是由过去的保守派独裁政权实施的。韩江2021年出版的小说《不做告别》(We Do Not Part)讨论了另一场针对平民的大屠杀，许多保守的韩国人不希望在公开辩论中看到这场屠杀。

“The Vegetarian,” Ms. Han’s most widely read book internationally, is a chronicle of violence at a more intimate scale, of a woman oppressed in her own home.

《素食者》是韩江在国际上最受欢迎的作品，记录了一名女性在自己家中受到的更私密的压迫。

Ms. Han has said she draws inspiration in her writing from questions raised by “human violence” throughout South Korea’s history. She said her “sense of guilt” over meat consumption, a key element of “The Vegetarian,” was linked to the massacre in Gwangju, her home city.

 韩江说，她的写作灵感来自韩国历史上“人类暴力”引发的问题。她说，她说，《素食者》的一个重要元素——她对肉类消费的“负罪感”与她的家乡光州发生的大屠杀有关。

韩国光州的万月墓地，纪念在民主运动中牺牲的人们。

Referring to her writing process for “Human Acts,” she said: “The feeling I had most often while writing the book was pain, an overwhelming pain. I cried almost every day when I wrote the novel.”

在谈到《少年来了》的写作过程时，她说：“我在写这本书时最常感受到的是痛苦，一种势不可挡的痛苦。写这本小说的时候，我几乎每天都在哭。”

On Friday, citing violence on a broader scale, Ms. Han’s novelist father, Han Seung-won, 84, told South Korean journalists that his daughter had decided not to hold a news conference discuss the Nobel.

上周五，韩江的小说家父亲、84岁的韩升源告诉韩国记者，因为更大范围的暴力，他的女儿决定不召开新闻发布会谈论诺贝尔奖。

“She told me that she did not want to celebrate at a time when people were dying everyday in the wars” in Ukraine and in the Middle East, Mr. Han was quoted as saying when he met reporters in southwestern South Korea.

“她告诉我，在（乌克兰和中东）每天都有人死于战争的时候，她不想庆祝，”韩国媒体援引韩升源在韩国西南会见记者时的话说。

While Ms. Han’s work tackles heavy historical freight, it can also be seen as feminist. In “The Vegetarian,” the protagonist’s decision to avoid meat can be read as an act of resistance against patriarchal systems.

韩江的作品涉及沉重的历史负担，但也可以被视为女权主义。在《素食者》中，女主人公不吃肉的决定可以被解读为反抗父权的行为。

With women still facing discrimination in politics, the business world and the news media in South Korea, literature is an outlet where they can express their power.

在韩国，女性在政界、商界和新闻媒体中仍然面临歧视，文学是她们表达自己力量的一个渠道。

“It’s one of the few spaces where you can be freed from gender,” said Krys Lee, a novelist who lives in Seoul. “You can write all of the ages and all genders.”

“这是少数几个可以不受性别影响的空间之一，”现居首尔的小说家克莉丝·李说。“任何年龄、任何性别都可以写。”

Other female writers said they were not surprised that it was a woman now representing South Korea’s literary power on the global stage.

其他女性作家表示，现在一位女性在全球舞台上代表了韩国的文学力量，这并不令她们感到惊讶。

“Literature, even when it was dominated by men, the strongest voices came from the most oppressed,” said Euny Hong, the author of “The Birth of Korean Cool: How One Nation Is Conquering the World Through Pop Culture.”

“即使是在男性主导的时代，文学中最强烈的声音也来自最受压迫的群体，”《韩国酷的诞生：一个国家如何通过流行文化征服世界》(The Birth of Korean Cool: How One Nation Is Conquering the World Through Pop Culture)一书的作者洪又妮（音）说。

“People in troubled situations or marginalized groups,” Ms. Hong said, “have to have a very clear and loud voice or they won’t be heard, and that has always been reflected in literature.”

“身处困境的人或被边缘化的群体，”洪又妮说，“必须发出非常清晰响亮的声音，否则就不会被听到，这一点在文学作品中一直有所体现。”

Female readers have also become more powerful in the South Korean literary market in recent years with the growing class of professional women, Ms. Lee, the novelist, said. The rise of activism against sexual harassment and assault internationally and within South Korea has also created a hunger for women’s voices.

小说家克莉丝·李说，近年来，随着职业女性群体的壮大，女性读者在韩国文学市场上的影响力也越来越大。国际上和韩国国内反对性骚扰和性侵犯活动的兴起，也引发了女性对发声的渴求。

Ms. Han comes “from a certain generation of women who grew up under a patriarchal system and also a country with a modern history of violence, and I think her work speaks to that,” Ms. Lee said.

克莉丝·李说，韩江“是父权制下长大的特定一代女性，也是在有暴力现代史的国家长大的女性，我认为她的作品反映了这一点”。

Many of the books by women that are being translated into English — including some that lean more commercial than strictly literary — have tackled what are often considered typical subjects for women, like motherhood or body image. These topics reflect the interests of many American and British readers.

许多被翻译成英文的女性作品——包括一些更倾向于商业而非严格意义上的文学作品——都涉及通常被视为女性范畴的典型主题，比如母性或身体形象。这些话题反映了许多美国和英国读者的兴趣。

Among the South Korean fiction that has resonated internationally has been “Kim Jiyoung, Born 1982,” a novel by Cho Nam-Joo about a young stay-at-home mother who suffers a psychotic break, and “Please Look After Mom” by Kyung-sook Shin, about a martyred mother who goes missing. That novel won the Man Asian Literary Prize in 2011.

在国际上引起共鸣的韩国小说包括赵南柱的《1982年出生的金智英》(Kim Jiyoung, Born 1982)和申京淑的《请照顾我妈妈》(Please Look After Mom)，后者讲述了一位牺牲自己的母亲走失的故事，在2011年获得了曼氏亚洲文学奖。

Still, readers seem to want more than overt feminist material.

然而，读者想要的似乎不仅仅是直白的女权主义素材。

“We’re all just excited to see different types of stories, and that also is reflected in the different genres that are being written and translated,” said Chi-Young Kim, who has translated numerous South Korean novels into English, including “Please Look After Mom.”

“看到不同类型的故事，我们都很兴奋，这也反映在正在创作和翻译的不同类型的故事上，”金志永（音）说。她曾将多部韩国小说翻译成英文，包括《请照顾我妈妈》。

韩江说，她从韩国历史上的“人类暴力”问题中汲取灵感。

“Thirty years ago, it was very literary work that was being translated into English,” Ms. Kim said. “And now you’re seeing sci-fi and fantasy and memoir being translated.”

“30年前，被翻译成英语的都是文学作品，”金志永说。“现在，你可以看到是科幻小说、奇幻小说和回忆录被译成英文。”

The biggest limitation, she said, is the number of translators. Government funding for cultural and arts education in schools has been declining in recent years.

她说，最大的限制是翻译人员的数量。近年来，政府对学校文化艺术教育的资助一直在减少。

“We just need more translators to be able to bring all the diversity and amazing breadth of Korean literature into English and other languages too,” Ms. Kim said.

“我们需要更多的翻译人员，把韩国文学的多样性和惊人广度也转化为英语和其他语言，”金志永说。

South Korea’s literary community and members of its international diaspora hope that Ms. Han’s Nobel victory can draw the spotlight to books in the way that films and television shows have made South Korean stories so popular in those mediums.

韩国文学界和旅居海外的韩国人希望，正如电影和电视剧让韩国故事在影视界大受欢迎一样，韩江的诺贝尔奖能把人们的注意力吸引到韩国的书籍上。

“Because of Korean movies first, people are recognizing that Koreans are very good storytellers,” Ms. Hong said.

“因为先看了韩国电影，人们开始认识到，韩国人非常善于讲故事，”洪又妮说。

Ms. Han’s award “will bring this new appreciation for Korean high culture because it’s a country that’s been known for a while for producing popular culture,” Ms. Hong said. “But it’s not just a nation of pop culture. It’s also a nation of ideas. So I think that’s sort of the revelation. Oh, Korea doesn’t just make films and bands. They also have an amazing literary richness.”

韩江的获奖“将带来对韩国高雅文化的新认识，因为这是一个以生产流行文化而闻名的国家，”洪又妮说。“但它不仅仅是一个流行文化的国家，也是一个充满思想的国家。所以我认为这可以打开人们的眼界。哦，韩国不只有电影和流行组合。他们还拥有丰富的文学作品。”

Mayor Eric Adams was riding high in the fall of 2022 when Winnie Greco, one of his best fund-raisers and a top adviser, led him into a glittering ballroom in Flushing, Queens, the heart of the Chinese diaspora in New York City.

2022年秋天，纽约市长埃里克·亚当斯正在春风得意之时，他最好的筹款人之一、高级顾问郑祺蓉带着他走进华人聚居区——皇后区法拉盛一个华丽的舞厅。

She and Mr. Adams took their seats at the head table of the event, an anniversary celebration for a nonprofit with close ties to the Chinese Communist Party, and watched as the host, Jimmy Lu, rose to address the crowd.

这次活动是一个与中国共产党关系密切的非营利组织的周年庆典，她和亚当斯在活动的主桌就座，看着主持人卢建顺站起来向人群发表讲话。

Mr. Lu bragged in Mandarin about opening a Chinese government police station in the offices of the nonprofit in Lower Manhattan — an illegal outpost that federal authorities would later say was used in a sprawling transnational repression scheme. The police station, Mr. Lu said, his remarks being translated into English, would help “implement the motherland government’s policy of benefiting the overseas Chinese.”

卢建顺用普通话夸耀道，他在曼哈顿下城的非营利组织办公室里开设了一个中国政府警务站——联邦当局后来说，这是一个非法的前哨站，被用于一个庞大的跨国镇压计划。卢建顺说，这个警务站将有助于“落实祖国政府惠及海外华人的政策”。他的话被翻译成英文。

Then it was Mr. Adams’s turn. Taking the same stage, he began to praise Mr. Lu’s group. “This is such an important organization,” the mayor said, “to empower our Chinese American community.”

然后轮到亚当斯发言。站在同一个舞台上，他开始称赞卢建顺的团队。“这是一个非常重要的组织，”市长说，“它为我们的华裔美国人社区赋权。”

Later, after Mr. Lu’s brother Harry was arrested in connection with the police station and charged with acting as an unregistered agent of the Chinese government, Mr. Adams’s aides would not respond to questions from reporters about whether he heard Mr. Lu talking about the police station, or knew of its alleged role in spying on Chinese dissidents.

后来，卢建顺的兄弟卢建旺因与警务站有关而被捕，并被指控为中国政府的未注册代理人，亚当斯的助手拒绝回答记者的问题——亚当斯是否听过卢建顺谈论警务站，或者是否知道警务站据称在监视中国异见人士方面所扮演的角色。

The episode underscores Ms. Greco’s close and abiding ties to the People’s Republic of China, and the perils that connection has posed for Mr. Adams. And while the federal corruption charges Mr. Adams now faces after being indicted last month are not centered on his ties to China, prosecutors have recently demanded information from him and his staff about that country and others. They have also indicated that more charges are likely — both for Mr. Adams and others in his orbit.

这件事凸显了郑祺蓉与中华人民共和国密切而持久的联系，以及这种联系给亚当斯带来的危险。虽然亚当斯在上个月被起诉后面临的联邦腐败指控并非集中在他与中国的关系上，但检察官最近要求他和他的工作人员提供有关中国和其他国家的信息。他们还表示，可能会对亚当斯和他身边的其他人提出更多指控。

Few aides to the mayor have been more vital to his campaign fund-raising than Ms. Greco. A New York Times examination of her dealings over the past two decades has found numerous instances of close collaboration with people and groups linked to the Chinese government, and a willingness on her part to guide politicians toward pro-Beijing narratives.

在亚当斯市长的竞选筹款活动中，很少有哪位助手比郑祺蓉更重要。《纽约时报》对她过去20年的活动进行了调查，发现她与同中国政府有关的个人和团体密切合作的例子很多，她也愿意引导政界人士倾向支持亲北京的叙事。

Time and again, she led visits to China with Mr. Adams and other city officials and businesspeople — including a 2017 trip with Mr. Adams in which she took thousands of dollars in free travel, federal prosecutors said in indicting the mayor last month.

联邦检察官上个月在起诉市长时表示，她一次又一次带领亚当斯和其他市政官员和商人访华——包括2017年与亚当斯的一次旅行，她接受了价值数千美元的免费旅行。

Her homes were searched earlier this year by the same office that charged Mr. Lu — one that has specialized in cases targeting illegal Chinese influence in the United States.

今年早些时候，起诉卢建旺的同一部门也搜查了她的住宅，该部门专门处理针对中国在美国非法影响的案件。

She has appeared on at least 20 occasions with a former aide to Govs. Kathy Hochul and Andrew Cuomo who is now accused of acting illegally on behalf of the Chinese government.

她至少在20个场合与凯西·霍楚尔和安德鲁·科莫州长的一名前助理一起露面。该助理现在被指控代表中国政府非法行事。

And like the former aide, Linda Sun, did in the governor’s office, Ms. Greco in her city post has steered Mr. Adams away from officials from Taiwan, which China considers part of its territory. In 2016, when Mr. Adams was Brooklyn borough president and Taiwanese officials asked him to attend a reception, Ms. Greco nixed the idea.

就像这位名叫孙雯的前助理在州长办公室所做的那样，郑祺蓉在纽约市任职期间让亚当斯远离台湾官员，中国认为台湾是其领土的一部分。2016年，当亚当斯担任布鲁克林区长时，台湾官员邀请他参加一个招待会，郑祺蓉拒绝了。

“It’s best for him not to go,” she said in an email to his scheduler. “He must be very careful with Taiwanese events.”

“他最好不要去，”她在给他的日程安排人员的电子邮件中写道。“他必须非常小心地对待台湾的活动。”

郑祺蓉（左三）和孙雯（右二）都担任过华人社区联络员，出席过许多相同的活动，经常跟中国政府官员打交道。

Ms. Greco, who has also moonlighted as a consultant for an affiliate of a Chinese state-run news outlet that spreads Communist Party propaganda, declined to comment.

郑祺蓉对此拒绝置评，她还曾在一家替共产党做宣传的中国官方新闻机构的附属机构担任兼职顾问的。

Her lawyer, Steven Brill, said in a statement that she was a “trusted aide to the mayor” before resigning from City Hall on Monday. He added that months had passed since the F.B.I. searched her homes and still there have been no charges filed against her.

她的律师史蒂文·布里尔在声明中表示，周一从市政厅辞职之前，她是“市长值得信赖的助手”。他还说，联邦调查局搜查她的家已经过去几个月了，但仍没有对她提出任何指控。

“For the last 25 years, Winnie Greco has dedicated her life to the betterment of New Yorkers, and particularly the Asian community,” he said.

他说：“在过去的25年里，郑祺蓉毕生致力于改善纽约人的生活，尤其是亚裔社区。”

Despite some similarities with Ms. Sun, Ms. Greco has fared differently in her government job. Ms. Hochul cut ties with Ms. Sun well before federal prosecutors accused Ms. Sun of taking millions of dollars in payoffs in exchange for furthering China’s agenda. Ms. Sun has pleaded not guilty.

尽管与孙雯有相似之处，但郑祺蓉的政府工作情况有所不同。霍楚尔与孙雯断绝关系是在联邦检察官指控孙雯为推动中国议程收受了数百万美元的贿赂之前。孙雯已表示不认罪。

By contrast, Mr. Adams appeared to bring Ms. Greco deeper into the fold after the searches of her homes — and after the city opened an investigation into whether she improperly used a city employee to help renovate her house. That investigation remains open.

相比之下，在联邦官员搜查了郑祺蓉的住所，市政府开始调查郑祺蓉是否不正当地使用了一名市政府雇员来帮助她翻修房屋之后，亚当斯似乎与郑祺蓉的关系更紧密了。市政府的调查仍在进行中。

自2014年担任布鲁克林区区长以来，亚当斯一直与郑祺蓉共事。

When Ms. Greco resigned last week, Mr. Adams issued a brief statement through a spokesman thanking her for her service to the city.

郑祺蓉上周辞职后，亚当斯通过发言人发表了一份简短声明，感谢她为纽约市所做的工作。

Last month, the mayor’s chief counsel, a former federal prosecutor named Lisa Zornberg, had given him an ultimatum: Cast out Ms. Greco and other aides who were under federal investigation or risk losing Ms. Zornberg herself. When the mayor refused, she resigned on a Saturday night.

上个月，市长的首席法律顾问、曾担任联邦检察官的丽莎·佐恩伯格曾向亚当斯发出最后通牒：赶走郑祺蓉和其他正在接受联邦调查的助手，否则会面临佐恩伯格离开的风险。市长拒绝那样做后，佐恩伯格在一个周六的晚上辞职。

But the scrutiny of Ms. Greco’s actions has occurred amid growing concerns about Chinese influence efforts in New York and across the United States. Apart from the recent indictment of Ms. Sun, and the ongoing Chinatown police station case, federal prosecutors have accused numerous others — including a former New York police officer and a scholar-turned-spy — of stalking or spying on Chinese dissidents on behalf of China.

对郑祺蓉所作所为的审查发生在人们对中国在纽约和美国各地的影响力日益担忧的背景下。除了最近对孙雯的起诉以及正在进行的纽约唐人街中国警务站案之外，联邦检察官还对许多其他人提起了指控，包括纽约市警察局的一名退休警官和一名学者出身的间谍，他们代表中国跟踪或监视海外的异见人士。

Mr. Adams’s office, citing the ongoing investigation, referred questions about Ms. Greco to the mayor’s lawyer, who did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment.

亚当斯的办公室以联邦调查仍在进行为由，让记者将有关郑祺蓉的问题提交给市长的律师，但该律师没有马上回复记者寻求置评的电子邮件。

John Liu, a state senator from Queens whose own mayoral campaign was derailed by a straw donor scandal in 2013, said he has known both Ms. Sun and Ms. Greco for years. He acknowledged that they served in similar roles for the governor and mayor but cautioned against a rush to judgment.

纽约州参议会议员刘醇逸来自皇后区，他受“稻草人捐款”丑闻的影响，在2013年的市长竞选中失利。刘醇逸说，他认识孙雯和郑祺蓉已有多年。他承认她们分别在州长和市长手下做过类似的工作，但劝诫不要急于下结论。

“Winnie strikes me as a person who doesn’t engage in what she does for pecuniary gain,” he said. “It’s more for prestige and community respect.”

“温妮（即郑祺蓉——译注）给我的印象是，她做事情不是为了金钱方面的利益，”刘醇逸说。“更多地是为了得到声望和社区的尊重。”

An honorary ambassador

荣誉大使

About a month after being elected Brooklyn borough president, Mr. Adams posted on Twitter about a new addition to his team.

当选布鲁克林区区长约一个月后，亚当斯曾在Twitter上发过他的团队增添了一名新成员的消息。

“Tonight,” he wrote, “I’m naming #SunsetPark’s Winnie Greco to be the first of Borough Hall’s honorary ambassadors, representing our #Chinese community!”

“今晚，”他写道，“我任命#SunsetPark的郑祺蓉为区政府的第一位荣誉大使，代表我们的#华人社区！”

For Ms. Greco, it was both a continuation and expansion of her previous role at Brooklyn Borough Hall, where she had worked as a volunteer for Mr. Adams’s predecessor while being “chartered by multiple Chinese municipalities to represent their investment interests” in the United States, according to a memo a business consultant wrote while Ms. Greco was pitching a business venture in New York’s Hudson Valley.

对郑祺蓉来说，这是她以前在布鲁克林区政府职责的延续和扩大，她曾为亚当斯的前任做志愿者，同时“被多个中国市级政府给予代表这些城市（在美国的）投资利益的特许”——据郑祺蓉在纽约的哈德逊河谷推销一个商业项目时，一名商业顾问所写的备忘录记载。

The deal involved buying part of a recently shuttered prison complex in Warwick, N.Y., as the site of an agriculture-based trade venture with China, and town officials were thrilled at the prospect.

该项目涉及购买纽约州沃威克市不久前关闭的一个监狱综合体的部分建筑，将其作为与中国开展农业贸易的场所，市政府官员对这一前景感到兴奋。

She eventually made a down payment of about $200,000 to buy part of the prison. But, almost as quickly, the deal collapsed, and she walked away, having lost the down payment, said Michael Sweeton, the town supervisor. Almost a decade later, a judge ordered Ms. Greco to pay almost $23,000 owed to a local law firm — a sum that remained unpaid as of mid-September, court records show.

郑祺蓉最终为购买部分监狱建筑支付了约20万美元的首付款。但这笔交易很快就失败了，郑祺蓉退出交易，赔了首付款，沃威克市长迈克尔·斯威顿说道。将近十年后，一名法官命令郑祺蓉向当地一家律师事务所支付近2.3万美元的欠款，法庭记录显示，截至今年9月中旬，这笔钱仍未付清。

When Mr. Adams took over as borough president in 2014, he and Ms. Greco wasted little time in promoting another project meant to cement Brooklyn’s position as a center of Chinese American culture: a giant archway in Sunset Park that would bestow honor and dazzle on the entrance of one of the fastest growing Chinese enclaves outside of Asia.

亚当斯2014年担任布鲁克林区长后，他和郑祺蓉马上采取行动，推动旨在加强布鲁克林作为美国华人文化中心地位的另一个项目：日落公园的​​一个巨型牌楼，这本是为了给亚洲以外发展最快的华人聚居区之一的入口增添荣誉和光彩。

Mr. Adams traveled to China with Ms. Greco and other borough representatives to promote the project, with the cost split between the municipal governments they visited and a nonprofit Ms. Greco formed to further the archway project, city records show.

市政府记录显示，为了推动这个项目，亚当斯和郑祺蓉以及纽约市其他行政区的代表们一起去了中国。按照设想，牌楼的成本降由他们访问的市政府和郑祺蓉为推进牌楼项目成立的一个非营利组织分摊。

In China, in May 2014, Mr. Adams signed two sister city agreements and visited schools. But he also met with Harry Lu, who was chairman of the nonprofit group, the America Changle Association NY, whose offices would later house the illegal Chinese police station in Manhattan’s Chinatown.

2014年5月，亚当斯在中国与两个城区签署了姐妹关系协议，并参观了当地的学校。但亚当斯也与非营利组织、设在纽约的美国长乐公会会长卢建旺见面，该组织的办公室后来成了曼哈顿唐人街的非法中国警务站所在地。

2014年与郑祺蓉一起访问中国时，亚当斯会见了一位名叫卢建旺的纽约非营利组织经营者。联邦检察官说，去年，卢建旺在曼哈顿设立了一个中国政府海外警务站，监视和恐吓中国的持不同政见者。

Mr. Lu was also part of a delegation, led by Ms. Greco, that visited the newsroom of The Fujian Daily in China. The outlet falls under the Communist Party’s propaganda apparatus, and in 2016 it was reported to have given her a consulting job for its U.S.-based affiliate.

卢建旺也是郑祺蓉率领的另一个代表团的成员，他们一起访问了福建日报社。据报道，这家媒体隶属于中共宣传机构的媒体曾在2016年为郑祺蓉提供了其东南网美国站顾问的工作。

All told, Mr. Adams took at least six trips to China as an elected official, according to news reports, though it’s not clear if Ms. Greco accompanied him on all of them.

据媒体报道，亚当斯以民选官员的身份至少六次访问中国，但目前尚不清楚郑祺蓉是否每次都陪同前往。

During a trip in 2017, Mr. Adams handed the Chinese government a propaganda victory by praising its Belt and Road Initiative, according to a Chinese language news account. The initiative, a global infrastructure and development strategy, was designed to strengthen China’s international reach, but American officials have called it coercive diplomacy that will saddle developing nations with debt.

据一家中文媒体报道，在2017年的一次访问中，亚当斯赞扬了中国的“一带一路”倡议，为中国政府送去一个宣传胜利。“一带一路”倡议是中国在全球投资发展基础设施的战略，旨在加强中国的国际影响力，但美国官员称其为胁迫外交，让发展中国家背上巨额债务。

这些年里，郑祺蓉逐渐成为亚当斯在市政厅最信任和最忠诚的助手之一。

In 2018, Mr. Adams and Ms. Greco signaled that they would at least have something to show for all their foreign travels when they signed an agreement to accept Beijing’s gift, a 40-foot “Friendship Archway” to be built in China and installed by New Yorkers in Sunset Park. But two years later, this project, too, fell apart. In 2022, a few months after Mr. Adams was elected mayor, the Internal Revenue Service revoked the tax-exempt charter of the nonprofit Ms. Greco had created for the archway project for failure to file required paperwork.

2018年，亚当斯和郑祺蓉表示，他们多次访华至少有了一些收获，他们将签署一项接受中国政府向布鲁克林赠送“友谊牌楼”的协议，这座12米高的牌楼将在中国建造，然后由纽约人将其安装在日落公园。但两年后，这个项目也落空了。亚当斯2022年当选市长几个月后，美国国税局撤销了郑祺蓉为牌楼项目成立的非营利组织的免税特许，原因是该组织未提交所需的文件。

Chinese American businessmen who donated to the nonprofit have complained that their money was wasted. But Robin Mui, the chief executive of the Sing Tao U.S. newspaper — who traveled to China with Mr. Adams and Ms. Greco in 2014 — is now in charge of trying to reactivate the nonprofit. He said that of the $200,000 or so raised since its inception, about a quarter remains in an escrow account. He said once he gets I.R.S. approval to reopen it, he will open the books for public inspection and “every penny will be accounted for.”

曾为中美纽约布鲁克林牌楼协会捐款的美籍华裔商人抱怨说，他们的钱被浪费了。但担任牌楼协会代理主席的《星岛日报》全美行政总裁梅建国表示，将试图重启该非营利组织，梅建国曾2014年与亚当斯和郑祺蓉一起前往中国。他说，自牌楼协会成立以来已筹集到20万美元左右的资金，其中的约四分之一仍在托管账户中。他说，一旦获得国税局批准重启运行的通知，他将公开账簿供公众查阅，“每分钱都有记录”。

“I guarantee you that no one pocketed any money,” he said.

“我向大家保证，没有人把钱装进自己的腰包，”他说。

The parent company of Mr. Mui’s organization, Sing Tao News Corporation, publishes a pro-Beijing newspaper from Hong Kong. In 2021, Mr. Mui registered Sing Tao U.S. with the United States Justice Department as a foreign agent acting on behalf of the parent company.

梅建国工作单位的母公司星岛新闻集团在香港出版了一份亲北京的报纸。梅建国已在2021年向美国司法部注册，将星岛美国登记为代表母公司的外国代理人。

Mr. Adams’s successor as borough president, Antonio Reynoso, said he was wary of any efforts by the Chinese government to influence him. He has worked on a rebranded archway project that will honor Brooklyn’s Chinese diaspora without Ms. Greco’s “convoluted system” of public and private funding.

继任亚当斯布鲁克林区长职务的是安东尼奥·雷诺索表示，他对中国政府施加影响的努力保持着警惕。他已为重塑牌楼项目形象展开工作，将其变成一个向布鲁克林华人侨民致敬的项目，不需要郑祺蓉为使用公共和私人资金搞的那个“错综复杂的系统”。

“I don’t know why we need Chinese investors,” he said.

“我不知道我们为什么需要中国的资金，”他说。

A knack for fund-raising

筹款的本领

The failure of the Sunset Park archway did not dampen Mr. Adams’s enthusiasm and support for Ms. Greco. Whatever her failings in the arena of U.S.-China exchanges and business deals, Ms. Greco knew how to raise money.

日落公园牌楼项目的失败并没有削弱亚当斯对郑祺蓉的热心和支持。不管郑祺蓉在中美交流和商业交易上怎么失败，她都知道如何筹集资金。

Her uncanny ability to deliver small-dollar campaign donors from New York’s vast Chinese American community helped Mr. Adams unlock hundreds of thousands of dollars in matching taxpayer funds under a generous program designed to reduce the influence of money in politics — one that gives candidates $8 in public money for every dollar raised, up to the first $250 per donor.

她有从纽约庞大的华人社区筹集小额竞选捐款的超凡能力，曾帮助亚当斯拿到了数十万美元的公共资金配捐。纽约市有一个用纳税人的钱设立的、旨在减少金钱对政治影响的慷慨项目——候选人每募集到一美元，就能获得八美元的公共资金配捐，每位捐款人的最高限额为250美元。

In April 2018, she began tapping into her vast network of Asian American organizations to bring in donors who would open the spigot for Mr. Adams.

2018年4月，郑祺蓉开始利用自己庞大的亚裔美国人团体网络，为亚当斯寻找能为他打开公共资金水龙头的捐款者。

She organized the first major fund-raiser of his mayoral campaign at Royal Queen, a restaurant in Flushing’s New World Mall, where 500 attendees dined on lobster and shrimp. Campaign records show that Mr. Adams received at least $64,000 from donors with Chinese surnames that day, unlocking about $100,000 in taxpayer money through the matching funds program.

她第一次为亚当斯的市长竞选举办大型筹款活动是在法拉盛新世界购物中心的君豪大酒楼，有500人参加了活动，他们吃了龙虾、大虾等佳肴。竞选记录显示，亚当斯那天从有华人姓氏的捐款者那里筹集了至少6.4万美元，通过公共配套资金项目获得了约10万美元的纳税人资金。

Ms. Greco put together at least five other fund-raisers with a clear strategy: Maximize matching funds by seeking small contributions. Before Mr. Adams was elected mayor, she raised another $96,000, netting him more than $405,000 in matching funds.

郑祺蓉组织了至少另外五次策略非常明确的筹款活动：通过寻求小额捐款将公共资金配捐最大化。亚当斯当选市长之前，郑祺蓉又筹集到了9.6万美元，给亚当斯带来了逾40.5万美元的配捐资金。

郑祺蓉多次利用法拉盛的新世界购物中心为亚当斯筹款，她还在那里设有办公室。联邦调查局在搜查郑祺蓉住所的同一天突袭了该办公室。

Ms. Greco also requested dozens of meetings with Mr. Adams on behalf of Chinese businessmen and government officials, including the Chinese consulate general, according to Brooklyn borough president’s office records.

据布鲁克林区长办公室的记录，郑祺蓉还代表中国商人和政府官员（包括中国驻纽约总领事馆的官员），向亚当斯提出了十余次会面请求。

Some of those businessmen later hosted fund-raisers for Mr. Adams’s 2021 campaign. A real estate developer whom Ms. Greco connected with Mr. Adams held an event in August 2021 that raised $32,686 in private funds and brought in $93,600 in taxpayer money.

其中一些商人后来为亚当斯2021年的竞选举办了筹款活动。郑祺蓉介绍给亚当斯的一名房地产开发商曾在2021年8月举办了一场活动，从私人捐款者那里筹集到了32686美元，带来了93600美元的纳税人资金。

After the election, Ms. Greco immediately turned her fund-raising prowess to Mr. Adams’s inauguration. She helped haul in another $400,000 for his transition and inauguration account — almost half of all the money he raised for it — through an entity called the Alliance of Asian American Friends, multiple Chinese-language newspapers reported. The group, a coalition of Asian associations whose president has been described in the news as the “head of Adams’s Flushing campaign,” features Mr. Adams in several photos on its website.

选举结束后，郑祺蓉立即将自己的筹款能力用在了亚当斯的就职典礼上。据多家中文报纸报道，她通过一个名为“亚裔之友总联盟”的实体，为亚当斯的过渡和就职账户又筹集了40万美元——几乎是他为此筹集的全部资金的一半。该组织是一个由亚裔协会组成的联盟，其主席在新闻中被称为“亚当斯在法拉盛竞选活动的负责人”，该组织网站上有多张亚当斯的照片。

Almost a dozen of these events were held at the same Flushing New World Mall, a busy intersection of Chinese culture and politics and a source of donations from low-level employees who boosted Mr. Adams’s campaign account by more than $200,000, most of it in matching funds. Many of these turned out to be straw donations — meaning the listed donors illegally used someone else’s money to unlock matching funds, according to the nonprofit news organizations The City and Documented.

其中近12场活动都在法拉盛新世界购物中心举行，这里是中国文化和政治的繁忙交汇点，也是基层员工募捐的来源，他们为亚当斯的竞选账户筹集了20多万美元，其中大部分是配捐资金。根据非营利性新闻机构城市与记录的报道，其中许多被证明是“稻草捐款”——即名单上的捐款人非法使用他人的钱以获取纳税人资金。

The mall, where Ms. Greco kept an office with two campaign volunteers, was raided by the F.B.I. on the same February day that agents searched her Bronx homes.

郑祺蓉和两名竞选志愿者在这家购物中心有一间办公室。今年2月，就在联邦调查局搜查她在布朗克斯的住所的同一天，该办公室也遭到了突击搜查。

郑祺蓉的律师指出，联邦调查局搜查她家已经过去几个月了，仍没有对她提出任何指控。

Once Mr. Adams was in office, Ms. Greco, by then a paid city employee, kept fund-raising for his 2025 re-election campaign, prompting questions over whether she was using her position in city government to help donors.

亚当斯上任后，郑祺蓉（当时已成为受薪市政府雇员）一直在为亚当斯2025年的连任竞选筹款，这引发了人们的质疑——她是否利用自己在市政府的职位帮助捐赠者。 

One donor who attended a major fund-raiser for Mr. Adams with Ms. Greco was soon after able to wrest control of a contract to run the East Broadway Mall in Lower Manhattan from another businessman, Terry Chan, whose family had operated it since 1988, The City reported.

据《纽约时报》报道，一位与郑祺蓉一起参加亚当斯大型筹款活动的捐赠者，很快就从另一位商人特里·陈（音）手中夺取了曼哈顿下城东百老汇购物中心的经营合同。特里·陈的家族从1988年开始经营这家购物中心。

“We lost our bid quite quickly after the fund-raiser,” Mr. Chan said in an interview. “We didn’t have a chance.”

“筹款活动结束后，我们很快就投标失败了，”特里·陈在接受采访时说。“我们没有胜算。”

Once installed in City Hall as Mr. Adams’s director of Asian affairs, Ms. Greco saw her portfolio and annual salary expand — to $196,000 from $100,000. From that post, she exercised broad authority as one of only about 100 “policymakers” in the mayor’s office, acting as a liaison to Chinese American power players, records show.

郑祺蓉进入市政府担任亚当斯的亚裔事务主管后，职权随之扩大，年薪也从10万美元涨到了19.6万美元。记录显示，在这个职位上，她作为市长办公室仅有的约100名“决策者”之一，行使着广泛的权力，充当与美国华裔权势人物的联络人。

At Mr. Adams’s victory party on election night, she was by his side onstage, and was one of a handful of friends with him the night he was sworn in in Times Square. Ms. Greco is also close with Mr. Adams’s son, Jordan Coleman, and the mayor’s longtime aide Ingrid Lewis-Martin, who has called Ms. Greco “my sister.”

选举之夜，在亚当斯的庆功宴上，她就站在他身旁。亚当斯在时报广场宣誓就职的当晚，她也是他身边的少数几个朋友之一。郑祺蓉还与亚当斯的儿子乔丹·科尔曼以及市长的长期助手英格丽德·刘易斯-马丁关系密切，后者称郑祺蓉为“我的姐妹”。

A party at Gracie Mansion

格雷西大厦的派对

Then the federal searches of Ms. Greco’s homes happened, and she disappeared from public view.

后来，联邦政府开始搜查郑祺蓉的住所，她从公众视野中消失了。

Months passed before she finally re-emerged, at a high-profile political event on Sept. 12 — a celebration of the annual Mid-Autumn festival the mayor hosted at Gracie Mansion. It was a hot ticket for connected members of New York City’s Chinese community on the eve of another city election year.

几个月过去了，她终于在9月12日的一个备受瞩目的政治活动中重新露面——市长在格雷西大厦举办的一年一度的中秋节庆祝活动。这是纽约市华人社区相关人士在又一个市政选举年前夕的热门活动。

The event, however, was unusually subdued. The mayor, who was sick with Covid, did not attend. And though Ms. Greco had spoken at the previous two holiday events, she spent most of the evening at this one backstage — ushering around performers and speakers while occasionally stepping out to greet guests and take photographs.

然而，这次活动却异常低调。感染新冠的市长没有出席。尽管郑祺蓉在前两年的节日活动上都做过演讲，但这次她大部分时间都在后台——引导表演者和演讲者，偶尔走出来问候来宾并拍照。

在亚当斯2021年竞选市长时，郑祺蓉帮助他筹集了数十万美元。但在其住所被搜查后，她基本上退出了公众视野。

When The Times asked Ms. Greco about her involvement in the tangle of federal investigations surrounding Mr. Adams, she did not appear to be in the mood to talk about it.

当时报询问郑祺蓉是否参与了围绕亚当斯展开的错综复杂的联邦调查时，她似乎没有心情谈论这件事。

“No, no, no!” she said. “Thank you.”

“不，不，不！”她说。“谢谢你。”

Then she slipped back behind the curtain.

然后她溜回了帷幕后面。

It’s the case that has transfixed France. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Dominique Pelicot repeatedly drugged his wife and invited strangers to join him in raping her. The prosecutors say that she was assaulted by dozens of men as she lay unconscious and that her husband filmed most of the encounters and then filed the videos in digital folders, including one titled “abuse.”

这起案件震惊了整个法国。检方指出，在近十年的时间里，多米尼克·佩利科多次对妻子下药，邀请陌生人一起强奸她。检察官表示，她在无意识状态下遭到数十名男子的侵犯，而她的丈夫将大部分经历拍了下来，并将这些视频存储在数字文件夹中，其中一个文件夹的标题是“虐待”。

When Mr. Pelicot’s trial opened last month, his wife, Gisèle Pelicot, waived her right to anonymity and spoke with remarkable, withering poise. She has become France’s feminist hero: Women at protests in Paris, Marseille and Bordeaux yell, “We’re all Gisèle.” Mr. Pelicot has pleaded guilty to all of the charges against him and has said, straightforwardly, “I am a rapist.”

上个月对佩利科的庭审开始时，已经自愿放弃匿名权的妻子吉赛尔·佩利科以非凡、令人敬畏的姿态做了陈词。她成为了法国的女权主义英雄：在巴黎、马赛和波尔多的抗议活动中，女性高呼“我们都是吉赛尔”。佩利科对所有指控都表示认罪，并坦承“我是强奸犯”。

But there are 50 other men in the dock with Mr. Pelicot. Most of them are charged with the aggravated rape of Ms. Pelicot. More than a dozen have pleaded not guilty; some have argued that they were tricked or were told that Ms. Pelicot was pretending to be asleep because she was shy.

但与佩利科一起出庭受审的还有另外50名男子。其中大多数被控加重强奸罪。有十几名被告表示不认罪；一些人辩称，当时他们是被骗了，或者被告知佩利科女士是因为害羞而假装睡着。

Feminism has long been interested in the relationship between knowledge and power, in how women deprived of knowledge are deprived of power. In the past few weeks, we have been brutally reminded that ignorance or the claiming of it can also be a convenient tool of the powerful. Consent requires an effort to know the desires of the other, while rape requires the complete disregard — the cancellation — of the other, of allowing oneself to have awareness of only one’s own pleasure. Indeed, drugging a woman into complete submission seems like a particularly obvious manifestation of a man’s desire not to know.

女权主义长期以来关注知识与权力的关系，关注被剥夺知识的女性是如何被剥夺权力的。在过去几周里，我们惨痛地意识到，不知情或声称不知情也可以成为权势者的便利工具。获得同意需要有了解他人意愿的动作，而强奸则是对他人的完全无视——一种取消，只在乎自己的快感。事实上，下药让女人完全屈服似乎是男性无意了解对方意愿的一个特别明显的表现。

“I don’t accept being called a rapist,” one defendant protested in court. “I’m not a rapist. It’s too much for me to bear,” he said. He went on to explain how much he’s learned about consent since his arrest: “The magistrate told me: Even if you’re married, a woman doesn’t fully belong to you.” “Maybe not at all,” the judge corrected, perfecting the defendant’s sexual education in court. “Yes, women don’t belong to men,” he replied. “I hope they’ll teach that in schools. It took me 54 years.”

“我不接受自己被称为强奸犯，”一名被告在法庭上抗议道。“我不是强奸犯。我实在接受不了，”他说。他接着解释说，自被捕后，他学到了很多关于知情同意的知识：“执法官告诉我：即使你结婚了，一个女人也不完全属于你。”“也许完全不属于你，”法官纠正道，在公堂之上完善被告的性教育。“是的，女人不属于男人，”他回答说。“我希望他们能在学校里教这些。我用了54年的时间才明白。”

One defendant said that he was “destroyed” when he learned what had happened. “I will never get over it,” he told Ms. Pelicot in court, as if she had been raped without the knowledge of either the perpetrator or the victim. Pressed, he described it as an “involuntary rape.”

一名被告表示，在得知发生的事情后，他“崩溃”了。“我永远无法接受这个事实，”他在法庭上对佩利科女士说道，仿佛她是在施害和受害双方均不知情的情况下遭到了强奸。追问之下，他选择称之为“非自愿强奸”。

Mr. Pelicot kept meticulous video evidence of most of the assaults, so the defendants cannot dispute the material facts. The only defense they have available is to say that they did not know that what they were doing was rape because they did not know that they did not have the consent of Ms. Pelicot. Some have argued that they went to the couple’s home to have filmed sex on the assumption that Ms. Pelicot was pretending to be asleep but thought she was participating or that they understood that Mr. Pelicot could consent on her behalf as her husband. (“She’s his wife. He can do whatever he wants with her,” one defendant said.) One argued that he did not know what “consent” meant.

佩利科详细记录了大部分性侵事件的视频证据，因此被告无法对关键事实提出异议。他们唯一可以辩护的地方，就是声称不知道他们所做的事情是强奸，因为他们不知道没有得到佩利科女士的同意。有些人辩称，他们去这对夫妇的家中拍摄性爱视频，是因为他们认为佩利科女士是假装睡着的，其实她是有参与其中的，或者他们认为佩利科作为她的丈夫可以代她同意。（“她是他的妻子。他可以对她做任何他想做的事，”一名被告说。）有一个被告辩称，他不知道“知情同意”是什么意思。

A growing number of European Union countries have “yes means yes” sexual consent laws, but France still defines rape as a sexual act committed through “violence, coercion, threat or surprise.” This trial has reopened the debate about whether the definition should be changed. Without a requirement of affirmative consent, an accused person can argue — as one of the defense lawyers in this trial did — that “without intention to commit it, there is no rape.” The system insists that effort be expended to try to divine the true intentions of men who are accused of committing a sex act on a snoring woman.

越来越多的欧盟国家制定了“同意就是同意”的性同意法，但法国仍然将强奸定义为通过“暴力、胁迫、威胁或出其不意”实施的性行为。这次审判重新点燃了是否应该改变强奸定义的辩论。在不要求得到肯定同意的情况下，被告可以辩称——就像这次审判中的一名辩护律师所做的那样——“如果没有实施强奸的意图，强奸就不成立。”现行法律坚持认为，对于那些被指控对昏睡状态下的女性实施性行为的男人，应该尽最大努力弄清楚他们的真实意图。

A recent Ipsos survey revealed significant progress in the understanding of rape since the beginning of the #MeToo movement in France, but some one-fifth of French people still said they do not view forcing their partner to have intercourse as rape, and nearly 10 percent said that forcing sex on someone who is drunk or asleep or incapable of expressing consent is not rape. Among men ages 18 to 24, it’s closer to 30 percent. (“To me, rape is grabbing someone in the street,” one of the defendants is reported to have said.)

益普索最近的一项调查显示，自法国的“#我也是”运动开始以来，人们对强奸的理解取得了重大进展，但大约五分之一的法国人仍然表示，他们不认为强迫伴侣发生性关系是强奸，近10%的人表示，强迫醉酒或睡着或无法表达知情同意的人发生性关系不是强奸。在18至24岁的男性中，这一比例接近30%。（“对我来说，强奸得是在街上把一个人拽走的程度，”据媒体报道，其中一名被告说。）

It appears to have been easy for Mr. Pelicot to find men who were willing to participate in the abuse of his unconscious wife; many of the accused men lived within about 40 miles of his home. If their number makes them monstrous, taken one by one, they’re sadly normal. Men with families and jobs — a journalist, a firefighter, a nurse, a civil servant. One apparently missed the birth of his daughter while he was at the Pelicot home. According to reporting by Le Monde, 72 of the 83 men Mr. Pelicot approached on the internet forum À Son Insu (Without Her Knowledge) or on Skype said yes. Of the minority who declined, it doesn’t seem that any of them bothered to call the police. Presumably they also did not want to know.

对佩利科来说，似乎很容易就找到了愿意参与性侵的男人；许多被告都住在距离他家65公里范围内。如果说他们的数量之多让人觉得骇人听闻，那么可悲的是，一个个来看，他们都是普通人。他们有家庭、有工作，其中包括记者、消防员、护士、公务员。其中一人在佩利科家时错过了自己女儿的出生。据《世界报》报道，佩利科透过网络论坛À Son Insu（意为“瞒着她”）或Skype接触的83名男性中，有72人表示愿意参与。在拒绝的少数人中，似乎没有人费心报警。想必他们并不想知道太多。

A pair of pandas from China arrived at the Smithsonian’s National Zoo in Washington, D.C., on Tuesday, in a revival of so-called panda diplomacy after an 11-month pause that had left countless zoogoers disappointed by the absence of the lovable black-and-white bears.

周二，一对来自中国的大熊猫抵达位于华盛顿的史密森尼国家动物园，所谓熊猫外交迎来一次重生。此前11个月的暂停，让无数动物园游客对这种黑白相间的可爱动物的缺席感到失望。

After their long flight from China touched down at Dulles International Airport in Northern Virginia on Tuesday morning, the two 3-year-old giant pandas, Bao Li and Qing Bao, traveled in a police-escorted motorcade through central Washington. The bears rode in a pair of large FedEx delivery trucks bearing panda images on their sides and passed just blocks from the White House.

周二上午，两只三岁的大熊猫“宝力”和“青宝”从中国长途飞行抵达弗吉尼亚州北部的杜勒斯国际机场，乘坐警车开道的车队穿过华盛顿市中心。他们分乘两辆联邦快递的大型运货卡车，车的侧面印有熊猫图案，车队一度从距离白宫仅几个街区的地方经过。

“DC’s newest celebearities are HERE!” the National Zoo giddily posted on social media. A message on the zoo’s website said they would be available for public viewing beginning in January, following what zoo officials have said would be a quarantine period.

“特区的最新名人来了！”国家动物园在社交媒体上兴奋地写道。动物园网站上的一条消息称，在动物园官员所说的隔离期之后，他们将于明年1月开始向公众开放参观。

The transfer was first announced in a statement by the China Wildlife Conservation Association, which said the pandas would visit the National Zoo under a 10-year agreement.

中国野生动物保护协会在一份声明中首先宣布了这一转移，该声明称，根据一项为期10年的协议，大熊猫将进驻美国国家动物园。

The National Zoo, which announced in May that the pandas would arrive by the end of the year, was closed on Tuesday to allow for a safe and orderly transfer of the bears.

国家动物园于今年5月宣布，大熊猫将于今年年底到来。为了安全有序地转移大熊猫，该动物园于周二关闭。

国家动物园的三只大熊猫于去年11月前往中国四川省的一个自然保护区，该园50多年来首次没有了大熊猫的身影。

The pandas have long been one of Washington’s top attractions, and excitement was already building outside the zoo on Tuesday morning ahead of their arrival. Several television camera crews along with amateur videographers staked out the zoo’s entrance. Baked by Yael, a bakery across the street from the entrance, was offering panda-themed cake pops and panda black-and-white cookies.

长期以来，大熊猫一直是华盛顿最受欢迎的景点之一，周二早上，在他们到来之前，兴奋的人们已经聚集在动物园外。几个电视摄制组和业余摄像师守在入口处。对面的亚尔烘焙屋提供熊猫主题的蛋糕棒棒糖和熊猫黑白饼干。

The zoo was left without pandas for the first time in more than 50 years when three of the bears, two adults and their cub, left in November for a nature preserve in China’s Sichuan Province. Until then, pandas had been a constant presence in the nation’s capital since 1972, when President Richard M. Nixon visited Beijing to establish diplomatic relations between the United States and China.

去年11月，三只大熊猫（两只成年大熊猫和他们的幼崽）回到中国四川省的一个自然保护区，这是动物园50多年来首次没有了大熊猫的身影。在此之前，自1972年理查德·尼克松总统访问北京，建立美中外交关系以来，一直都有大熊猫在美国首都生活。

During the trip, Patricia Nixon, the first lady, mentioned her love for pandas to China’s premier, Zhou Enlai, who shipped a pair over two months later.

在当年的访问期间，第一夫人帕特里夏·尼克松向中国总理周恩来提到了她对大熊猫的喜爱，两个多月后，周恩来向美国送去了一对大熊猫。

Chinese pandas had remained at the zoo since then under a series of agreements between the two countries, until the last one expired without an immediate renewal last year.

此后，根据两国之间的一系列协议，中国大熊猫一直留在该动物园，直到去年最后一份协议到期，没有立即续约。

The absence of pandas from the United States prompted speculation that a recent downward slide in U.S.-China relations was to blame. Zoo officials have downplayed the idea, saying that the pandas had reached an age when they should return to China.

大熊猫在美国的缺席引发了人们的猜测，认为这是最近美中关系下滑所导致的。动物园官员对这一想法不以为然，称那几只大熊猫已经到了应该回到中国的年龄。

But China’s leader, Xi Jinping, suggested in a speech shortly after their departure last November that the pandas were a component of diplomacy between his country and the United States. Beijing was “ready to continue our cooperation with the United States on panda conservation,” Mr. Xi said during a mid-November visit to San Francisco.

但中国领导人习近平在去年11月大熊猫离开后不久的一次讲话中表示，大熊猫是中美外交关系的组成部分。在11月中旬访问旧金山期间，习近平说，北京“愿继续同美国开展大熊猫保护合作”。

Mr. Xi met with President Biden during that visit, in a summit that analysts say has helped ease tensions between the countries. A pair of pandas from China arrived at San Diego’s zoo in June.

习近平在那次访问期间会见了拜登总统。分析人士称，首脑会晤有助于缓解两国之间的紧张关系。6月，一对来自中国的大熊猫抵达圣地亚哥动物园。

In Washington on Tuesday, traffic halted along Connecticut Avenue as the panda motorcade rolled into the zoo’s entrance.

周二在华盛顿，在大熊猫的车队进入动物园的过程中，康涅狄格大道实施了限行。

Kirsten Svane, who wore “panda ears” on her head for the occasion, teared up as she used her phone to record the grand arrival.

柯尔斯滕·斯万头戴“熊猫耳朵”，她用手机记录了这一盛大场面，而且流下了眼泪。

“You know, when Mei Xiang, Tian Tian and Xiao Qi Ji left, I felt like I was losing my best friends in a way,” Svane said, referring to the pandas that departed last fall.

“你知道，当美香、添添和小奇迹离开的时候，我觉得在某种程度上我失去了我最好的朋友，”斯万说，她指的是去年秋天离开的三只大熊猫。

“You just really get to know their personality, what they like, what they don’t like, their habits, like everything,” she added. “I’m excited to be able to, you know, form that relationship again.”

“你真的已经了解了他们的个性，他们喜欢什么，不喜欢什么，他们的习惯，他们的一切，”她还说。“很高兴能够再次建立这种关系。”

As of early Tuesday afternoon, the National Zoo’s famed panda cam page was not active. But a message assured visitors that live footage would be “coming soon.”

截至周二午后，国家动物园著名的熊猫监控视频页面仍未开启。但一条消息向来访者保证，现场直播“即将到来”。

American zoos point to a rise in the wild panda numbers — 1,864 at last count — as proof that the tens of millions of dollars they have spent on conservation have hit their mark.

美国动物园指出，野生大熊猫数量的增加（最近的一次统计为1864只）证明，他们在保护大熊猫方面投入的数千万美元已达到预期效果。

But that population number comes from a 2013 Chinese government tally that no one in the conservation world actually believes — including the zoos themselves.

但这是中国政府2013年的统计数据，保护界没有人真正相信这个数字——包括动物园自己。

Zoos worldwide rent pairs of pandas from China for up to $1.1 million a year, then breed them in the hope of releasing future generations into the wild.

世界各地的动物园每年以高达110万美元的价格从中国租用一对大熊猫，然后对它们进行繁殖，希望将后代放归野外。

It is one of the world’s signature conservation programs. We spent months investigating it and found that few pandas had been released and that individual pandas had been injured, burned and even killed by aggressive artificial breeding.

这是世界上标志性的保护项目之一。我们花了几个月的时间进行调查，发现几乎没有大熊猫放归野外，个别大熊猫因激进的人工繁殖措施受伤、灼伤甚至死亡。

Zoos have glossed over the harms and declared the program a success, often by pointing to the uptick in panda numbers.

动物园对这些危害轻描淡写，往往以大熊猫数量上升为由，宣布该项目取得了成功。

But a 2006 research proposal from the National Zoo in Washington declared that the census methodology had “never been examined systematically and scientifically for its accuracy” and had “no quantitative data” to back it up.

但华盛顿国立动物园2006年的一项研究计划书宣称，大熊猫数量普查方法“从未经过系统和科学的准确性检验”，而且“没有定量数据”作为支持。

Another document from 2012 described a “lack of sound data on giant panda numbers in nature.”

2012年的另一份文件描述了“缺乏关于自然界大熊猫数量的可靠数据”。

“The number is, of course, not fully reliable,” said Jianguo Liu, an ecologist at Michigan State University who studies panda habitat in China.

“当然，这个数字并不完全可靠，”密歇根州立大学研究中国大熊猫栖息地的生态学家刘建国说。

How Do You Count Pandas?

怎样为熊猫计数？

China’s panda surveys, carried out about once a decade, are ambitious, multiyear affairs led by the national forestry bureau. In the most recent round, surveyors fanned out across steep terrain with GPS devices and topographic maps, sometimes taking local farmers as guides.

中国的大熊猫调查大约每十年进行一次，由国家林草局牵头，这是一项雄心勃勃、开展多年的工作。在最近的一轮调查中，勘测人员带着GPS设备和地形图在陡峭的地形上展开调查，有时还请当地农民当向导。

They searched for panda droppings, then analyzed bamboo fragments found in them.

他们搜寻熊猫粪便，然后分析其中发现的竹子碎片。

Pandas are solitary creatures that stick to particular forest areas, called home ranges. They have distinctive bite marks. They are also prolific poopers.

大熊猫是一种独居动物，它们固定在特定的森林区域，称为“家域”。它们有独特的咬痕。它们排便很多。

By analyzing bite marks that remain on the bamboo fragments, the thinking goes, surveyors can estimate how many pandas live in the area.

通过分析残留在竹片上的咬痕，调查人员可以估计出该地区有多少只大熊猫。

This Is Not Ideal

这种方法并不理想

In a 2010 blog post, Yu Changqing, a scientist who was a survey adviser, criticized the methodology and questioned the project’s organization.

在2010年的一篇博客文章中，曾担任调查顾问的科学家于长青批评了该方法，并对该项目的组织工作提出了质疑。

Millions were allocated to administrative expenses, while experts were sidelined. He wrote that “the giant panda survey is a scientific matter that should have been left to scientific researchers.” He added, “The final result was really regrettable.”

数以百万计的美元用于行政费用，而专家们则被边缘化，他写道：“大熊猫调查是一项科学的事情，本来应该交给科研人员负责。”他还写道，“最终结果实在令人遗憾。”

The National Zoo once proposed alternatives, calling the bite-mark approach “labor intensive and controversial.”

国立动物园曾提出过替代方案，称咬痕法“劳动强度大且有争议”。

Experts say there are better options.

专家表示，还有更好的选择。

“DNA is definitely the gold standard,” said David Garshelis, a co-chairman of the Bear Specialist Group at the International Union for Conservation of Nature, a wildlife monitoring group.

“DNA绝对是黄金标准，”野生动物监测组织国际自然保护联盟熊类专家小组的联合主席戴维·加尔谢利斯说。

Chinese experts said they had trouble finding enough fresh feces for consistent DNA analysis.

中国专家表示，他们很难找到足够的新鲜粪便来进行一致的DNA分析。

China Keeps Its Methodology a Secret

中国对统计方法保密

China’s forestry bureau arrives at a precise number — down to the last digit. It won’t say exactly how it does that.

中国林草局得出了一个精确的数字——精确到个位数字数字。但该机构不肯透露这是如何做到的。

American zoos and the World Wildlife Fund help finance the last census, but even they don’t know.

美国动物园和世界野生动物基金会为最后一次普查提供了资金，但连这两个机构也不知道具体的统计方法。

“They didn’t provide any of the information to understand how they did the analysis,” said Colby Loucks, a World Wildlife Fund vice president.

“他们没有提供任何信息来解释他们如何进行分析，”世界自然基金会副主席科尔比·洛克斯说。

The forestry bureau did not answer our questions about the census. It said our reporting was inaccurate but did not elaborate.

中国林草局没有回答我们关于大熊猫调查的提问。它表示我们的报道不准确，但没有详细说明。

“We just don’t have access” to timely data, said Qiongyu Huang, a wildlife biologist at the Smithsonian. “It’s kind of a bummer. We could have done a lot more research.”

“我们无法获得”及时的数据，史密森学会的野生动物生物学家黄穹宇（音）说。“这有点令人沮丧。我们本可以做更多的研究。”

Panda Data Is Political

熊猫数据是政治性的

Pandas are political. Censuses are political. A panda census is extremely political.

熊猫是政治性的。调查是政治性的。熊猫调查尤其是政治性的。

In the 1980s, some officials in western China worried that revealing the existence of pandas would lead to logging bans, so scientists believe they underreported or denied the presence of pandas.

在20世纪80年代，中国西部的一些官员担心披露大熊猫的存在会导致伐木禁令，因此科学家认为他们少报或否认了大熊猫的存在。

Other pressures may lead to overreporting. For some poor areas in western China, pandas can bring in government funding.

其他压力也可能导致多报。在中国西部的一些贫困地区，大熊猫可以带来政府资金。

These competing interests make it hard to know the truth. “There are so many human interventions,” said Lung Yuan Chih, a director of the Taiwan Human-Animal Studies Institute.

这些相互冲突的利益使人很难了解真相。“人为干预太多了，”台湾动物与人学会理事龙缘之说。

Zoos Embrace the Number

动物园接受这一数字

In 2016, the International Union for Conservation of Nature declared that pandas were no longer endangered.

2016年，国际自然保护联盟宣布大熊猫不再濒危。

The group’s experts believed that, even if the 1,864 count wasn’t exact, panda numbers were trending upward and their habitat was growing, said Dr. Garshelis. He said that China provided the group with some data, like the estimated number of pandas in each area, along with the locations of the droppings analyzed.

加尔谢利斯说，该组织的专家认为，即使1864只大熊猫这一数量不准确，但大熊猫的数量呈上升趋势，它们的栖息地也在扩大。他说，中国向该组织提供了一些数据，比如每个地区大熊猫的估计数量，以及被分析的粪便的位置。

Annalisa Meyer, a National Zoo spokeswoman, said that, while “scientific discourse is expected,” the international community has reached a consensus that the panda population is increasing. She said that more habitat had been protected, and that researchers had observed wild pandas moving into those new areas.

国立动物园发言人安娜丽莎·迈耶说，虽然“依然有待科学论述”，但是，国际社会已经达成共识，认为大熊猫的数量正在增加。她说，更多的栖息地得到了保护，研究人员已经观察到野生大熊猫正在进入这些新的地区。

Oddly enough, China’s forestry bureau disputed the I.U.C.N. decision, fearing that it would remove pandas from the spotlight, Dr. Garshelis said.

奇怪的是，中国林草局对国际自然保护联盟的决定提出了异议，担心这会让大熊猫淡出人们的视线，加尔谢利斯说。

But China, like American zoos, now says the new designation proves the program’s success.

但现在，中国和美国动物园同样表示，新的认定证明了该项目的成功。

“Ultimately,” Dr. Garshelis said, “they became convinced by their own numbers.”

“最终，”加尔谢利斯说，“他们被他们自己的数字说服了。”

Two chunky pandas, a male and a female, are due to arrive from China this week at the National Zoo in Washington. If everything goes as planned, they will eventually have cubs.

两只胖乎乎的大熊猫——一雄一雌——将于本周从中国抵达华盛顿国立动物园。如果一切按计划进行，他们最终会产下幼崽。

Exchanges like this have helped turn giant pandas into the face of conservation worldwide.

像这样的交流帮助大熊猫成为全球动物保护的代言者。

The panda program was created with the stated goal of saving a beloved endangered species. Zoos would pay up to $1.1 million a year per pair, which would help China preserve the pandas’ habitat. By following carefully crafted breeding recommendations, zoos would help improve the genetic diversity of the species.

大熊猫计划是为了拯救一个受人喜爱的濒危物种。动物园每年为一对大熊猫支付的费用可达110万美元，这笔钱可以帮助中国来保护大熊猫的栖息地。通过人工繁殖，动物园将有助于改善物种的遗传多样性。

And someday, China would release pandas into the wild.

有朝一日，中国会把大熊猫都放归野外。

But a New York Times investigation, based on more than 10,000 pages of documents, has found that the Chinese authorities and American zoos have put a rosy sheen on a program that has struggled, and often failed, to meet those objectives. The records, photographs and videos — many of them from the Smithsonian Institution Archives — offer a detailed, unvarnished history of the program.

但《纽约时报》基于对1万多页文件进行的调查发现，项目在实现这些目标的过程中困难重重，且常以失败告终，而中国官方和美国动物园对此进行了粉饰。这些记录、照片和视频——其中许多来自史密森尼学会档案馆——提供了该计划详尽、真实的历史。

They show that, from the beginning, zoos saw panda cubs as a pathway to visitors, prestige and merchandise sales.

它们表明，从一开始，动物园就把熊猫幼崽视为吸引游客、提高声望和销售商品的途径。

On that, they have succeeded.

在这一点上，它们取得了成功。

Today, China has removed more pandas from the wild than it has freed, The Times found. No cubs born in American or European zoos, or their offspring, have ever been released. The number of wild pandas remains a mystery because the Chinese government’s count is widely seen as flawed and politicized.

时报发现，如今，被中国带离野外的大熊猫数量超过了放归的数量。在美国或欧洲动物园出生的幼崽及其后代从未被放归。野生大熊猫的数量仍然是一个谜，因为中国政府的统计被广泛视为有缺陷和政治化的。

Along the way, individual pandas have been hurt.

在这个过程中，个别大熊猫受到了伤害。

Because pandas are notoriously fickle about mating in captivity, scientists have turned to artificial breeding. That has killed at least one panda, burned the rectum of another and caused vomiting and injuries in others, records show. Some animals were partly awake for painful procedures. Pandas in China have flickered in and out of consciousness as they were anesthetized and inseminated as many as six times in five days, far more often than experts recommend.

由于圈养大熊猫在交配方面出了名地反复无常，科学家们转向了人工繁殖。记录显示，这已导致至少一只大熊猫死亡，一只大熊猫的直肠被烧伤，还有一些大熊猫呕吐和受伤。一些动物在进行痛苦的手术时部分处于清醒状态。中国的一些大熊猫在时而清醒时而不清醒的状态下，五天内遭到多达六次的麻醉和授精，这远远超过了专家建议的频率。

Breeding in American zoos has done little to improve genetic diversity, experts say, because China typically sends abroad animals whose genes are already well represented in the population.

专家表示，美国动物园的繁殖在改善遗传多样性方面收效甚微，因为中国通常会送出那些基因已经在种群中得到充分体现的动物。

Yet American zoos clamor for pandas, and China eagerly provides them. Zoos get attention and attendance. Chinese breeders get cash bonuses for every cub, records show. At the turn of the century, 126 pandas lived in captivity. Today there are more than 700.

然而，美国动物园对大熊猫趋之若鹜，中国也踊跃地提供。动物园得到关注和客流。记录显示，中国的繁殖者每繁殖一只幼崽都能获得现金奖励。在世纪之交，有126只大熊猫被圈养。如今有700多只。

2022年，中国成都大熊猫繁育研究基地，熊猫饲养员抱着幼崽。

Kati Loeffler, a veterinarian, worked at a panda breeding center in Chengdu, China, during the program’s early years. “I remember standing there with the cicadas screaming in the bamboo,” she said. “I realized, ‘Oh my God, my job here is to turn the well-being and conservation of pandas into financial gain.’”

卡蒂·洛夫勒是一名在该项目实施早期曾在中国成都大熊猫繁育研究基地工作的兽医。“我记得我站在那儿，蝉在竹林里尖叫，”她说。“我意识到，哦，天哪，我在这里的工作就是把大熊猫的福祉和保护转化为经济利益。”

Dr. Loeffler, who spent part of her time in Chengdu as a scholar affiliated with the National Zoo in Washington, said that scientists there used anesthesia excessively and sloppily. At one point, she said, she bucked protocol and jumped onto an examination table to cradle an animal as it was being anesthetized.

洛夫勒曾作为华盛顿国立动物园的学者在成都待过一段时间。她说，那里的科学家过度而草率地使用麻醉。她说，有一次，她不顾规程，跳到检查台上，抱起一只正在麻醉的动物。

Kimberly Terrell, who was director of conservation at the Memphis Zoo until 2017, said, “There was always pressure and the implication that cubs would bring money.” She noted that zoo administrators insisted on inseminating its aging female panda every year, despite concerns among zookeepers that it was unlikely to succeed. It never did.

在孟菲斯动物园任保育主任至2017年的金伯利·特雷尔说，“始终有一种压力和暗示，就是幼崽能生钱。”她指出，尽管有管理员担心不太可能成功，园方仍坚持每年对年迈的雌性大熊猫进行人工授精。这从未成功过。

“The people who actually worked day to day with these animals, who understand them best, were pretty opposed to these procedures,” she said. The zoo said its breeding efforts followed all program requirements. (Dr. Terrell, now a scientist at Tulane University in Louisiana, settled an unrelated gender discrimination lawsuit against the zoo in 2018.)

“那些每天和这些动物一起工作的人，最了解它们的人，非常反对这些手术，”她说。该动物园表示，其繁殖工作遵循了联邦指导方针。（特雷尔现在是路易斯安那杜兰大学的一名科学家，她在2018年就一起与本文所涉内容无关的性别歧视诉讼与该动物园达成了和解。）

The Times collected key documents and audiovisual materials from the Smithsonian archives and supplemented them with materials obtained through open-records requests. The trove, which spans four decades, includes medical records, scientists’ field notes and photographs and videos that offer crucial evidence of breeding procedures, side effects and the conditions in which pandas were held.

《纽约时报》从史密森尼档案馆收集了关键文件和视听材料，并通过公开记录请求获得了补充材料。这些资料跨越了40年，包括医疗记录、科学家的实地记录、照片和视频，为大熊猫的繁殖过程、副作用和饲养条件提供了重要证据。

They show that the riskiest techniques happened in the program’s infancy, but that aggressive breeding continued at the National Zoo and at other institutions for years. A panda in Japan died during sperm collection in 2010. Chinese breeding centers, until recently, separated cubs from their mothers to make the females go back into heat.

它们表明，虽然最有危险的技术出现在人工繁殖计划刚起步的时候，但这种积极的繁殖做法在国立动物园和其他机构已持续了多年。2010年，日本的一只大熊猫在采精过程中死亡。中国的繁育研究中心曾为了让雌性大熊猫能再次发情，将幼崽与母兽分开，直到近年才有所改变。

Pandas arrived in San Diego this summer, and more will most likely land in San Francisco early next year. There are pandas in a steamy safari park in Indonesia and in an air-conditioned dome in Qatar. So many pandas are in captivity in China that several new tourist attractions are being built.

大熊猫已在今年夏天来到圣地亚哥，很可能还会有大熊猫明年年初来旧金山。印度尼西亚闷热的野生动物园里有大熊猫，卡塔尔一个带空调的圆顶建筑里也有大熊猫。在中国，圈养的大熊猫如此之多，以至于国内正在建造几个新的旅游景点。

2022年，一只中国大熊猫在卡塔尔豪尔市的熊猫公园。熊猫喜欢凉爽的气候，所以这两只熊猫——苏海尔和索拉雅——生活在一个有空调的圆顶建筑里。

This panda proliferation has prompted debates among zoo workers and scientists over whether it is ethical to subject animals to intensive breeding when they have no real prospect of being released into the wild. But those discussions have largely played out privately because researchers and zookeepers said that criticizing the program could hurt their ability to work in the field.

大熊猫数量的激增在动物园工作人员和科学家中引发了争议，在没有真正放归野外的希望时让动物进行频繁的繁殖，这种做法是否合乎伦理？但这种讨论大多在私下进行，因为研究人员和动物园饲养员说，公开批评人工繁殖计划可能会给他们在该领域的工作带来不良影响。

Veterinary medicine is always risky, especially with wild animals. When an animal’s life is in danger, the benefits of intervening outweigh the risks. And when a species is on the verge of extinction, conservationists sometimes make a last-ditch effort to save it.

兽医学总是存在风险的，尤其对象是野生动物时。当动物的生命受到威胁时，人工干预的好处大于风险。当一个物种濒临灭绝时，动物保护者有时会为拯救物种做出最后的努力。

But with pandas, zoo administrators take chances again and again simply to make more cubs, while keeping the grimmest details from the public.

但在熊猫的问题上，动物园的管理者们只是为了生出更多幼崽一次又一次冒险，同时向公众隐瞒最残酷的细节。

At the center of this story is the National Zoo, which is part of the Smithsonian. Pandas have been part of the zoo’s image since 1972, when President Richard M. Nixon traded a pair of musk oxen for two bears after his historic trip to China.

处于本文风口浪尖的是史密森尼学会旗下的国立动物园。自从尼克松总统1972年对中国进行了历史性访问、用一对麝牛换来两只大熊猫后，大熊猫一直是国立动物园形象的一部分。

But the Smithsonian has glossed over the reality of artificial breeding, at times in partnership with the Chinese propaganda apparatus, records show.

但记录显示，史密森尼学会忽视了人工繁殖大熊猫的现实，有时还是与中国宣传机构合作的情况下这样做的。

8月在圣地亚哥动物园，雌性大熊猫鑫宝在媒体预展期间。

American zoos say that keeping and breeding pandas has expanded scientific understanding of the species. “Critical intervention, including conservation breeding, has been necessary for the survival of giant pandas,” the San Diego Zoo said in a statement.

美国的动物园称，对大熊猫的养护与繁育已扩大了人们对这个物种科学上的了解。“关键干预，包括保育繁殖在内的举措，对大熊猫的生存十分必要，”圣地亚哥动物园在一份声明中表示。

Western money and attention have also coincided with China’s expansion of nature reserves and stricter logging rules.

得到西方资金和关注的同时，中国扩大了大熊猫保护区，并制定了更严格的伐木规定。

A National Zoo spokeswoman, Annalisa Meyer, acknowledged that efforts to release pandas into the wild were “still developing,” and she said that the program’s success could not be measured in the number of animals released. She said that pandas in zoos were “insurance against extinction” and that animal safety was a top priority.

国立动物园的发言人安娜丽莎·迈耶承认，将大熊猫重新放归野外的努力“仍在进行中”，并表示计划的成败不能用放归动物的数量来衡量。她说，动物园饲养大熊猫是为“确保避免灭绝”，动物安全是首要问题。

Having pandas in zoos also shows that people around the world love, and want to protect, the species, said Melissa Songer, a Smithsonian conservation biologist.

史密森尼保育生物学家梅丽莎·松厄说，在动物园里饲养大熊猫还表明，全世界的人们都热爱并希望保护这一物种。

Pandas in captivity are stubborn breeders. Females are fertile for, at best, three days a year. Males can be aggressive or incompetent partners.

圈养的大熊猫难以自然繁殖。雌性大熊猫一年可受孕的时间最多只有三天。而雄性大熊猫则可能具有攻击性，或者生育能力低下。

But in one of the program’s great ironies, the quest to save pandas may be making it harder for them to breed.

但人工繁殖计划最有讽刺意味的一个方面是，拯救大熊猫的努力可能会让它们变得更难繁殖。

Records show that zoos have long known that keeping pandas in captivity made it less likely that they would mate. Giant pandas in zoos often have a “loss of normal behaviors resulting in reproductive failure,” the National Zoo wrote in an early research proposal.

记录显示，动物园早就知道，圈养大熊猫会降低它们交配的可能性。国立动物园在一份早期的研究计划书中写道，动物园里的大熊猫通常“不再有正常的行为，导致繁殖失败”。

Heather Bacon, a veterinarian at the University of Central Lancashire, in northwestern England, said humans set the terms. “We choose how they breed. If they don’t want to breed, we make them breed,” said Dr. Bacon, a director of the Bear Care Group, which works closely with zookeepers. “And the justification for that is always, quote-unquote, conservation. Is that a genuine justification?”

位于英格兰西北部的中央兰开夏大学的兽医学家希瑟·培根说，“他们的繁殖方式是由我们决定的。他们不想繁殖，我们就强迫他们繁殖，”她是为动物园提供咨询的熊类养护组织(Bear Care Group)的主任。“而这样做的理由总是所谓的保护。真的是这样吗？”

“Because all we’re doing,” she added, “is producing more pandas to live in captivity and have those same experiences over and over again.”

“因为我们在做的无非就是生产更多大熊猫，“她还说，“让他们在圈养下生活，一遍又一遍经历同样的东西。”

The ‘Sperm Team’

“精子队”

The panda program was supposed to fix abuses.

熊猫项目本应解决虐待问题。

In the 1980s, China sent pandas for short stints to foreign zoos, where they rode bicycles and pushed trollies, like carnival sideshows. Many had been caught in the wild. It took a lawsuit for U.S. regulators to intervene.

中国曾在20世纪80年代将大熊猫送到外国动物园短住，它们在那里骑自行车、推婴儿车，像是在狂欢节上做杂耍表演。这些大熊猫中许多是从野外捕捉的。直到有人提起诉讼后，美国监管部门才介入。

1987年在圣地亚哥表演的熊猫巴斯，2015年她在中国福州的熊猫研究中心度过了35岁生日。她在美国逗留的六个月期间吸引了大约250万游客。

After years of negotiation, American zoos and the Chinese government struck a deal, and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service issued a policy in 1998. Zoos could rent pandas for a decade at a time, with the money going toward conservation.

经过多年谈判，美国动物园和中国政府达成了协议，美国鱼类和野生动物管理局于1998年颁布了一项政策。动物园可以租借大熊猫，租期为十年，租金用于保护大熊猫。

American and Chinese scientists also agreed to jointly study panda breeding. The population in captivity showed signs of inbreeding. Artificial insemination efforts had faltered.

美中科学家还同意一起研究大熊猫的繁育。圈养的大熊猫种群已表现出近亲繁殖的迹象。人工授精的努力已遭遇挫折。

So, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, scientists from the National Zoo, San Diego Zoo and other institutions flew to the Chinese province of Sichuan. Archival photographs and records reveal details of trips that have seldom been discussed but that laid the foundation for breeding around the world.

因此，来自美国国立动物园、圣地亚哥动物园和其他机构的科学家们在20世纪90年代末和本世纪初来到了中国的四川省。档案照片和记录揭示的旅行细节很少被公开讨论过，但这些旅行为世界各地的人工繁殖项目打下了基础。

Researchers shot pandas with tranquilizer darts to anesthetize them, then laid them on stretchers or boards. Bundled up against the cold in spartan concrete rooms, scientists collected semen from the males by inserting electrified probes into their rectums.

研究人员用麻醉枪将大熊猫麻醉，然后将它们放在担架或木板上。科学家们在简陋的水泥房间里裹得严严实实，将通电的探针插入雄性大熊猫的直肠，以便收集他们的精液。

They called themselves the “Sperm Team.”

他们称自己为“精子队”。

This technique, called electroejaculation, is commonly used in captive breeding. But the scientists drugged some of the animals with unadulterated ketamine, a powerful sedative that veterinarians typically use in combination with other drugs. Ketamine alone can leave an animal anxious and in pain — and partly awake, as a National Zoo veterinarian acknowledged in a presentation at the time.

这个被称为电击射精的技术通常用在圈养繁殖中。但科学家们给一些动物注射了纯氯胺酮，这是一种强效镇静剂，兽医们通常将其与其他药物结合起来使用。单独使用氯胺酮会使动物产生焦虑和疼痛感，而且处于半清醒状态，正如国立动物园的一名兽医在当时的一次介绍中承认的那样。

Some pandas were “light,” meaning they were insufficiently anesthetized, and apparently struggled.

有些大熊猫处于“轻度”麻醉状态（意思是麻醉不充分），有明显的挣扎。

“Animal was light during entire procedure,” JoGayle Howard, a scientist at the National Zoo, wrote in a journal she kept on a 1999 trip. “Almost came off table at one point (used ketamine only this time instead of ketamine and xylazine).”

“动物在整个过程中处于轻度状态，”国立动物园的科学家乔盖尔·霍华德在1999年一次旅行期间的日记中写道。“有一次差点从操作台上掉下来（这次只用了氯胺酮，而不是氯胺酮和甲苯噻嗪）。”

1999年，北京，一只被关在笼子里的熊猫正在接受麻醉。麻醉枪投药在兽医学中并不罕见，但人工繁殖过程中，这一部分很少被看到或被讨论。

“Great semen sample with high count,” she added.

“精液样本很棒，精子数量高，”她补充写道。

During one collection, Dr. Howard wrote that Chinese scientists had quadrupled the voltage to an unsafe 12 volts.

霍华德写道，在一次采集过程中，中国科学家将电压提高了四倍，达到了不安全的12伏。

“They used dangerously high voltages and too many stimulations on male Ping Ping after we left,” she wrote. “Male had bloody loose stool and no appetite for months.”

“我们离开后，他们对雄性大熊猫‘平平’（音）使用了危险的高电压和太多次的刺激，”她写道。“该雄性后来大便带血且稀软，好几个月没有食欲。”

Experts say that electroejaculation should be done cautiously, with minimal voltage. “You can do quite a lot of harm,” said Thomas Hildebrandt, an expert on artificial breeding in animals at Leibniz Institute for Zoo and Wildlife Research in Berlin.

专家说，电击射精应该谨慎使用，而且要用最低的电压。“电击射精能给动物造成相当大的伤害，”柏林莱布尼茨动物园和野生动物研究所的动物人工授精专家托马斯·希尔德布兰特说。

The Chengdu Research Base of Giant Panda Breeding, which today owns one-third of the world’s captive pandas, denied ever using excessive voltage or otherwise harming animals. “We have not had any giant pandas suffer health damage or death during surgery due to the use of ketamine,” the center said in a statement.

成都大熊猫繁育研究基地目前拥有全球三分之一的圈养大熊猫，该基地否认曾使用过过高的电压或以其他方式伤害动物。该中心在一份声明中表示：“我们并没有任何一只大熊猫在手术过程中因使用氯胺酮而出现健康受损或死亡的情况。”

Dr. Hildebrandt said that artificial insemination should be done once per cycle, after pinpointing the moment a female is most fertile.

希尔德布兰特表示，人工授精应该在确定了雌性最易受孕的时刻后，每个周期只进行一次。

But Chinese scientists inseminated female pandas repeatedly. In one experiment, they inseminated seven females, sedated with only ketamine, as often as six times per animal in five days, meaning the pandas were in and out of stupors.

但中国的科学家们反复对雌性大熊猫进行人工授精。他们在一项实验中，反复对七只雌性进行授精，仅用了氯胺酮镇静剂，在五天时间里对每只大熊猫最多进行了六次授精，意味着这些大熊猫们频繁地经历麻醉状态。

Notes in the Smithsonian archive show that American scientists accidentally injured one panda’s uterus during an examination. Photographs show pandas vomiting. “Difficult anesthesia,” scientists wrote about a female panda named Lei Lei at a breeding center in Wolong, western China. “Retching and vomiting. Inadequate fasting — food and water. Procedure cut short.”

史密森尼档案室的记录显示，美国科学家在检查过程中意外伤害了一只大熊猫的子宫。照片显示接受人工受精的熊猫出现呕吐。“麻醉困难，”科学家在记录中国西部卧龙繁育中心一只名叫“蕾蕾”（音）的雌性大熊猫的受精过程时写道。“干呕、呕吐。禁食不充分——食物和水。过程中断。”

2000年2月在中国，一只熊猫在进行医疗操作期间处于苏醒状态。尚不清楚这张照片中的熊猫的状况，但这一时期的记录显示，动物在可能十分痛苦的人工繁殖过程中是部分清醒的。

Many of the scientists from that era have retired or died, and the National Zoo said it had no records of pandas in China being injured. It said that scientists had limited knowledge about panda reproduction at the time. Ms. Meyer, the spokeswoman, said this early research period contributed to improved care and a “panda baby boom.”

许多那个时代的科学家已经退休或过世，国立动物园表示，动物园没有中国的大熊猫受伤的记录。该动物园称，总的来说，科学家那时对大熊猫繁殖的了解有限。发言人迈耶表示，这项研究的早期阶段为改善大熊猫照料做出了贡献，带来了一个“大熊猫生育高峰”。

Notes make clear that the scientists did not intend to harm the animals. They believed they were saving the species. In conservation efforts, the welfare of the species often trumps that of individual animals.

笔记清楚地显示，科学家们无意伤害这些动物。他们认为自己是在拯救这个物种。在动物保护工作中，物种的安康往往高于个体动物的福祉。

Dr. Howard became a conservation hero, now memorialized in a Chengdu museum.

霍华德后来成了一名动物保护英雄，成都的一座博物馆现在还在纪念她。

But the scientists set in motion a frenzied push to make pandas that continues today.

但这些科学家们发动了一场疯狂的熊猫繁殖运动，它一直持续到今天。

An Incentive to Breed

对人工繁殖的奖励

For decades, the Chinese zoo association has given $1,400 bonuses to breeding centers and zoos for every cub that lives to six months. Those who make “special achievements” can earn up to $7,050.

数十年来，中国动物园的管理员每繁殖一只活到六个月的大熊猫幼崽，就可获得1万元的奖励。被认为在大熊猫人工繁殖上做出“重大贡献”的人员最高可获得5万元的奖励。

The Chengdu center’s budget last year included targets for pregnancies and cubs.

成都基地去年的预算中包括大熊猫受孕和产崽目标。

9月，四川省都江堰熊猫基地，一只熊猫妈妈和她一岁大的宝宝在围栏内走动。

That creates an incentive to breed animals as quickly as possible.

这是对动物尽快繁殖的激励。

In 2017, Lung Yuan Chih, then a researcher with Tsinghua University in Beijing, visited three Chinese breeding centers for her dissertation. All three did multiple electroejaculations or fertilizations on each panda selected for breeding, said Dr. Lung, who is now a director of the Taiwan Human-Animal Studies Institute.

2017年，当时在清华大学读书的学者龙缘之为撰写博士论文访问了中国的三个大熊猫繁育基地。三个基地对每只选来配种的大熊猫都进行多次的电击射精或人工受精，龙缘之说道。她现在是台湾动物与人学会的理事。

A healthy species has a diverse variety of genes, making it more likely to adapt to illnesses or habitat changes. That is why American scientists helped create detailed recommendations for which pandas should breed.

健康物种的基因有各种多样性，这让物种在发生疾病或栖息地变化时更容易适应。这就是为什么美国的科学家们帮助制定了应该用什么大熊猫进行人工繁殖的详细建议的原因。

Those recommendations were often ignored, records show. Instead, the Chinese centers mainly focused on animals that were easy breeders.

记录显示，这些建议经常被忽视。中国的繁殖基地反而把注意力主要放在容易成功繁殖的动物身上。

Breeding centers also prematurely separated cubs from their mothers.

繁育基地还过早地将幼崽与母兽分开。

In the wild, cubs stay with their mothers for 18 months to two years. During that time, females are unlikely to go into estrus, or heat. To make the mothers fertile again, zookeepers have taken cubs away much earlier.

在野外，幼崽往往与母亲在一起18个月至两年。在这段时间里，雌性大熊猫不太可能再次发情。为了让雌性大熊猫恢复受孕能力，动物园管理员不得不提前将幼崽带走。

“Sometimes the mothers didn’t have any break at all,” said one Chinese former panda keeper who worked on breeding and spoke on the condition of anonymity because he feared reprisal. “They gave birth every year.”

“母兽有时根本得不到休息，”一名曾从事大熊猫人工繁殖的中国饲养员说，因为担心遭到报复，他要求不具名。“它们每年都产崽。”

9月，游客排队进入北京动物园内的熊猫馆。

In the mid 2000s, cubs were moved to nurseries shortly after birth. Later, many were placed with “stepmothers” — essentially panda wet nurses.

2000年代中期，幼崽出生后不久就被转移到育婴室。后来，许多幼崽被安置在“干妈”身边——本质上是大熊猫的奶妈。

Pandas give birth to one or two cubs at a time. Chinese panda enthusiasts who monitor webcam footage documented a female at the Chengdu center in 2017 caring for six cubs.

大熊猫一次产下一只或两只幼崽。观看网络摄像头录像的中国大熊猫爱好者在2017年记录了成都中心的一只雌性大熊猫照顾六只幼崽的场景。

James Ayala, an American behavioral researcher there, said that the center kept cubs with their mothers whenever possible. Stepmothers are used only when mothers reject their cubs, he said. “Now we know that keeping them with the mom is super, super, super essential,” he said.

该中心美国行为研究员詹姆斯·阿亚拉表示，中心尽可能让幼崽与母亲在一起。他说，只有当母亲拒绝幼崽时，才会使用干妈。“现在我们知道让他们和妈妈在一起是非常、非常、非常重要的，”他说。

Dr. Hildebrandt, the artificial breeding expert, said that he had worked with the center and that practices were improving.

人工繁育专家希尔德布兰特表示，他曾与该中心合作过，而且相关操作正在改善。

A Times reporter visited Chengdu last month. The center authorized Mr. Ayala to speak but declined to make administrators, scientists or panda keepers available.

上个月，《纽约时报》一名记者前往成都。该中心允许阿亚拉发言，但拒绝让管理人员、科学家或大熊猫饲养员在场。

During the interview, staff members and local propaganda officials repeatedly interjected to flag topics that were off-limits. Those included the release of pandas into the wild and artificial insemination.

在采访过程中，繁殖中心和当地宣传部门的工作人员多次打断，表示一些话题是禁区。其中包括人工授精和与美国动物园的合作。

In a recent article titled, “‘Electrocution’ of Giant Pandas! Can It Be True?” the zoo says that artificial breeding is harmless.

在近期一篇题为《耸人听闻的“电击“大熊猫，是真的吗？》的文章中，该动物园表示人工授精是无害的。

Don’t Make Money

别赚钱

When they are old enough, pairs of Chinese pandas are eligible to be rented.

中国大熊猫在达到一定年龄后就可以成对出租出去。

Under the policy governing the rental program, zoos may not profit from pandas.

根据租借项目的相关政策，动物园不得利用大熊猫牟利。

But records show that, even as the program details were being hashed out, money was at the center of the discussion.

但记录显示，即使在制定计划细节时，钱也是讨论的中心。

In 1993, zoo representatives from the United States and Europe gathered at the National Zoo to strategize.

1993年，来自美国和欧洲的动物园代表齐聚美国国立动物园会商策略。

The notes from that meeting are full of typos, but they show that zoo administrators were not interested in only displaying a rare species. They wanted cubs, referring to the agreements as “breeding loans.”

那次会议的记录虽然错字连篇，但却表明动物园的管理者们并不满足于仅仅展示一种珍稀物种。他们想要幼崽，将协议称为“繁殖租借”。

美国国立动物园提供的一段视频显示分娩后的美香，视频拍摄于2020年。

“Old males,” said a National Zoo scientist at the meeting, are not “going to bring in as much money as a breeding pair.”

国立动物园的一位科学家在会上说，“老年雄性无法像一对繁殖期的雌性和雄性那样带来那么多收入。”

Some attendees acknowledged that shipping pandas around the world did little to protect them. “If we were truly interested in the conservaitonof of the panda,” the notes read, “then we would contribute to them insitu [in the wild] and nont take them out.”

有些与会者承认，将大熊猫运往世界各地对保护它们几乎没有帮助：“如果我们真的想保护大熊猫，那么我们就会在原生地（的野外）保护它们，而不是把它们运走，”记录写道。

Today, American zoos must submit audits of their panda-related revenue to the Fish and Wildlife Service to prove that they are not profiting. Pandas are expensive. Beyond rent to China, zoos also have to build sophisticated enclosures and buy tons of bamboo.

如今，美国的动物园必须向鱼类和野生动物管理局提交与大熊猫相关的收入审计，以证明它们没有盈利。大熊猫的成本很高。除了付给中国租金，动物园还必须建造复杂的围栏，并购买成吨的竹子。

But pandas attract big donors.

但大熊猫吸引了大量的捐赠者。

In 1999, before its last pandas arrived, the National Zoo launched a $13 million fund-raising campaign, which included $10.5 million for what it called an “education center.”

1999年，在最后一只大熊猫到来之前，国立动物园发起了一项1300万美元的筹款活动，其中1050万美元用于它所称的“教育中心”。

An internal document from that period advised employees to deflect a journalist’s questions about the project’s planned gift shop, restaurant, special events area and fund-raising offices. The building is the zoo’s “investment in the future of wildlife on Earth,” the document reads. “So that’s why we want to build the ed facility!”

那个时期的一份内部文件建议员工回避一名记者关于该项目计划中的礼品店、餐厅、特别活动区和筹款办公室的问题。那座建筑是动物园“对地球野生动物未来的投资”，文件写道。“这就是我们想要建造教育设施的原因！”

今年5月，在宣布中国将于今年秋天向美国运送两只熊猫幼崽后，国立动物园搭建了一个熊猫家谱。

The zoo, a nonprofit, does not charge for admission. But documents show that it saw pandas as a way to “form strong collaborations with area businesses.”

这家非营利性的动物园不收门票。但文件显示，它将大熊猫视为“与当地企业形成强有力合作”的一种方式。

It brokered panda sponsorship deals with Fujifilm and Animal Planet; worked with local hotels to create packages that included zoo donations; and sourced panda mouse pads, golf balls and shot glasses for the gift shops.

该动物园与富士胶片(Fujifilm)和动物星球(Animal Planet)达成了大熊猫赞助协议，与当地酒店合作推出了包括动物园捐赠在内的套餐，并为礼品店采购了大熊猫鼠标垫、高尔夫球和玻璃杯。

Within months of the pandas Mei Xiang and Tian Tian arriving, one million visitors had come through the gates.

大熊猫美香和添添抵达后的几个月内就有100万游客来到这里。

But the pandas struggled.

但大熊猫们却面临困难。

Scientists have consistently observed panda “stereotypies,” or behaviors associated with captivity. San Diego Zoo scientists studied 47 captive pandas around the world and, in documents submitted to regulators, said that nearly two-thirds did things like “pacing, head tossing, pirouetting and stereotypic cage climbing.”

科学家一致观察到了大熊猫存在圈养相关的“规癖”或行为。圣地亚哥动物园的科学家对世界各地的47只圈养大熊猫进行的一项未发表研究发现，至少三分之一的大熊猫存在“踱步、甩头、后足站立旋转和规癖性的兽笼攀爬”。

Conditions in China during those early years may have made things worse. A San Diego scientist wrote to a National Zoo panda keeper that pandas often had problems arising from what he called their “jail cell” stint in “clearly substandard housing.”

中国早年的条件可能导致情况愈发恶化。一位圣地亚哥科学家在写给一位国立动物园大熊猫管理员的信中说，大熊猫时常会有他称为“囚禁期”导致的问题，也就是“居住在明显不达标的环境里”。

美香和添添2000年在四川第一次见面。这张罕见的照片让我们得以深入了解被一位圣地亚哥动物园科学家称为“囚室”的中国大熊猫圈养条件。2000年，大熊猫美香被从位于四川卧龙的中国大熊猫保护研究中心带出，准备运往华盛顿的国立动物园。

For Mei Xiang and Tian Tian, the weather was a challenge. Pandas prefer a cool mountain climate, and by April 2001, the pair languished in the Washington heat.

对美香和添添来说，天气是一个挑战。大熊猫喜欢凉爽的山区气候，而到了2001年4月，他们已经在华盛顿的酷暑中变得无精打采。

“Panting,” clinical notes read again and again. The zoo resorted to ice blocks, hosing and air-conditioning. A spokeswoman said that the zoo follows temperature and weather guidelines.

病例上不断出现“气促”这个词。园方采用了冰块、喷水和空调。动物园发言人说，园方遵循了有关温度和天气的指南。

Mei Xiang had irregular stools after being overfed during behind-the-scenes tours, a keeper wrote. When the zoo threw her a party to celebrate her millionth visitor, she slept through it.

一位管理员说，美香在一次不开放巡展期间被过量喂食，导致排便失常。当动物园为庆祝她接待了第一百万名游客而举办派对时，她全程都在睡觉。

Difficult Breeding

艰难的繁殖

As mates, Mei Xiang and Tian Tian were not a great match.

美香和添添并不是一对合适的配偶。

“Tian Tian violently attacked Mei Xiang,” a veterinarian wrote in 2002, after an early mating encounter. Later mating attempts failed.

“添添粗暴攻击了美香，”一位兽医在2002年一次早期交配后写道。此后的交配尝试都未能成功。

So staff intervened. Mei Xiang gave birth in 2005 after a single round of artificial insemination.

于是工作人员介入了。美香在接受一轮人工授精后于2005年产下幼崽。

Subsequent conceptions proved elusive. Scientists began packing multiple procedures into Mei Xiang’s brief fertile window.

在那之后，受孕变得难以捉摸起来。科学家们开始在美香短暂的繁育窗口期内加入多项手术。

Under federal policy, zoos cannot breed pandas simply to make cubs. Zoo notes from that period show that staff were repeatedly reminded that breeding was about science, not cubs.

根据联邦政策，动物园不能仅仅出于获得幼崽的目的进行大熊猫繁育。那个时期的动物园记录显示，工作人员不断被提醒，繁育是出于科学目的，不是为了生崽。

Administrators tracked the efforts.

管理者对相关努力进行了跟踪记录。

“Unfortunately, this was the fourth year in a row that Mei Xiang has not been able to conceive,” the director reported to the zoo’s advisory board in 2010.

“不幸的是，美香已经连续四年无法受孕，”园长在2010年给动物园顾问委员会的报告中说。

The following year was particularly difficult. Mei Xiang vomited after her first insemination. When staff anesthetized her for the second, about 24 hours later, the dart did not fully discharge. Mei Xiang was darted four times that day, leading to a rough recovery.

接下来一年格外困难。美香在第一次人工授精后出现呕吐。约24小时后，工作人员就着手对她进行第二次麻醉，药物未能充分施放。美香那天被扎了四针，导致后来的康复过程十分艰难。

Ms. Meyer, the National Zoo spokeswoman, said that breeding was closely monitored and followed protocol.

国立动物园发言人迈耶说，繁育过程得到了密切监控，并遵守了相关规定。

In 2011, the zoo announced that if Mei Xiang failed to produce a cub the next year, it might send her back to China.

2011年，园方宣布如果美香明年仍无法产崽，就将被送回中国。

2005年8月1日，在华盛顿的史密森尼国立动物园，三周大的大熊猫幼崽和妈妈美香正在打盹。2021年，在华盛顿的国立动物园，熊猫宝宝小奇迹和妈妈美香一起庆祝他的第一个生日。

Mei Xiang ultimately produced four surviving cubs after at least 21 rounds of artificial insemination. Few of the details were made public, and the Smithsonian has refused to release some information about them through an open-records request.

美香最终在经过至少21次人工授精后产下了四只存活的幼崽。有关详情甚少为公众所知，史密森尼方面在收到一项公开记录要求后拒绝公布部分信息。

Years later, in 2022, the Smithsonian Channel made a film about her last cub, “The Miracle Panda,” with a company that is part of China’s propaganda apparatus. It presented artificial breeding as quick, effective and minimally invasive.

多年后的2022年，史密森尼频道与一家隶属于中国宣传部门的公司合作，制作了关于她的最后一只幼崽的影片《奇迹大熊猫》(The Miracle Panda)。片中介绍人工繁育是一种快捷、有效且侵入性极低的手段。

The zoo spokeswoman said that filmmakers who needed access to China were required to work with certain production companies. The Smithsonian reviewed the film for “scientific accuracy,” she said.

动物园发言人说，要想得到在中国拍摄的资格，摄制方需要与特定的制作公司合作。史密森尼对影片的“科学准确性”进行了审核，她说。

Almost immediately after each birth, money poured in.

每一次产崽，几乎总是能立刻带来一大笔钱。

“Overall merchandise sales have increased dramatically,” reads a 2006 document from the zoo’s fund-raising partner.

“周边产品的总销量有大幅增长，”动物园的筹款合作伙伴在2006年的一份文件中写道。

“Funds much zoo operations, research, education programming,” an employee scrawled on a notepad.

“给许多动物园运转、研究、教育项目提供了资金，”一位动物园雇员在笔记本上写道。

Visitor totals shot up and by 2010, records show, nine out of the 10 best-selling items were panda-related.

访客数量直线上升，到了2010年，记录显示，销量排在前10的周边中，有九种产品与大熊猫有关。

Experts say that China typically keeps its most genetically valuable animals in the country. At one point, records show, Tian Tian and Mei Xiang had “the lowest rating” as a pair.

专家称，中国通常把最有遗传价值的动物留在国内。有一处记录显示，添添和美香作为配偶得到了“最低评分”。

The zoo says that their cubs are healthy and genetically important. “They are part of the breeding program” in China, said Pierre Comizzoli, a Smithsonian reproductive expert who led many of the inseminations. “So this is extremely important.”

园方称他们的幼崽身体健康，且极具遗传价值。他们属于中国的“繁育项目的一部分”，主持多项人工授精操作的史密森尼繁殖专家皮埃尔·康米佐里说。“因此这是极为重要的。”

At one point, though, records show that experts discussed using a private jet to fly sperm from a panda in San Diego that was a “much more appropriate” genetic match.

不过，有一处记录显示，专家曾讨论用私人飞机空运圣地亚哥一只大熊猫的精液，因为那只大熊猫的基因“适配性好得多”。

“Scientifically, these animals are not important to the population,” Mads Frost Bertelsen, the zoological director at the Copenhagen Zoo, said of the pandas sent overseas. His zoo has pandas, but has not used artificial insemination, he said. “The only reason to do it right now would be a financial one. We would get more revenue if we had cubs.”

“科学上讲，这些动物对种群的意义不大，”哥本哈根动物园动物学主任马兹·弗罗斯特·伯特尔森在谈及送往海外的大熊猫时说。他的动物园有大熊猫，但是没有使用人工授精。“现在去做这事，只能是出于财务的原因。如果我们有幼崽，我们的收入会增加。”

Pandas in the Wild

野外大熊猫

One of the great hopes of the panda program was that someday, animals bred in captivity would be freed to repopulate the wild, like the creatures on Noah’s Ark.

对大熊猫项目的一大期待是，有朝一日这些圈养动物能放归野外生活，就像诺亚方舟上的那些生物。

Ten pandas have successfully been released, a number that is touted by China’s national forestry bureau. But nearly as many have died in the process, The Times found in an analysis of news reports. Two died in the wild from attack or infection and another six died in a prerelease program.

成功放归的大熊猫有10只，这是中国国家林草局大肆宣传的数字。但《纽约时报》在分析新闻报道后发现，在此过程中死亡的大熊猫几乎也有这么多。其中两只死于野外袭击或感染，至少还有六只在准备放归期间死亡。

Since 1995, more pandas have been removed from the wild than have been released, The Times found. Forestry workers said they collected pandas that were injured or abandoned. But once in captivity, many pandas were added to the breeding program, according to records.

《纽约时报》发现，自1995年以来，从野外移走的大熊猫数量多于放归的大熊猫数量。林草局员工表示，他们将受伤或被遗弃的大熊猫带回圈养。但记录显示，一旦被圈养，许多大熊猫就会被加入繁殖计划。

The Times counted over a dozen wild pandas that remained in captivity for the rest of their lives, and a dozen more that remain there today. In 2018, China tried to address this by requiring that newly caught animals be released once they have recovered.

《纽约时报》统计，有十多只野生大熊猫终生被圈养，还有十多只至今仍在基地。2018年，中国试图解决这个问题，要求新捕获的动物在康复后必须放生。

The forestry bureau did not answer a list of questions but said that The Times “distorted the reality of giant panda protection and management in China.” The bureau did not respond to a request to elaborate.

林草局没有回答一系列问题，但表示《纽约时报》“歪曲了中国大熊猫保护管理的实际情况”。该机构没有回应进一步说明的请求。

Pandas who spend most of their lives in overseas zoos are never freed. Neither are their foreign-born cubs.

大部分时间生活在海外的大熊猫从未被放归野外。他们在国外产下的后代也没有。

When Mei Xiang’s first cub went to China in 2010, the National Zoo braced for questions. “What would be future of Mei and Tian if they go back?” a communications department document reads.

美香的第一只幼崽于2010年被送往中国，当时国立动物园有一个迫切的疑问。“美香和天天回去后会是什么情况，”一份部门文件记录的通信中说。

“Where would they go and what would happen to them?” the document continues. “NEED RESPONSE.”

“他们会被送到哪里，会怎么对他们？”这份通信中写道，“亟待解答。”

Last year, they got their answer when the pair returned to China with their offspring Xiao Qi Ji.

他们的问题在去年得到了回答，两只大熊猫和他们的后代“小奇迹”一起回到了中国。

The parents went to a “retirement” area at a panda center in Sichuan. With the pandas out of view, rumors swirled about their treatment.

父母将被送往四川一座大熊猫中心的“退休”区。从公众视野中消失后，开始出现有关他们的待遇的传闻。

The center reassured panda fans that they were thriving.

大熊猫中心向粉丝们保证，他们过得很好。

“The online rumors about the panda center hiding and abusing three giant pandas are seriously untrue,” the center posted on the social media platform Weibo in May. “Strictly adhere to the truth, reject rumors, respect facts, and distinguish right from wrong!”

“网络上关于熊猫中心藏匿、虐待三只大熊猫的言论严重失实，”中心5月在微博上说。“严守真相，拒绝谣言，尊重事实，明辨黑白！”

2023年，弗吉尼亚州杜勒斯的杜勒斯国际机场，一个装着大熊猫美香的箱子。她现在被圈养在中国。

At the beginning of the Biden presidency, many of us serving in the National Security Council gathered to read the intelligence and reached a key conclusion: The 2020s would be what we called the “decisive decade” in U.S. competition with China.

拜登就任总统之初，我们国家安全委员会的许多人聚在一起阅读情报，得出了一个关键结论：本世纪20年代将是我们所说的美国与中国竞争的“决定性十年”。

Beijing seeks to displace the United States from its global leadership position and is a formidable challenger. It is America’s first geopolitical rival to surpass 70 percent of U.S. G.D.P., exceed American industrial capacity and pull ahead in multiple technology sectors, such as electric vehicles, hypersonic weapons and nuclear energy technology. Absent corrective action, the United States risks falling behind China technologically, growing dependent on it economically and perhaps even suffering defeat by China’s military in the Taiwan Strait or the South China Sea. How the next U.S. president navigates the remaining years of this decisive decade will have far-reaching consequences for America and the rest of the world.

北京试图取代美国的全球领导地位，是一个强大的挑战者。中国的GDP已经超过美国的70%、工业产能超过美国、在电动汽车、高超音速武器和核能技术等多个技术领域处于领先地位，美国还是第一次面对这样的地缘政治对手。如果不作出调整，美国就有可能在技术上落后于中国，在经济上越来越依赖中国，甚至可能在台湾海峡或南海被中国军队击败。下一任美国总统如何度过这个决定性十年的剩余时间，将对美国和世界其他地区产生深远的影响。

The good news is that despite deep divisions in American politics, Democrats and Republicans now broadly agree on the need to outcompete China. They have enacted legislation intended to boost American technological leadership, revive domestic manufacturing, promote human rights around the world, strengthen American deterrence in the Taiwan Strait and bolster Asia-Pacific alliances.

好消息是，尽管美国的政治存在深刻分歧，眼下民主党和共和党在战胜中国的必要性方面达成了广泛共识。他们制定了立法，旨在提升美国技术领导地位、重振国内制造业、促进世界各地人权、加强美国在台湾海峡的威慑力量以及巩固亚太地区的联盟。

That united front will be undermined if Donald Trump is elected again. Ironically, although he helped catalyze the current bipartisan approach as president by upending the long-term U.S. policy toward China that emphasized engagement over competition, he has never fully embraced the new consensus and now stands outside it. On China, he is often at odds with his former staff members, current advisers, the nationalist wing of his party and even his own vice-presidential pick — all of whom see the challenge posed by Beijing more clearly than he does. Left to his own unpredictable impulses, Mr. Trump could very well lose this decisive decade for America.

如果特朗普再次当选，这种统一的战线将受到破坏。讽刺的是，尽管在担任总统期间，他通过颠覆美国长期以来强调接触而不是竞争的对华政策帮助催化了目前两党合作的方式，但他从未完全接受新的共识，至今仍站在新共识之外。在中国问题上，他经常与他的前任幕僚、现任顾问、本党的民族主义派，甚至他自己挑选的副总统意见相左——他们都比他更清楚地认识到北京所构成的挑战。如果任由特朗普随心所欲，他很可能会输掉这个对美国来说具有决定性意义的十年。

Nobody grasps this better than China’s leaders. They saw his term as an accelerant of what they believe to be American decline, and not without reason. Mr. Trump focused on U.S. commodity exports instead of long-term manufacturing strength. He alienated allies and partners, mishandled the pandemic response and repeatedly showed disregard for democratic norms. On China policy, he routinely put personal gain over America’s interests and undermined important steps his staff members took to compete with Beijing. As a result, Mr. Trump was widely mocked by Chinese citizens, who nicknamed him “Chuan Jianguo” (“Build-the-Nation Trump” — the “nation” being China). His administration led President Xi Jinping of China to declare that the world was undergoing “great changes unseen in a century” as America fell from pre-eminence.

没有人比中国领导人更清楚这一点。他们认为特朗普的任期加速了美国的衰落，这并非没有道理。特朗普关注的是美国的大宗商品出口，而不是长期的制造业实力。他疏远了盟友和伙伴，对大流行应对不当，并且一再表现出无视民主规范的行为。在对华政策上，他经常将个人利益置于美国利益之上，并破坏他的幕僚采取的与北京竞争的重要举措。结果，特朗普受到了中国人的广泛嘲笑，他们给他起了个绰号“川建国”——这里的“国”是指中国。他的执政促使中国国家主席习近平宣称，随着美国从霸主地位上衰落下去，世界正在经历“百年未有之大变局”。

There is no reason to believe that in a second term Mr. Trump would deviate from the approach that weakened America’s position during his presidency.

没有理由相信，特朗普在第二个任期内会改变在他上次任职期间削弱美国地位的做法。

Take technology policy. When Mr. Trump was in office, his administration rightly levied export controls on Huawei and ZTE, Chinese telecommunications companies that the intelligence community had warned could be vectors for espionage and cyberattacks. But he put self-interest first. He reportedly promised Mr. Xi he would lift the controls (and eventually did so for ZTE, despite bipartisan opposition) in exchange for purchases of U.S. agriculture and energy commodities that he felt would help his re-election prospects.

以技术政策为例。特朗普在任时，他的政府正确地对华为和中兴通讯实施了出口管制，情报界曾警告这两家中国电信公司可能成为间谍和网络攻击的载体。但特朗普将自身利益放在首位。据报道，他向习近平承诺将取消管制（最终他不顾两党反对，取消了对中兴通讯的管制），以换取中国购买美国农业和能源商品，他认为这将有助于他的连任前景。

Today Mr. Trump opposes overwhelmingly bipartisan legislation that would ban TikTok unless the app’s China-based owners sell it. The goal is to prevent Beijing from being able to shape U.S. public opinion by manipulating the news feeds of TikTok’s 170 million American users or from having access to sensitive user data. He previously supported this approach but appears to have reversed himself after meeting with a top donor who has a roughly $30 billion stake in the app.

今天，特朗普反对一项得到两党广泛支持的立法，该法要求TikTok的中国所有者出售该应用，否则将予以封禁。其目的是防止北京通过操纵1.7亿TikTok美国用户的新闻推送来影响美国的公众舆论，或获得敏感的用户数据。他之前支持该立法，但在与一位持有约300亿美元Facebook股份的顶级捐赠者会面后，他似乎改变了立场。

President Biden has taken important steps to deny China the advanced semiconductors it needs to take the lead in artificial intelligence and improve its military weapons, and he has moved to shore up America’s defenses against Beijing’s publicly documented campaign to compromise critical U.S. infrastructure, such as water, gas, telecommunications and transportation, in the run-up to a possible conflict. If, in a second term, Mr. Trump again elevates his personal interests above the country’s approach to technology competition, it would put these vital efforts at risk.

拜登总统采取了重要措施，不让中国获得在人工智能领域取得领先地位和改进军事武器所需的先进半导体，他还采取行动，加强美国的防御能力，以应对中国政府在可能发生冲突之前对美国关键基础设施（如水、天然气、电信和交通）进行破坏，中国公开表达了发起此类行动的企图。如果在第二个任期内，特朗普再次将个人利益置于国家技术竞争方针之上，那么这些至关重要的努力将面临风险。

The story is similar in manufacturing. As a recent report by Senator Marco Rubio made clear, China already “leads in many of the industries that will determine geopolitical supremacy.” Members of both parties recognize that urgent action is needed to reindustrialize America as a new flood of Chinese exports threatens key U.S. industries.

制造业的情况也类似。正如参议员马可·卢比奥最近的一份报告所明确指出的，中国已经“在许多将决定地缘政治优势的行业中处于领先地位”。两党成员都认识到，由于中国出口的又一股浪潮威胁到美国的关键产业，需要采取紧急行动来实现美国的再工业化。

Mr. Trump does not seem to share this view. As president, he squandered any leverage he gained from raising tariffs on China by accepting a bad trade deal that he hoped would help his re-election prospects. The deal allowed Beijing to keep its unfair practices and sell Americans manufactured goods if China promised to buy American commodities. More bad deals like that in a second term could cost millions of U.S. jobs, displace America in high-tech industry and accelerate decline by turning the United States into a commodity supplier dependent on Chinese manufactured goods.

特朗普似乎并不认同这种观点。担任总统期间，他接受了一项糟糕的贸易协议，浪费了他通过提高对中国关税获得的影响力，他希望这项协议有助于他的连任前景。该协议允许中国政府保留其不公平做法，只要中国承诺购买美国商品，就可以向美国出售制成品。在第二个任期内，更多类似的糟糕交易可能会使美国失去数以百万计的工作岗位，使美国在高科技产业中的地位被取代，将美国变成依赖中国制成品的大宗商品供应国，加速美国的衰退。

With democracy and human rights under pressure around the world, American leadership in defending those values is imperative. Yet Mr. Trump retains an affinity for authoritarian leaders like Mr. Xi and President Vladimir Putin of Russia that is far outside the bipartisan consensus. Mr. Trump once praised China’s response to the Tiananmen Square massacre and threatened to veto nearly unanimous legislation condemning China’s crackdown on Hong Kong by declaring, “We have to stand with Hong Kong, but I’m also standing with President Xi.” According to Mr. Trump’s former national security adviser John Bolton, Mr. Trump privately encouraged Mr. Xi to build the re-education prisons in which China interned an estimated one million ethnic Uyghurs. A second Trump term could further greenlight China’s repression and its drive to weaken democratic values and American leadership around the world.

随着民主和人权在世界各地受到压力，美国必须在捍卫这些价值观方面发挥领导作用。然而，特朗普对习近平和俄罗斯总统普京这样的专制领导人仍保持着一种亲近感，这与两党共识相去甚远。特朗普曾赞扬中国对天安门广场大屠杀的反应，并威胁要否决几乎获得一致支持的谴责中国镇压香港的立法，宣称“我们必须与香港站在一起，但我也与习主席站在一起”。据特朗普先生的前国家安全顾问约翰·博尔顿称，特朗普私下鼓励习近平修建再教育监狱，中国在其中关押了约100万维吾尔人。特朗普的第二个任期可能会进一步助长中国的镇压，及其削弱民主价值观和美国在全球领导力的势头。

Mr. Trump’s ideas on Taiwan are a blueprint for calamity. For decades, Washington has deterred China from invading Taiwan with a bipartisan policy of strategic ambiguity about whether the United States would defend the island. Mr. Trump threatens to weaken that deterrence. He said recently that Taiwan should pay the United States to defend the island, which is democratically ruled, while cavalierly casting doubt on America’s ability to do just that.

特朗普关于台湾的想法是一幅灾难的蓝图。几十年来，华盛顿在美国是否会保卫台湾的问题上一直采取战略模糊的两党政策，以此威慑中国入侵台湾。特朗普威胁要削弱这种威慑。他最近说，台湾应该付钱给美国来保卫这个民主统治的岛屿，同时又漫不经心地对美国是否有能力做到这一点表现出怀疑。

This is extremely dangerous. Telegraphing a lack of U.S. resolve could one day embolden China to seize the island, which could spark a conflict that devastates the global economy. And Beijing has already taken notice: It is increasingly well known in Western diplomatic and scholarly circles that Chinese officials and think tank experts are quietly asking whether Mr. Trump might acquiesce to Chinese military action against Taiwan if he is re-elected.

这是非常危险的。传达出美国缺乏决心的信号，可能会助长中国有朝一日夺取台湾的决心，这可能引发一场破坏全球经济的冲突。北京已经注意到了这一点：西方外交界和学术界越来越清楚，中国官员和智库专家正在悄悄讨论，如果特朗普再次当选，他是否会默许中国对台湾采取军事行动。

Democrats and Republicans alike believe that strengthening America’s global alliances is one of the best ways to counter China. But Mr. Trump has shown that he still does not value America’s international friendships. He is threatening once again to raise tariffs on allies, make them pay more for collective defense and renege on U.S. defense commitments. Without its allies, America would stand alone against Beijing.

民主党人和共和党人都认为，加强美国的全球联盟是对抗中国的最佳途径之一。但特朗普已经表明，他仍然不重视美国的国际友谊。他再次威胁要提高对盟友的关税，让他们为集体防务支付更多费用，并违背美国的防务承诺。没有盟友，美国将独自对抗北京。

China is America’s most formidable geopolitical rival in a century, and thanks to Mr. Trump’s term in office, leaders in Beijing are acutely aware of what he is about and how to manipulate him. They believe China is rising and America is declining. Electing Mr. Trump next month risks proving them right.

中国是美国一个世纪以来最强大的地缘政治对手，在特朗普的上个任期，北京的领导人已经非常清楚他是什么样的人，以及如何操纵他。他们认为中国正在崛起，美国正在衰落。下个月，特朗普一旦当选，可能会证明他们是对的。

The Chinese fence traces a furrow in the Himalayas, its barbed wire and concrete ramparts separating Tibet from Nepal. Here, in one of the more isolated places on earth, China’s security cameras keep watch alongside armed sentries in guard towers.

中国的栅栏在喜马拉雅山上划出一道沟壑，用铁丝网和水泥墙将西藏和尼泊尔隔开。在这个地球上最偏僻的地方之一，中国的安保摄像头与守卫塔上的武装哨兵一起进行着持续监视。

High on the Tibetan Plateau, the Chinese have carved a 600-feet-long message on a hillside: “Long live the Chinese Communist Party,” inscribed in characters that can be read from orbit.

在青藏高原之巅，中国人在一处山坡上刻了一条180米长的标语：“中国共产党万岁”，这些文字从太空都可以看到。

Just across the border, in Nepal’s Humla District, residents contend that along several points of this distant frontier, China is encroaching on Nepali territory.

边界另一侧是尼泊尔的胡姆拉区，那里的居民们认为，沿着这条偏僻的边境线，中国正在几处蚕食尼泊尔的领土。

Source: OpenStreetMap, ESRI • By Agnes Chang

The Nepalis have other complaints, too. Chinese security forces are pressuring ethnic Tibetan Nepalis not to display images of the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, in Nepali villages near the border, they say. And with the recent proliferation of Chinese barriers and other defenses, a people have also been divided. The stream of thousands of Tibetans who once escaped Chinese government repression by fleeing to Nepal has almost entirely vanished.

中国在新冠时期加快了防御工事建设的步伐，并新建了数十个边境定居点，将北京的全景监狱式安全状态强加给偏远地区，也给中国较贫穷、较弱的邻国带来了巨大压力。由于缺少像样的道路，牧羊人从本村出发，需要走三天才能抵达胡姆拉首府西米科特。China borders 14 other countries by land. Its vast frontier, on land and at sea, remained largely peaceful as China’s economy grew to become the world’s second-largest. But amid Mr. Xi’s tenure, Beijing is redefining its territorial limits, leading to small skirmishes and outright conflict.

中国与14个国家接壤。在发展成为世界第二大经济体的过程中，中国广阔的陆地和海上边界基本上保持了和平。但在习近平任内，北京正在重新划定其领土界限，导致一些摩擦和直接的冲突。

“Under Xi Jinping, China has doubled down on efforts to assert its territorial claims in disputed areas along its periphery,” said Brian Hart, a fellow at the China Power Project of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

华盛顿战略与国际研究中心中国实力项目研究员贺博然(Brian Hart)说，“在习近平领导下，中国在周边争议地区加大了领土主张的力度。”

Viewed individually, each action along China’s borders — fortifying boundaries, contesting territory and pushing into disputed zones — might seem only incremental. But the aggregated result is startling.

单独来看，中国在边界上的每一次行动——修筑边境工事、争夺领土、进入争议地区——似乎幅度都不大。但累积的结果令人吃惊。

Near its eastern maritime reaches, in what are internationally recognized as Philippine waters, China has turned a coral reef into a military base. On its far western land border, China’s People’s Liberation Army has pushed into disputed mountain territory shared with South Asian neighbors.

在其东部海域附近国际公认的菲律宾水域，中国把一座珊瑚礁变成了军事基地。在遥远的西部陆地边界，中国人民解放军已经推进到与南亚邻国交界的山区。

Two dozen soldiers from India and China, both nuclear powers, died in high-altitude, hand-to-hand combat in 2020. Another border clash two years later injured more soldiers.

2020年，24名印度和中国士兵在高原地区的肉搏战中丧生，这两个国家都是持核国。两年后，另一场边境冲突造成更多士兵受伤。

China’s border buildup is a major reason that the U.S. Department of Defense, in its 2023 China Military Power Report, declared that China has “adopted more dangerous, coercive, and provocative actions in the Indo-Pacific region.”

之所以美国国防部在《2023年中国军力报告》中称中国“在印太地区采取了更加危险、强制性和挑衅性的行动”， 中国的边境建设是一个重要原因。

The shifting security landscape is drawing the attention of global powers and leading to new alliances. Small nations with ties to China, like Nepal, are vulnerable, even as they downplay or deny border disputes for fear of losing Beijing’s economic favor.

安全形势的变化正在引起全球大国的注意，并导致新的联盟。像尼泊尔这样与中国有联系的小国是脆弱的，即使它们因为担心失去北京的经济支持而淡化或否认边界争端。

胡姆拉区村庄希尔萨的一间小吃部。胡姆拉是尼泊尔最贫困、最欠发达的地区。希尔萨的尼泊尔准军事警官。由于担心失去北京的经济优待，尼泊尔官员往往会淡化或否认边境纠纷。

oh“Weaker states like Nepal,” Mr. Hart said, “face immense pressures because of the overwhelming power differential with China.”

“像尼泊尔这样的弱国，”贺博然说，“由于与中国的实力悬殊面临着巨大的压力。”

“If China does not face costs for encroaching on its weakest neighbors, Beijing will be further emboldened to threaten countries in the region,” he added.

“如果中国不为侵犯其最弱小的邻国而付出代价，北京就会更加有恃无恐地威胁该地区的国家，”他还说

Nepal’s foreign minister, Arzu Rana Deuba, said in an interview with The New York Times that she had not received complaints about problems on the border with Tibet and that the government’s focus was more on the southern boundary with India, where more Nepalis live.

尼泊尔外交部长阿尔祖·拉纳·德乌巴在接受《纽约时报》采访时表示，她没有收到关于与西藏接壤边界问题的投诉，政府的重点更多地放在与印度接壤的南部边界，那里有更多尼泊尔人居住。

“We have not really thought much of looking at the northern border, at least I haven’t,” she said.

 “我们并没有认真考虑过关注北部边境，至少我没有，”她说。

A Top Secret Report

绝密报告

The distance from Simikot, the capital of Humla District, to the frontier village of Hilsa is 30 miles. But the drive to the border with Tibet takes more than 10 bone-jarring hours through rough, rocky terrain. Humla is unconnected to Nepal’s national road network. Cars and heavy machinery must be flown in.

从胡姆拉地区的首府西米科特到边境村庄希尔萨的距离是48公里。但开车前往这个与西藏接壤的边境地区需要在崎岖坎坷的岩石地形上颠簸10多个小时。胡姆拉与尼泊尔的国家公路网并不相连。汽车和重型机械必须空运过来。

Himalayan passes in Humla reach nearly 16,400 feet. Deadly altitude sickness can set in fast. It was to this district, Nepal’s poorest and least developed, that members of a fact-finding mission — composed of Nepali Home Ministry officials, government surveyors and police personnel — traveled three years ago.

胡姆拉的喜马拉雅山口海拔近4800米。致命的高原反应有可能会突然出现。三年前，一个由尼泊尔内政部官员、政府测量员和警察组成的实况调查团的成员来到了这个尼泊尔最贫穷、最不发达的地区。

Armed with a 1960s map from when Nepal and China formally agreed upon their boundary, they set out to discover whether the official cartography diverged from the reality on the ground. The mission members trekked to remote border pillars. They chatted with yak herders and Tibetan Buddhist monks.

他们拿着一张上世纪60年代尼泊尔和中国正式达成边界协议时的地图，着手调查官方地图是否与实际情况有出入。调查团成员长途跋涉到偏远的界碑。他们与牦牛牧民和藏传佛教僧侣聊天。

Eventually, they produced their report to Nepal’s cabinet. And then the report disappeared. The public was not allowed to see it. Even high-ranking officials and politicians were refused access, several people involved said.

最终，他们向尼泊尔内阁提交了报告。然后报告就消失了。公众无法看到这份报告。几名知情人士说，就连高级官员和政界人士也被拒绝翻阅。

The veil of secrecy extended to the historical map that the mission brought with it. Survey department employees said they have been cautioned that sharing it could be a security breach — a strange warning for a map accessible in American archives.

保密的面纱延伸到了调查团携带的那份历史地图上。调查部门的员工说，他们被警告，分享这幅地图可能构成泄密——对于一幅在美国档案中可以找到的地图来说，这样的警告显得很奇怪。

A copy of the report obtained by The Times shows that the government mission documented a series of small border infringements by China. Also coursing through the report are worries about China’s grander geopolitical intentions and fears about upsetting Nepal’s powerful neighbor.

时报获得的一份报告副本显示，政府代表团记录了中国的一系列小规模边境侵权行为。报告中还贯穿着对中国更宏大的地缘政治意图的担忧，以及对惹恼尼泊尔的这个强大邻国的恐惧。

A nation of 30 million people, Nepal is small, landlocked and underdeveloped. Its government is headed by a Communist, who this year replaced a former Maoist rebel as prime minister. In ideology and in economics, Nepal leans heavily toward China, even as it remains in the orbit of nearby India.

尼泊尔地处内陆，是一个人口3000万的欠发达小国。该国政府由一名共产党人领导，他在今年取代前毛派反叛分子出任总理。在意识形态和经济上，尼泊尔严重倾向于中国，尽管它仍在邻国印度的影响范围内。

The report says that in several places in and around Hilsa, China constructed fortifications and other infrastructure, including closed-circuit TV cameras, that are either in Nepal or in a buffer zone between the two countries where building is prohibited by bilateral agreement. Chinese border personnel took over a Nepali irrigation canal fed by the Karnali River, the report said, although the Chinese retreated when the Nepali mission visited.

报告称，中国在希尔萨及其周围的几个地方修建了防御工事和其他基础设施，包括监控摄像头，这些设施要么在尼泊尔境内，要么在两国之间的缓冲区内，根据双方的协议，两国不得在缓冲区内进行建设。报道指出，中国的边防人员占领了一条从卡尔纳利河引水的尼泊尔灌溉渠，但在尼泊尔的检查团到访时，中国人撤退了。

Chinese forces have illegally prevented ethnic Tibetans living in Nepali areas near the border from grazing their livestock and participating in religious activities, the report said. Such constraints bring extraterritorial menace to Mr. Xi’s campaign of repression in Tibet.

报告称，中国军队非法阻止居住在尼泊尔境内靠近两国边界的藏民放牧以及参加宗教活动。这些限制活动将习近平在西藏的镇压运动延伸到了其统辖范围之外。

The report advised that Nepal and China urgently needed to address various border disputes, but a bilateral mechanism for resolving border problems, which includes joint inspections, has been stalled since 2006.

该报告指出，尼泊尔和中国迫切需要解决各种边界争端，但自2006年以来，包括联合检查在内的解决边界问题的双边机制一直停滞不前。

N.P. Saud, Nepal’s foreign minister until March, said in an interview with The Times that bilateral “border meetings are held frequently.”

担任尼泊尔外长至今年3月的N·P·萨乌德在接受《纽约时报》采访时表示，双边“经常举行边境会议”。

But one of Mr. Saud’s deputies told The Times that no border inspections had occurred in more than 17 years. Asked about this, Mr. Saud amended his statement.

但萨乌德的一名副手告诉时报，边境检查已经有17年多没有进行过了。当被问及此事时，萨乌德修改了他的说法。

“I can share with you that the joint inspection team will work soon,” he said. “I can’t tell you the exact time until it is finalized.”

“我可以告诉你的是，联合检查小组很快就会开展工作，”他说。“在最终敲定之前，我无法告诉你确切的时间。”

Mr. Saud said that he did not know why the Humla report had not been made public.

萨乌德表示，他不知道为什么胡姆拉报告没有公开。

“The border of a country,” he said, “is not a matter of secrecy.”

“一个国家的边界并不属于秘密问题，”他说。

Mr. Saud said Nepal could not make any determination on the report’s validity until the joint inspections restart.

萨乌德说，在联合检查重新开始之前，尼泊尔无法对这份报告的真实性做出任何判断。

“Until and unless we confirm the report,” he said, “how we can raise the issue internationally with another country?”

“除非我们对报告内容进行了确认，”他说，“不然我们怎么能在国际上向另一个国家提出这个问题呢？

在未接入国家公路网的尼泊尔胡姆拉区修路。尼泊尔工人在打包中国商品，身后是中国修建的边境栅栏。

Ms. Deuba, who replaced Mr. Saud as foreign minister, said she was not aware of the report or of Chinese fencing on the border.

接替萨乌德担任外长的德乌帕表示，她不清楚该报告的内容，以及中方在边界附近设置栅栏的情况。

The Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu declined to comment.

中国驻加德满都大使馆拒绝置评。

The Chinese government says that it is a force for peace in the region. In an article in the party-run People’s Daily, Pan Yue, the head of the National Ethnic Affairs Commission, wrote last year that China “never sought to conquer or expand territorially, never colonized neighboring countries.”

中国政府表示，它是维护该地区和平的力量。去年，国家民委主任潘岳在党报《人民日报》上发文，称中国“从没有向外征服扩张，从没有殖民统治周边国家”。

History collides with such national mythmaking. In 1979, Chinese forces briefly invaded Vietnam, which China had once controlled for a millennium. Since the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949, China and India have fought two border wars.

历史与这种国家神话的编造存在冲突。1979年，中国军队短暂入侵了一度被中国控制了千年的越南。自1949年中华人民共和国成立以来，中国和印度打了两次边境战争。

Mr. Shahi, the former provincial chief minister from Humla, said that his efforts to publicize Chinese border intrusions have been actively discouraged.

曾任胡姆拉省首席部长的沙希说，他宣传中国边境侵犯的努力一直面临很大阻力。

“The Chinese, they say to our government, and then the government says to me, ‘If you talk about this border issue, then they will stop trade, they will stop everything,” he said. “Who the hell can say this to me about our land?”

“中国人，他们对我们的政府说，然后政府对我说，‘如果你公开谈论这个边境问题，那么他们就会叫停贸易，他们会叫停一切，’”他说。“谁有胆这样跟我说我们的领土问题呢？”

A Holy Land, Divided

分裂的圣地

The border fence separating Hilsa from Chinese-controlled Tibet cleaves not only nations but centuries. On the Chinese side, modern buildings feature glass atriums, armored vehicles glide along paved roads and floodlights blaze in the night sky. Nepal, by contrast, seems stuck in a bygone era. Ramshackle shelters hunch in the cold. There is not an inch of asphalt or any reliable electricity.

将希尔萨与中国控制的西藏隔开的边界围栏所分割的不仅是国家，还有时间。在中国一侧是有玻璃中庭的现代建筑，装甲车在铺装路面上行驶，泛光灯照亮夜空。相比之下，尼泊尔似乎停滞在过去的时代。破旧的棚屋蜷缩在寒冷中。见不到一寸沥青，也没有可靠的电力供应。

The Chinese side used to be nearly as remote, the seclusion broken only by a flow of pilgrims to Mount Kailash, which is holy to four faiths. But as part of a push into lands populated by ethnic minorities, the Chinese government has seeded Tibet and the neighboring Xinjiang region with new infrastructure.

中国一侧过去也几乎同样偏远，只有前往冈仁波齐峰的朝圣者才会打破这种与世隔绝的状态。冈仁波齐峰是四门宗教的圣地。但作为向少数民族地区推进的一部分，中国政府在西藏和邻近的新疆地区修建了新的基础设施。

Migrants from China’s Han ethnic majority have poured in, including to the Tibetan town of Purang near the border with Hilsa. A new high-altitude airport in Purang, a feat of engineering, serves both civilian and military purposes, part of a transportation network that gives the People’s Liberation Army easy access to border areas. Just 20 miles away is the junction of China, Nepal and India.

汉族移民纷纷涌入，来到包括靠近希尔萨边境的藏族城市普兰。汉族是中国的主要民族。普兰新建的高海拔机场是一项工程壮举，这是一个军民两用机场，属于一个方便中国人民解放军前往边境地区的交通网络的一部分。仅30公里外，就是中国、尼泊尔和印度的边境。

边境尼泊尔一侧仿佛停留在过去，没有柏油路或任何可靠的电力供应。希尔萨一处藏传佛教祭坛。藏人为躲避中国的压迫而逃至尼泊尔，但这条逃难路线后来被中国政府切断。

Beijing considers a large swath of Indian-controlled territory along the Tibet-India boundary to be its own, calling it “South Tibet.” On the border with tiny Bhutan, China claims more disputed land and has built settlements there.

北京将印藏边界沿线的大片印控领土视为自己的领土，称之为“藏南”。在与小国不丹的边界上，中国声称拥有更多有争议的土地，并在那里建立了定居点。

The Chinese focus on Tibet reflects more than geopolitical ambitions. Mr. Xi’s government has overseen a brutal effort to pacify ethnic minorities. High-tech surveillance of Tibetans, and the fortification of the border, has all but severed their escape route into Nepal, where ethnic Tibetans also live.

中国对西藏的关注不仅仅反映出地缘政治野心。习近平政府实施了一场残酷的平定少数民族的努力。运用高科技手段加强对藏人的监视，以及边境防御的强化，几乎切断了他们逃往尼泊尔的路线，而那里也是藏人的聚居地。

Chinese police and border guards, Hilsa residents say, regularly cross over to Nepal without going through normal immigration procedures. They intimidate ethnic Tibetan Nepalis and have captured some of the few Tibetans who succeeded in fleeing to Nepal, said Lhamu Lama, a Humla District village administrator.

生活在希尔萨的民众表示，中国的警察和边防人员经常不经过正常程序就越境进入尼泊尔一侧。他们恐吓尼泊尔藏人，还抓捕了少数成功逃往尼泊尔的藏人，胡姆拉区某村的村长拉姆·拉玛说。

An officer with the Nepali paramilitary police in Hilsa said that last year his commander asked the Chinese to retreat from an area that the 1960s official map indicated was not Chinese land. The Chinese never responded, said the officer, who did not want his name used because he was not authorized to speak to the news media.

希尔萨的一名尼泊尔准军警说，去年，他的指挥官要求中国从上世纪60年代的官方地图显示不是中国领土的地区撤退。这名警官说，中国人从未对此作出回应。由于未被授权接受媒体采访，他要求匿名。

“China is big and powerful so it can do what it wants,” said Pema Wangmu Lama, who was born in Tibet but now lives in Nepal. “Even if Hilsa is swallowed up one day, who would know or care what’s happening here?”

“中国又大又强，所以它可以为所欲为，”出生在西藏、现居尼泊尔的万玛旺木·拉玛说。“即使有一天希尔萨被吞掉了，谁又会知道或关心这里发生了什么？”

在希尔萨卡尔纳利河，中国修建了栅栏以防止藏人进入尼泊尔。

A Japanese boy was stabbed on his way to school in China on Sept. 18. That’s the date, in 1931, when Japan invaded China.

 9月18日，一名日本男孩在中国上学的路上被刺伤。1931年9月18日是日本侵华开始的日子。

The child, who was 10 years old, was pronounced dead the next morning. The police arrested a 44-year-old man at the scene who they said had confessed to the attack. Japan’s leaders demanded answers. The Chinese government, calling the attack an “isolated incident,” told Japan to calm down and stop “politicizing” the killing.

 第二天早上，这名10岁的孩子被宣布死亡。警方在现场逮捕了一名44岁的男子，称其对袭击事件供认不讳。日本领导人要求得到答案。中国政府称这次袭击是一个“孤立事件”，要求日本冷静下来，停止将这起事件“政治化”。

Some Chinese people believe the boy was a victim of surging anti-Japanese sentiment fueled by China’s government with a virulent nationalism that is taught in schools and reflected online and in state media.

 一些中国人认为，这名男孩是反日情绪的受害者。中国政府在学校里教授有害的民族主义思想，并通过网络和国家媒体反映出来，从而煽动了反日情绪高涨。

The evening the boy died, more than 50 Chinese attended a candlelight vigil in Tokyo and issued a statement: “The longstanding extreme nationalism and anti-Japanese education in China have misled some people’s perception of Japan, enabling ignorance and wrongdoing. We are committed to changing this troubling situation.”

 男孩死亡当晚，50多名中国人在东京参加了烛光守夜活动，并发表声明：“中国长期以来盛行的极端民族主义及仇恨教育，遮蔽了一部分人对日本的认知，甚至放纵了蒙昧与罪恶。我们也将致力于改变这种令人不安的现况。”

Then, a week after his death, young activists, mostly in China but also some outside the country, started a memorial campaign. According to Chinese folklore, the souls of the deceased come back to visit their families after seven days before leaving for heaven.

然后，在他去世一周后，年轻的活动人士（主要在中国，也有一些在国外）发起了纪念活动。中国的民间习俗认为，死者的灵魂会在七天后回来探望家人，然后前往天国。

“As Chinese citizens, we do not wish to grow up in a land of hatred,” the activists said in a statement co-signed by more than 200 people.

“作为中国公民，我们不希望在仇恨的土地上成长，”活动人士在一份有200多人共同签署的声明中说。

I interviewed many Chinese who were outraged at what they said was increasing xenophobic indoctrination. Some were in Japan or in the United States, but others were in China, where even public grief at times like these could be seen as dissent. They said that hating the Japanese had become a politically correct view to hold in China.

我采访了许多中国人，他们说排外思想的灌输越来越多，对此他们感到愤怒。这些人有的身在日本或美国，有的在中国，而在中国，这种时候即使是公开的悲痛也会被视为异议。他们说，在中国，仇恨日本人已经成为一种政治正确。

They asked themselves: Were they enablers of hate if they remained silent? What could they do to prevent future tragedies? They decided that they had to speak out; inaction would be cowardice.

他们问自己：保持沉默是否会助长仇恨？他们能做些什么来防止未来的悲剧？他们决定必须大声疾呼；不作为就是一种怯懦。

So they laid flowers at the gate of the boy’s school in Shenzhen in southern China. They held small memorial services, some online and some in person. They co-signed statements with their real names and wrote social media articles and posts even though they knew the censors and the nationalist mobs would lash out at them.

于是，他们到男孩在中国南方城市深圳的学校门口献花。他们举行小型追悼会，有的在网上，有的是在线下。他们用真名共同签署声明，在社交媒体上发表文章和帖子，尽管他们知道，审查员和民族主义暴徒会猛烈抨击他们。

“Some friends said to us, ‘Don’t write, don’t speak out, because you’ll get attacked,’” two Beijing law professors wrote on social media. “But that child has died. If we stay silent, we are all complicit.”

 “有朋友说，别写，别发声——因为会被骂，”两名北京的法学教授在社交媒体上写道。“那孩子都死了——再不发声，我们都是共谋。”

“Silence, avoidance and turning a blind eye are all forms of indulgence in violence and show disregard for the deceased,” they wrote.

“噤声、沉默和回避都是对暴力的放纵，都是对逝者的漠视，”他们写道。

It’s hard to tell how many Chinese feel this way. But I have followed nationalism in China closely for years, through interviews and by studying what is said online. The anger people feel at the hatred education is more palpable now than anytime since China’s leader, Xi Jinping, put the country in an ideological straitjacket made of nationalism more than a decade ago.

很难说有多少中国人有这种感觉。但多年来，通过采访和研究网上的言论，我一直密切关注中国的民族主义。自十多年前中国领导人习近平将中国置于民族主义的意识形态束缚之下以来，如今，人们对仇恨教育的愤怒比以往任何时候都要强烈。

深圳，人们在遇害男孩学校门口献花。

More than 200 people signed the two statements in their real names, a defiant act because China’s authorities are reflexively opposed to such organized actions.

超过200人实名在这两份声明中签名，这是一种挑衅行为，因为中国当局本能地反对这种有组织的行动。

A 24-year-old woman who signed a statement told me that she had been summoned by two state security officers and questioned for two hours. She said they had told her that the statement was “a deliberate act organized by anti-China forces, intending to stir up trouble and undermine the stability of Chinese society.”

一名签署了声明的24岁女子告诉我，她被两名国家安全官员传唤，并被审问了两个小时。她说，他们告诉她，该声明是“反华势力蓄意组织的行为，意图挑起事端，破坏中国社会的稳定”。

The officers didn’t want to talk about the boy, she said. They cared only about who organized the statement and why anyone would sign it. “They showed zero respect for a life that was lost,” she said.

她说，警官们不想谈论那个男孩。他们只关心谁组织了这份声明，以及为什么会有人签署。“他们对逝去的生命毫无尊重，”她说。

The officers’ attitude wasn’t surprising. Anti-Japanese content populates all types of media in China. A former Japanese ambassador told a Japanese newspaper that he had asked the Chinese authorities to take down online misinformation to no effect. The videos he was concerned about depicted Japanese schools in China as training grounds for future spies or showed fictional dramas of ordinary Chinese beating up Japanese.

 警察的态度并不令人惊讶。反日内容充斥着中国的各种媒体。一位前日本大使告诉一家日本报纸，他曾要求中国当局删除网上的错误信息，但没有任何效果。令他感到担心的视频将中国的日本人学校描述为未来间谍的训练基地，或者展示了普通中国人殴打日本人的虚构戏剧。

Kuaishou, a major Chinese short video platform, punished more than 90 accounts that it said had spread harmful information and incited China-Japan antagonism. A former employee of another short video site said anti-Japanese content was popular because it attracted traffic and was not usually censored by the government.

 中国主要短视频平台快手对90多个传播有害信息、煽动中日对立的账号进行了处罚。另一家短视频网站的前雇员表示，反日内容很受欢迎，因为它吸引流量，而且通常不会受到政府的审查。

Chinese people are repeatedly told that they should hate Japanese, Americans, Hong Kong democracy protesters, pro-independence Taiwanese and any critics of the Chinese government. It’s the only correct thing to do.

中国人被反复告知，他们应该憎恨日本人、美国人、香港民主抗议者、支持独立的台湾人以及任何批评中国政府的人。这是唯一正确的做法。

A migrant worker told me in an interview last year that his 11-year-old son had been offended when he explained the tensions between China and Taiwan. His son accused him of not being a good Chinese. He had been taught at school that Taiwan was part of China. For him, it was the one and only correct answer.

一名农民工在去年的一次采访中告诉我，当他解释大陆和台湾之间的紧张关系时，他11岁的儿子感到被冒犯了。他的儿子指责他不是一个好中国人。他在学校被教导台湾是中国的一部分。对他来说，这是唯一正确的答案。

A Chinese woman who has been living in Europe for years wrote to me saying she didn’t dare to talk about the Japanese boy’s death with her father. “I’m terrified of hearing my father say, ‘He deserved it.’ If he does, I might have a nervous breakdown,” she wrote. “But this seems almost inevitable if nationalist sentiments continue to be stoked.”

一位在欧洲生活多年的中国女性写信给我说，她不敢和父亲谈论那个日本男孩的死亡。“我很害怕听到父亲说，‘活该。’如果他这么说，我可能会崩溃，”她写道。“但如果民族主义情绪继续被煽动，这好像几乎是不可避免的。”

In June, a middle-aged Chinese man attacked a Japanese mother and her son with a knife at a school bus stop in the eastern city of Suzhou. They were injured while the bus attendant, a Chinese woman, died trying to stop the man. Many people cheered the attack on social media — “They deserve it” and “Well done!” — while calling the Chinese woman “Traitor!”

 今年6月，一名中年中国男子在东部城市苏州的一个校车站持刀袭击了一名日本母亲和她的儿子。他们受了伤，而巴士乘务员，一名中国女性，在试图阻止该男子时身亡。许多人在社交媒体上为这次攻击欢呼——“他们活该”“干得好！”——同时称那名中国女子为“叛徒！”

The problem in China is how strictly the government controls speech, said Tomoko Ako, a sociologist focused on China at the University of Tokyo.

东京大学研究中国问题的社会学家阿古智子说，中国的问题在于政府对言论的严格控制。

“A government should allow many kinds of opinions, including those critical of hate speech,” she said. Professor Ako is equally critical of online speeches in Japan that make sweeping statements about the Chinese people.

“一个政府应该允许多种意见，包括那些批评仇恨言论的意见，”她说。阿古智子同样批评日本网上对中国人一概而论的言论。

After a major Japanese newspaper wrote about the candlelight vigil in Tokyo, some Japanese left harsh comments on Yahoo Japan. “If you truly want to mourn, then denounce the Chinese government and the Chinese Communist Party,” one commenter wrote. “If you can’t do that, it’s just a gesture.”

日本一家主要报纸报道了东京的烛光守夜活动后，一些日本人在雅虎日本上留下了严厉的评论。“如果你真的想哀悼，那就谴责中国政府和中国共产党，”一位评论者写道。“如果做不到，那就只是一种姿态。”

That’s the dilemma that independent-minded Chinese face. At home, the powerful authoritarian state makes their efforts to push back against extreme nationalism seem negligible. A mantis trying to stop a chariot is the apt Chinese expression. Outside China, much of the world tends to look at the country and its people with suspicion.

这就是有独立思想的中国人所面临的困境。在国内，强大的威权国家让他们反击极端民族主义的努力显得微不足道。“螳臂当车”是一个恰如其分的说法。在中国之外，世界上很多国家都倾向于用怀疑的眼光看待这个国家和它的人民。

The day after the death of the Japanese boy, a letter that appeared to be from his father circulated on China’s internet. He said he and his wife, who is Chinese, felt that they and their son belonged to both countries.

 在日本男孩死后的第二天，一封似乎来自他父亲的信在中国互联网上流传。他说，他和他的中国妻子觉得他们和他们的儿子属于中日两个国家。

“We will not hate China, and likewise, we will not hold hatred for Japan,” the father wrote. “My only wish is that such tragedies never happen again.”

“我们不会憎恨中国，同样，我们也不会惜恨日本，”这位父亲写道。“我唯一的愿望就是，这样的悲剧不再重演。”

Many people shared the letter on social media, almost as a protest. Then it disappeared completely, something that only the top government censor could have ordered.

许多人在社交媒体上分享了这封信，几乎是作为一种抗议。后来信就完全消失了，这是只有最高政府审查者才能下令做的事。

China began holding military drills in areas surrounding Taiwan on Monday, days after Beijing accused the self-governing island’s president of promoting independence in a National Day address.

周一，中国开始在台湾周边地区举行军事演习，此前几天，北京指责台湾这个自治岛屿的总统在国庆讲话中鼓吹独立。

China said its army, navy, air force, rocket force and other forces were taking part in the drills to test their ability to fight alongside each other, and to send a warning to Taiwan, which Beijing claims as its territory. It did not say when the exercises would conclude.

中国表示，这场有陆军、海军、空军、火箭军和其他部队参加的演习是为了测试他们并肩作战的能力，并向北京声称是其领土的台湾发出警告。中国没有说明演习何时结束。

“This is a powerful deterrent against the separatist activities of ‘Taiwan independence’ forces and a legitimate and necessary action to defend national sovereignty and maintain national unity,” said Senior Col. Li Xi, a spokesman for the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Eastern Theater Command, which oversees an area including Taiwan, according to state media. In a social media post, the Eastern Theater Command said it was “ready to fight at all times.”

据国家媒体报道，中国人民解放军东部战区发言人李熹海军大校表示：“这是对‘台独’分裂势力谋‘独’行径的强力震慑，是捍卫国家主权、维护国家统一的正当必要行动。”东部战区负责包括台湾在内的地区。在社交媒体上，该战区曾发文称“随时准备战斗”。

Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense, in a statement, expressed “strong condemnation for such irrational and provocative behavior” and said it had dispatched troops to respond to the Chinese drills.

台湾国防部在一份声明中表示“强烈谴责这种非理性的挑衅行为”，并称已派遣军队应对中国的演习。

Experts in Taiwan said the scale of the exercises was not immediately clear, given that no prior notice had been given and few details had been made public. A map posted by Chinese state media depicted the drills as being conducted in six large areas encircling Taiwan.

台湾的专家表示，由于事先没有通知，公开的细节也很少，因此演习的规模还不是很清楚。中国国家媒体发布的地图显示，演习在环绕台湾的六大区域进行。

China called the exercise “Joint Sword-2024B,” suggesting that it was a continuation of a two-day exercise in May, called “Joint Sword-2024A,” that was held after President Lai Ching-te of Taiwan was sworn in. Beijing dislikes Mr. Lai, accusing him and his party of seeking independence.

中国将此次演习称为“联合利剑-2024B”，表明这是5月为期两天的“联合利剑-2024A”演习的延续，那场演习是在台湾总统赖清德宣誓就职后举行的。北京厌恶赖清德，指责他和他的政党寻求独立。

In a speech on Thursday commemorating Taiwan’s National Day, Mr. Lai said that China and Taiwan were “not subordinate to each other” and that Beijing had “no right to represent Taiwan” and its 23 million people. Still, Mr. Lai said he was committed to “upholding peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait” and said he was willing to work with China on global challenges like climate change and infectious diseases.

在周四纪念台湾国庆日的演讲中，赖清德表示，中国和台湾“互不隶属”，北京“无权代表台湾”及其2300万人民。尽管如此，赖清德说他致力于“维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定”，并表示愿意与中国合作应对气候变化和传染病等全球性挑战。

上周四在台北，台湾的三军仪队。台湾对中国周一宣布的军事演习表示“强烈谴责”。

China immediately criticized Mr. Lai’s speech. Mao Ning, a spokeswoman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, said his remarks were an attempt to “sever the historical connections between the two sides.” She said Mr. Lai was “heightening tensions in the Taiwan Strait for his selfish political interest.”

中国立即批评了赖清德的讲话。中国外交部发言人毛宁称，赖清德的讲话企图“蓄意割裂两岸历史联结”。她说赖清德“谋取政治私利不惜推高台海紧张局势”。

Chang Wu-ueh, director of the Institute of China Studies at Tamkang University in New Taipei City in Taiwan, said the drills China announced on Monday were “a direct and fierce response” to Mr. Lai’s National Day speech.

台湾新北市淡江大学中国研究所所长张五岳称，中国周一宣布的演习是对赖清德国庆讲话“直接而激烈的回应”。

“It shows that China has no trust and no expectations for President Lai,” Dr. Chang said. “No matter what he says, it will be dissatisfied.”

“这表明中国对赖总统没有信任，也没有期望，”张五岳说。“无论他说什么，中国都会不满意。”

China appeared to be using the drills to signal its displeasure without going so far as to cause significant alarm or disruption. In earlier exercises that involved the use of live ammunition, for instance, China issued warnings in advance, announced no-fly zones and delineated zones of activity with specific longitudes and latitudes.

中国似乎在利用演习来表达不满，但又不至于引起严重恐慌或混乱。例如，在以往使用实弹的演习中，中国提前发布了警告，宣布了禁飞区，并用具体坐标划定活动区域。

“Theoretically speaking, the scale shouldn’t be too big,” Dr. Chang said. “Because if you are going to carry out large-scale live ammunition design and launch of those so-called missiles in the sea and air, you must inform them in advance, so as to avoid harming the aircraft and ships related to the air and sea areas.”

“从理论上讲，规模不应该太大，”张五岳说。“因为如果要进行大规模的实弹射击，在海上和空中发射那些所谓的导弹，一定会提前通知他们，以免对相关海空区域的飞机、舰艇造成伤害。”

China’s powerful Ministry of Finance said on Saturday that it would borrow more to help cash-short localities and put more money in the hands of state-owned banks, an effort to address a severe slowdown in real estate and shore up crumbling consumer confidence.

中国强大的财政部周六表示，将增加借款帮助资金短缺的地方政府，并向国有银行注入更多资金。这是为了应对房地产市场严重下滑、支撑正在崩溃的消费者信心所做的努力。

Lan Fo’an, the finance minister, did not detail how much additional borrowing or spending the government was ready to commit to bolster weak domestic consumption, stabilize the country’s real estate market and strengthen banks. But he hinted that such a plan might still be under development.

财政部部长蓝佛安没有详细说明中央政府打算为提振疲软的国内消费、稳定房地产市场、巩固银行金融承诺增加多少借款或支出。但他暗示，这项计划可能仍在制定中。

“After due procedures, we will release the number to society,” he said.

“经过法定程序后，会及时向社会公开，”他说。

The announcement followed a flurry of other economic stimulus moves last month that pushed stocks in China sharply higher, before they fell in the past week as investors grew concerned the government might not do enough to make a difference.

做出这一宣布之前，中国曾在上个月频繁推出经济刺激措施，引发中国的股市狂飙，但随着投资者越来越担心政府的举措可能不足以改变经济状况，股市已在上周有所回落。

On Saturday, Mr. Lan and Liao Min, a deputy finance minister, said that the ministry planned to inject money into the country’s biggest banks, increasing the lenders’ ability to withstand losses and keep extending the credit that the economy needs for growth. Many investors believe the banks have sustained heavy losses on loans to companies and households throughout China’s housing market crash, although the banks have acknowledged few losses so far.

财政部部长蓝佛安和副部长廖岷周六表示，打算向中国最大的几家银行注资，提高银行承受损失、继续为经济增长提供所需信贷的能力。许多投资者认为，在中国房地产市场整体崩溃的时候，这些银行已在向企业和家庭发放贷款上蒙受了巨额损失，尽管它们迄今尚未承认有大的损失。

Mr. Lan repeatedly said the finance ministry wants local governments to raise money by selling assets. Many municipal governments have built office buildings, hotels and convention centers over the past three decades of often manic investment.

蓝佛安多次表示，财政部希望地方政府通过出售资产来筹集资金。在过去30年的疯狂投资期间，许多市级政府修建了许多办公楼、酒店和会议中心。

But with real estate prices plunging, localities have been reluctant to sell properties for what could be a fraction of what they paid for them. Mr. Lan also promised continued investigations of how local governments had spent their money, addressing a public perception that official misconduct may have contributed to the financial difficulties of many state-owned enterprises and localities.

但随着房地产价格暴跌，地方政府不愿意以可能远低于造价的价格出售房产。蓝佛安还承诺继续监测地方财政运行情况，这是为了解决公众对官员不当行为可能导致了许多国有企业和地方财务陷入困境的看法。

中国的财政部部长蓝佛安（中）和副部长廖岷（右二）宣布了向国内几家大银行注资的计划。

Alicia Garcia-Herrero, the chief economist for Asia at Natixis, a French financial institution, said it was disappointing that the finance ministry had not provided numbers for the value of increased fiscal stimulus but noted that the tone of the remarks was favorable to providing support for the economy.

法国投行Natixis亚洲区首席经济学家艾丽西亚·加西亚·耶赫雷罗说，财政部没有提供增加财政刺激措施的具体金额令人失望，但她指出，此次宣布的基调有助于为经济提供支持。

“They really want to show they are trying to rebalance the growth model, and that may take longer,” she said.

“他们真的想表明他们正在为重新平衡增长模式做出努力，而这可能需要更长的时间，”她说。

While localities and provinces have run up debts, the finance ministry has long opposed expanding the budget deficit of the national government. So it was a surprise when China’s best-known budget hawk, Jia Kang, a semiretired longtime finance ministry official, suggested in an interview with a state-controlled news outlet on Oct. 1 that the central government should borrow as much as $1.4 trillion through extra bond sales.

虽然地方和省级政府已负债累累，但财政部长期以来一直反对扩大中央政府的预算赤字。因此，当财政部资深的半退休官员、在中国主张紧缩预算的最有名人物贾康于今年10月1日接受一家国有新闻媒体的采访时建议，中央政府应该加大国债规模，再发行10万亿元人民币债券时，让人感到意外。

The money is needed to pay for long-term infrastructure projects, a key source of economic activity, as well as to help localities and provinces pay their bills, he told The Paper in Shanghai.

这些借贷是为支付长期的基础设施项目（这是中国经济活动的主要来源），也是为帮助地方和省级政府支付账单，贾康对上海的澎湃新闻表示。

The country’s central bank and other financial regulators announced a series of measures to encourage bank lending on Sept. 24, including lower interest rates. The ruling Communist Party Politburo ordered further action at a meeting two days later.

中国央行和其他金融监管机构在今年9月24日宣布了一系列鼓励银行贷款的措施，包括降低利率。​​执政的中共中央政治局在两天后开会时下令采取进一步的行动。

China’s Communist Party wields absolute power over the country and the government, but the standing committee of the national legislature must sign off on any overall increase in spending beyond what has already been approved.

虽然中共对国家和政府事务有绝对的控制权，但任何超过已批准支出的预算全面增长必须得到全国人大常委会的批准。

Wei Changhao, a fellow at the Paul Tsai China Center of Yale Law School, said the standing committee was expected to gather at the end of this month.

耶鲁大学法学院蔡中曾中国中心研究员魏昌浩说，全国人大常委会预计将在本月底举行会议。

上海的一个新建住宅开发项目。

Consumer spending in China has visibly weakened in recent weeks. Many restaurants in big cities are nearly empty or have closed. While domestic rail and expressway traffic was very heavy during a weeklong National Day holiday at the start of October, nightly rates fell at many hotels as frugal travelers stayed with family and friends instead.

中国的消费支出近几周明显减弱。大城市的许多餐馆几乎空无一人或已关门。虽然在十月初为期一周的国庆放假期间，国内的铁路和高速公路交通非常繁忙，但许多酒店房价下降，因为旅行者为省钱住在了亲戚或朋友家。

Apartment prices have fallen by a third or more in many cities. That has wiped out many families’ wealth because real estate has long been the most important investment, representing up to 80 percent of household savings in China. Many have responded to their loss of affluence by curtailing personal spending and stuffing as much cash as possible into bank certificates of deposit. Sales of Porsches and other luxuries have plunged.

许多城市的房价已下跌三分之一或更多。这让许多家庭财产减少，因为房地产长期以来一直是中国家庭最重要的投资，最高占到家庭积蓄的80%。许多人对财产减少的反应是少花钱，将尽可能多的现金存入银行定期存款。保时捷和其他奢侈品的销量已暴跌。

Consumer confidence collapsed during Shanghai’s two-month Covid-19 lockdown in the spring of 2022 and has never recovered. The latest official measure of confidence, which the government posted online on Sept. 29 without comment, was dismal. It showed that consumers in China were less confident about the economy in August than in any month since 1990 except November 2022.

2022年春，上海曾因新冠疫情采取了两个月的封城措施，导致消费者信心崩溃，至今尚未恢复。政府9月29日在网上公布了令人沮丧的最新信心指数，但没有发表任何评论。官方指数显示，中国消费者今年8月对经济的信心比自1990年以来的每个月都低，除2022年11月外。

That month Covid cases spread out of control despite increasingly extensive municipal lockdowns. Many air and rail services were halted, expressways were dotted with Covid checkpoints and thousands of workers and students joined protests in major cities. Beijing soon undid nearly three years of strict pandemic measures, moving with an abruptness that is now being compared in China to the government’s shift toward economic stimulus.

那个月，中国感染新冠病毒的人数失控，尽管全国各地的城市采取了范围越来越广的封控措施。许多航班和火车停运，高速公路上到处都是核酸检测站，成千上万的工人和学生在各大城市举行了抗议活动。中国政府很快取消了实施已近三年的严格防疫措施，有人将那次180度大转弯与政府这次转向经济刺激的速度做了比较。

But doubts have set in about the government’s response to economic weakness.

但人们对政府应对经济疲软的措施力度仍存怀疑。

The CSI 300, which tracks large companies traded in Shanghai and Shenzhen, rose 27 percent from the start of the government’s push through last Tuesday. But it then receded 8.7 percent from Wednesday through Friday.

沪深300是追踪在上海及深圳上市的规模最大的300家公司表现的指数，该指数自政府推出刺激措施起到上周二止上涨了27%。但之后在上周三到周五的几天里下跌了8.7%。

The procedurally simpler path for the ministry is to authorize the early issuance of debt to raise money that is then spent by local and provincial governments. Mr. Lan said on Saturday that special bonds would be issued to help local governments buy some of the country’s many vacant apartments for conversion into affordable housing.

对财政部来说，程序上更简单的做法是批准提前发行债券，然后将筹集到的资金花在地方和省级政府的支出上。蓝佛安周六表示将发行专项债卷，帮助地方政府购买中国许多空置公寓中的一部分，将其改造为经济适用房。

Extra debt is usually earmarked in China for construction, like building roads and bridges. But many local and provincial governments are in desperate financial condition and need cash instead for expenditures like salaries for teachers and other civil servants, which have already been cut in many places.

中国发行额外债卷通常是为了修建道路、桥梁等建设项目。但许多地方和省级政府的财政状况现在非常糟糕，没有钱支付教师和其他公务员的工资，许多地方的公务员工资已被削减。

Local and provincial governments used to rely heavily on frequent sales of state land to developers, but these have dried up during the housing market crash.

地方和省级政府的财政过去严重依赖频繁地向开发商出售国有土地，但房地产市场的崩溃已导致资金枯竭。

Chinese authorities have detained four employees of Foxconn, the Taiwanese manufacturer that makes Apple iPhones, Taiwan said, in the latest incident involving government scrutiny of the private sector in mainland China.

台湾表示，中国当局拘留了四名富士康员工。富士康是生产苹果iPhone的台湾制造商。这是中国政府对大陆私营部门进行审查的最新事件。

The police in Zhengzhou, China, had accused each of the four Taiwanese workers of an offense comparable to Taiwan’s “crime of breach of trust,” according to a statement on Thursday from Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council.

据台湾大陆委员会（简称陆委会）周四发表的声明称，中国郑州警方指控四名台湾员工犯有相当于台湾“背信罪”的罪行。

The council described Foxconn as saying that, “the company did not suffer any losses, and the four employees also did not harm the company’s interests.” The statement from the Taiwan government added that the detentions could have been the result of “corruption and abuse of power” by law enforcement officers. It was not clear what jobs the Foxconn employees performed.

陆委会称富士康“没有任何损失，也没有资金被挪用问题”。台湾政府的声明还说，拘留可能是执法人员“滥权”的结果。目前尚不清楚这些富士康员工从事何种工作。

Foxconn, one of the world’s largest manufacturers of consumer electronics, plays a central role in making iPhones and other products for Apple.

富士康是全球最大的消费电子产品制造商之一，在为苹果生产iPhone和其他产品方面发挥着重要作用。

Foxconn did not immediately comment on Friday.

富士康周五没有立即发表评论。

Mao Ning, China’s foreign ministry spokeswoman, did not address the detentions, which have been in the news in Taiwan for the past two days, during the ministry’s daily news conference on Thursday. The ministry had no immediate response on Friday.

在周四举行的例行新闻发布会上，中国外交部发言人毛宁没有谈及过去两天台湾媒体报道的这起拘留事件。周五，外交部没有立即作出回应。

Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council declined to elaborate on where or when the detentions had taken place. Some reports in Taiwanese news media said that all four Foxconn employees were detained in January in Zhengzhou, which is 400 miles southwest of Beijing. Other reports said that two of the employees were detained in Zhengzhou in January and that two were detained in April in Shenzhen, which is in southern China.

台湾陆委会拒绝详细说明拘留事件发生的地点和时间。台湾新闻媒体的一些报道称，富士康四名员工均于1月在郑州被拘留。另有报道称，其中两名员工于1月在郑州被拘留，另两名员工于4月在深圳被拘留。

A woman answering the phone for the Zhengzhou police said that she was not personally aware of the case but that any questions would have to be answered by police media personnel, whose phone number she declined to provide.

接听郑州警方电话的一名女士表示，她本人并不了解此案，但任何问题都必须由警方处理媒体事务的人员回答，她拒绝提供相关人员的电话号码。

Since January, there have been 77 incidents in which Taiwanese have gone missing in mainland China, often in cases involving fraud allegations, according to Luo Wen-jia, secretary general of the Straits Exchange Foundation, a semiofficial organization in Taiwan that handles relations with mainland China. He warned Taiwanese against being lured to the mainland to participate in illegal schemes.

据负责处理与中国大陆关系的台湾半官方组织海峡交流基金会秘书长罗文嘉称，自1月以来，已有77起台湾人在中国大陆失联的事件，其中大多数涉及欺诈指控。他警告台湾人不要被引诱到大陆参与非法计划。

Foreign and domestic businesses in mainland China have increasingly faced fines and tax audits. Chinese state media reported in October 2023 that Foxconn faced tax audits in four provinces, including Henan, of which Zhengzhou is the capital.

中国大陆的国内外企业越来越多地面临罚款和税务审计。中国官方媒体2023年10月报道称，富士康在包括河南在内的四个省份面临税务审计，郑州是该省的省会。

Local and provincial governments across China are running out of cash and struggling to maintain public services. One of their main sources of money — frequent sales of state land to developers — has dried up because of the housing market crash.

中国各地的地方和省级政府都面临资金短缺问题，难以维持公共服务。他们的主要资金来源之一——频繁向开发商出售国有土地——因房地产市场崩盘而枯竭。

Many multinationals and Taiwanese enterprises depend on large numbers of Taiwanese to run their operations in mainland China. But the Taiwanese government and lawmakers have issued a series of warnings about travel to the mainland.

许多跨国公司和台湾企业依赖大量台湾人在中国大陆开展业务。但台湾政府和立法者已就前往大陆发出了一系列警告。

Perhaps it’s a predictable irony that in an election cycle that could realistically deliver the first female president, so much of the commentary has been about men. Or rather, not about men exactly, but about “masculinity.” Because somehow, in 2024, we still find ourselves unable to talk about men and boys without using masculinity as the basic frame of reference.

在一个有可能产生美国首位女总统的选举周期中，诸多评论却放在男性身上，或许这是一个并不让人意外的讽刺吧。或者更准确地说，评论并不完全是关于男性，而是围绕着“男子气概”展开的。因为不知何故，到了2024年，我们发现自己在谈论男人和男孩时，依然无法不以男子气概作为基本的参考框架。

The electorate is faced with a choice, the story goes, between two models for masculinity. Toxic versus positive. In response to the vein-popping, furious, felon model of the right, the left is offering us a more morally upstanding and expansive “positive masculinity.”

说起来，选民们要在有毒的和正面的这两种男子气概模式之间做出选择。为了回应右派青筋暴起、火冒三丈、穷凶极恶的男性样版，左派向我们提供了一种道德上更高尚、更豪爽的“正面男子气概”。

“Positive masculinity” has been around for a while. Most likely coined in early 2000s by psychologists as a way of working with male patients in therapy, the term has now become the go-to framework for the wider progressive discussion about boys and men. It has also inspired a spate of programs and initiatives aimed at enticing boys to embrace more feminine-coded virtues such as emotional vulnerability and nurturing. Masculinity has had an unfairly bad rap, its proponents argue, becoming permanently shackled to the word “toxic.” Positive masculinity is an attempt to rebrand and reinstate it for the next generation, often with the claim that unlike the insecure posturing of the shirt-ripping strongmen, this is, in fact, “real” manhood.

“正面男子气概”已经存在一段时间了。这个词很可能是在21世纪初由心理学家创造的，作为与男性病人进行治疗合作的一种方式，它现在已经成为更广泛的关于男孩和男人的进步讨论的首选框架。它还激发了一系列旨在吸引男孩接受更多女性化美德的项目和倡议，比如情感脆弱和教养。男子气概的支持者认为，阳刚之气一直背着并不公平的坏名声，并且永远与“有毒”这个词联系在一起。正面的男子气概是为下一代进行重塑和恢复的一种尝试，而且通常的说法是，与那些耀武扬威的硬汉所显露出的内心忐忑不同，这才是“真正的”男子气概。

The model is not a radical departure. Positive masculinity still draws on all the old trappings and anxieties of traditional manliness, the same belief that there is such a thing as a “real man” and the same fears of falling short. As its political standard-bearer, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee, Tim Walz, is still required to constantly prove his masculine credentials. It is only by presenting as a man’s man and a veteran who loads his speech with sports metaphors and gun references that he earns the social leeway for his more feminist sensibilities. After all, only a “real man” is secure enough to fight for tampons in the grade school bathrooms.

这种模式并非对传统男子气概的彻底背离。正面的男子气概仍然利用了传统男子气概的所有旧有特征和焦虑，依然抱有存在“真男人”的信念，以及对男子气不足的担忧。作为这种气质的政治代表，民主党副总统候选人蒂姆·沃尔兹仍然需要不断证明自己的男性资质。唯有以男子气概和老兵形象示人，并在演讲中大量使用体育比喻和枪支暗语，他才能为自己身上更具女性主义色彩的情感赢得社会宽容的空间。毕竟，只有“真男人”才拥有足够的安全感去争取在学校的卫生间里放置卫生棉。

After the cartoon supervillainy of Donald Trump and the smarmy misogyny of JD Vance, the “positive masculinity” of Walz and his ilk is a joyful relief, and these programs are often doing good work. But when it comes to truly shifting cultural norms for the next generation of boys and allowing them to embrace their full humanity without shame, we might do better to ditch the masculinity rhetoric altogether. Because rather than challenging the old stereotypes and patterns, the whole positive masculinity framework actually seems to be reinforcing them.

在唐纳德·特朗普的卡通式超级恶棍形象和JD·万斯的油腻厌女主义之后，沃尔兹及其同类的“正面男子气概”是一种令人愉悦的解脱，而且这些项目往往做得不错。但是，若要真正改变下一代男孩的文化范式，让他们坦然拥抱自己完整的人性，我们最好完全抛弃男子汉气概的那套说辞。这是因为正面的男子气概框架其实看来并没有挑战旧的刻板印象和模式，反而强化了它们。

“Healthy or positive masculinity is the idea that men can be emotionally expressive, have female friends or mentors, and express their emotions without feeling emasculated,” the website of one such program in North Carolina says. The former professional football player Don McPherson uses the branding “Aspirational Masculinity” for groups he runs for boys and young men that focus on violence prevention and emotional vulnerability. When three psychologists from the American Psychological Association’s Society for the Psychological Study of Men and Masculinities set up a similar initiative for adolescent boys, their stated goal was to preserve the positive about traditional masculinity “while jettisoning what’s bad.”

“健康或积极的男子气概是指男性可以表达情感，有女性朋友或女性导师，表达自己的情感而不会觉得自己遭到了阉割，”北卡罗来纳州一个此类项目的网站上写道。前职业橄榄球运动员唐·麦克弗森将他为男孩和年轻男性开办的专注于预防暴力和情感脆弱的组织称为“有抱负的男子汉气概”。当美国心理学会男性和男子气概心理研究学会的三名心理学家为青春期男孩发起类似倡议时，他们宣称的目标是保留传统男子气概的积极一面，“同时摒弃不好的一面。”

“While keeping men strong, we want to remove the aspects of strength that get us in trouble,” one of them said, not quite able to get onboard with any conception of manhood that did not basically come down to strength.

“在保持男性的坚强的同时，我们希望消除力量当中让我们陷入麻烦的方面，”其中一人说道，他认为任何关于男性的观念最终都应该归结于力量，否则很难认同。

It would be hard to imagine a program aimed at busting stereotypes for girls that branded itself “Aspirational Femininity” and told girls that they could be scientists or chief executives or rugby players or president of the United States and “still be feminine and attractive.” Or any mainstream news outlet suggesting that two female politicians were offering the electorate “two models for femininity.” Thanks to the work of the feminist movement, any self-respecting progressive would instinctively flag the framing as either laughably reductive or straight-up oppressive. But we still see masculinity as something innate and immovable, rather than a limiting social construct.

难以想像一个旨在打破对女孩刻板印象的项目，以“有抱负的女性气质”来命名，并告诉女孩，她们可以在成为科学家、首席执行官、橄榄球运动员或美国总统的同时，“仍然保持女性气质和吸引力。”或者任何主流新闻媒体声称两位女性政治人士向选民提供了“两个女性气质的典范”。得益于女权运动的努力，任何自尊自爱的进步人士都会本能地将这种表述标记为可笑的简化或直接的压迫。但我们仍然认为，男子气概是一种与生俱来的、不可改变的东西，而不是一种限制性的社会构建。

There is a lurking sexism in the whole positive masculinity conceit. If we have to attach the label “masculine” to a behavior before it can have value to men, then we are subtly communicating that embracing anything associated with women is a demotion, even an indignity. “Positive masculinity” is not about de-gendering universal human qualities, and certainly not about encouraging boys to believe that they could have something to learn from women or female cultural norms. It’s more an attempt to scrub away the humiliating stain of womanhood from any trait or behavior before letting boys anywhere near it.

在整个正面的男子气概的自负中隐藏着一种性别歧视。如果我们必须给某种行为贴上“阳刚”的标签，它才对男性具有价值，那么我们就在巧妙地传达这样的信息：接受与女性有关的任何事物都是一种降级，甚至是一种侮辱。“正面的男子气概”并不是要将人类普遍的品质去性别化，更不是鼓励男孩相信他们可以从女性或女性文化规范中学到一些东西。它更像是一种尝试，在让男孩接近之前，先要从任何特征或行为中抹去女性身份的耻辱污点。

While the implication is certainly demeaning to girls and women, the main psychological harms of this model are to men and boys themselves. These attempts to expand the definition of what can be considered masculine end up reinforcing the idea that masculinity itself is sacrosanct, so fundamental to male worth that boys must never abandon it altogether.

虽然这无疑是对女孩和女性的贬低，但这种样版所造成的主要心理伤害实际上是对男性和男孩自身的。这些试图扩大男子气概定义的尝试最终强化了这样一种观点，即男子气概本身是神圣不可侵犯的，是男性价值的根本所在，男孩永远不能彻底放弃它。

But it is the pressures of masculinity — the constant insistence that there is such a thing as a “real man” and the cold dread of falling short — that is at the root of many of boys’ problems in the first place, making them more insecure and anxious, emotionally repressed and socially isolated.

然而，正是男性气概的压力——即不断坚持“真男人”的存在，以及对未能达到这一标准的恐惧——正是许多男孩问题的根源所在，这使他们更加缺乏安全感，以及焦虑、情感压抑和社会孤立。

As research for my book “BoyMom,” I interviewed boys from many situations and backgrounds, and this fear showed up keenly. Masculinity didn’t seem to be so much a source of pride for them as a nagging cause of anxiety. The boys told me either explicitly or implicitly about how the pressure to meet some unattainable standard for manliness weighed on them, forcing them into a kind of posturing rigidity and creating a constant background level of fear.

在撰写《男孩·母亲》(BoyMom)一书时，我采访了来自不同背景和环境的男孩，这种恐惧表现得非常明显。对他们来说，男子气概与其说是骄傲的源泉，不如说是使人焦虑的原因。男孩们或明确或隐晦地告诉我，要达到某种无法企及的男子气概的标准让他们倍感重压，迫使他们进入一种装腔作势的僵硬姿态，并制造出一种持续的恐惧感。

The pressure to be tough and masculine came from all sides — from social media and movies, from parents (especially fathers) and teachers and peers. “I have it ingrained in me that I have something to prove at all times,” as one 20-year-old described it. “There’s a feeling of never being enough.” (A couple of years previously, this young man had shattered a vertebra lifting weights in an attempt to achieve the kind of hyper-muscled physique he had seen from masculinity influencers on social media.)

要坚强和阳刚的压力来自四面八方——从社交媒体到电影，从父母（尤其是父亲）到老师和同龄人。“我的内心深处根深蒂固地认为，我要随时证明自己，”一位20岁的年轻人这样描述。“有一种永远都不够的感觉。”（几年前，这个年轻人在举重时脊椎骨折，当时他试图获得从社交媒体上的男性气质网红所展示的那种肌肉发达的体格。）

“You always have to prove and reprove it,” a 19-year-old in California said, in a conversation about the role of masculinity in his life. “It includes the way that you see yourself, the way that you connect with others, the way that you motivate yourself.”

“你需要不断去证明和驳斥它，”加州一名19岁的学生在谈到阳刚之气在生活中的作用时说。“包括你看待自己的方式，你与他人交往的方式，你激励自己的方式。”

“There’s just this fear of being a feminine man,” a 12th grader in New York told me. “Like society’s undertone is almost forcing these masculine values — they’re kind of trapping you.” These boys generally presented as traditionally masculine, but felt constantly slightly on edge, always just one wrong move away from being branded a wuss or a pussy. Those who did not conform to the masculine ideal had it worse, having generally internalized a deep sense of shame. As one gay 16-year-old put it, “I just had a sense of guilt in me for not wanting to be all that,” he said, adding, “It just felt like I was wrong.”

“就是害怕成为女性化的男人，”纽约的一名12年级学生告诉我。“就像社会潜在地几乎总是在强加这些男性化的价值观——差不多是在困住你。”这些男孩通常表现得像是传统意义上的男性，但总是感到有点紧张，距离被贴上胆小鬼或娘娘腔的标签总是只有一步之遥。那些不符合男性理想的人情况更糟，他们通常内化了一种深刻的羞耻感。正如一名16岁的同性恋者所说，“我只是有一种负罪感，因为我不想成为那样的人，”他说。“我只是觉得自己错了。”

They all understood instinctively what our politicians are also frantically demonstrating — that their manliness is under constant scrutiny and that masculinity is, by its nature, precarious, a status that can be revoked at any moment. Men and boys work overtime to avoid the threat of emasculation, because the social price they pay for it is so high.

他们都本能地理解我们的政治人物也在疯狂展示的东西——他们的阳刚之气受到不断的审视，而阳刚之气本质上是不稳定的，是一种随时都可能被撤销的地位。男人和男孩加班工作，以避免感到阉割的威胁，因为他们为此付出的社会代价是如此之高。

The shame of failing to meet these rigid gender expectations also has wider consequences. Evidence suggests that men’s internalized belief that they do not meet society’s expectations for manhood can be a major cause of violence. Psychologists call this phenomenon “masculine discrepancy stress,” and research shows that the more acutely men suffer from it, the more likely they are to commit almost every type of violent act, including sexual violence, intimate partner violence and assault with a weapon, as well as to indulge in a range of risky behaviors.

未能满足这些严格性别期望的耻辱还会产生更广泛的后果。有证据表明，男性内心认为自己不符合社会对阳刚之气的期望可能是暴力的主要原因。心理学家称这种现象为“男性差异压力”，研究表明，男性遭受这种压力的程度越严重，他们就越有可能实施几乎所有类型的暴力行为，包括性暴力、亲密伴侣暴力和武器攻击，以及沉迷于一系列危险行为。

None of this is to say, of course, that there are not many positive qualities associated with masculinity. Strength, bravery, heroism, physical toughness and even emotional stoicism in the right contexts can all be wonderful qualities, even lifesaving ones (though of course they are not exclusive to men). But the idea that boys must use masculinity as a constant reference point for their own value is restrictive and harmful to them and others. What the boys I interviewed needed was not a new model for masculinity but for the important adults in their lives to grant them freedom from that paradigm altogether.

当然，这并不是说，阳刚之气当中没有很多积极的品质。在适当的情况下，力量、勇敢、英雄主义、身体的强健，甚至情感上的坚忍，都可以是很好的品质，甚至是挽救生命的品质（当然，这些品质并不是男性的专属）。但是，男孩必须将阳刚之气作为自身价值的恒定参照点的想法是有局限的，对他们乃至其他人来说都是有害的。我采访的男孩们需要的不是一种新的阳刚气概的模式，而是生活中重要的成年人给予他们完全摆脱这种模式的自由。

All humans, regardless of gender, have the capacity and the need for toughness and fallibility, gentleness and emotionality, wild courage and tender nurture. If we really want to help boys break free and find more expansive and healthier ways to show up in the world, it’s not “positive masculinity” that they need, but full humanity.

所有的人，不分性别，都有能力、也都需要坚强和脆弱，温柔和感性，狂野的勇气和温柔的教养。如果我们真的想帮助男孩挣脱束缚，找到更广阔、更健康的方式去生活在这个世界上，他们需要的不是“正面的男子气概”，而是完整的人性。

Han Kang, the South Korean author best known for her surreal, subversive novel, “The Vegetarian,” was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature on Thursday — the first writer from her country to receive the award.

周四，以超现实主义颠覆性小说《素食者》(The Vegetarian)而闻名的韩国作家韩江被授予诺贝尔文学奖，她是韩国首位获得该奖项的作家。

Mats Malm, the permanent secretary of the Swedish Academy, which organizes the prize, said at a news conference in Stockholm that Han was receiving the honor for “for her intense poetic prose that confronts historical traumas and exposes the fragility of human life.”

该奖项主办方瑞典文学院的常务秘书马茨·马尔姆在斯德哥尔摩举行的新闻发布会上表示，获奖原因是“她以带着炽烈诗意的散文直面历史创伤，揭露人类生命的脆弱”。

“The Vegetarian,” published in Korea in 2007, won the 2016 International Booker Prize after it was translated into English. It centers on a depressed housewife who shocks her family when she stops eating meat; later, she stops eating altogether and yearns to turn into a tree that can live off sunlight alone. Porochista Khakpour, in a review of “The Vegetarian” for The New York Times, said that Han “has been rightfully celebrated as a visionary in South Korea.”

《素食者》2007年在韩国出版，被翻译成英文后，该书获得了2016年国际布克奖。这本书讲述了一名抑郁的家庭主妇因停止吃肉震惊了家人的故事；后来她完全停止进食，渴望变成一株只靠阳光生活的树。波罗奇斯塔·卡普尔在为《纽约时报》撰写的书评中说，韩江“在韩国被誉为预言者，这不无道理”。

Han’s Nobel was a surprise. Before the announcement, the bookmakers’ favorite for this year’s award was Can Xue, an avant-garde Chinese writer of category-defying novels. But the news was celebrated by authors and fans on social media, and greeted with fanfare in South Korea.

韩江获诺贝尔奖是一个惊喜。在获奖名单公布之前，博彩公司最看好的获奖者是以难以分类的小说见长的中国先锋作家残雪。但韩江获奖的消息在社交媒体上引起作家和书迷的欢呼，在韩国也受到了热烈的欢迎。

“This is a great achievement for South Korean literature and an occasion for national celebration,” said President Yoon Suk Yeol said in a statement, in which he noted Han’s ability to capture painful episodes from their country’s recent history. Members of the K-pop band BTS also celebrated, with one posting a crying-face emoji and a heart alongside a picture of Han.

尹锡悦总统在声明中说：“这是韩国文学的伟大成就，也是举国欢庆的时刻。”他在声明中指出，韩江有能力捕捉韩国近代史上的痛苦片段。韩国流行乐队防弹少年团(BTS)的成员也进行了庆祝，其中一名成员在韩江的照片旁边加了一个哭脸和一颗心的表情。

Some in the country were astonished to learn a Korean writer had won. “I could not believe my eyes when I saw this news,” said Park Sang-in, an office worker in Seoul. “No one had told us that we had a strong candidate this year.”

在韩国国内，一些人惊讶地得知是一位韩国作家获奖。“看到这个消息时，我简直不敢相信自己的眼睛，”首尔的上班族朴相仁（音）说。“没有人告诉我们，今年我们有一个很有希望的候选人。”

At the same time, many saw it as an appropriate choice. Han’s groundbreaking work has reshaped the literary landscape in South Korea, said Paige Aniyah Morris, co-translator of Han’s novel, “We Do Not Part,” which will be published by Hogarth in the United States in January.

与此同时，许多人认为这是一个合适的选择。韩江的小说《不做告别》(We Do Not Part)将于明年1月在美国贺加斯出版社出版，她的翻译之一佩吉·阿尼亚·莫里斯说，韩江的开创性作品重塑了韩国的文学格局。

“Han’s work has inspired a generation of Korean writers to be more truthful and more daring in their subject matter,” Morris said. “Time and time again, she has braved a culture of censorship and saving face, and she has come out of these attempts at silencing her with stronger, more unflinching work each time.”

“韩江的作品激励了一代韩国作家，让他们在题材上更真实、更大胆，”莫里斯说。“一次又一次，她勇敢地面对审查和保全面子的文化，她每次都以更强大、更坚定的作品，挫败那些让她闭嘴的企图。”

韩江的英文译者之一佩吉·阿尼亚·莫里斯说，她的作品 “激励了一代韩国作家更加真实、更加大胆”。

Han, 53, was born in 1970 in Gwangju, South Korea. Her father was also a novelist, but much less successful. The family struggled financially and moved frequently. In a 2016 interview with The Times, Han said her transitory upbringing “was too much for a little child, but I was all right because I was surrounded by books.”

现年53岁的韩江于1970年出生于韩国光州。她的父亲也是一位小说家，但远没有她成功。一家人经济拮据，经常搬家。在2016年接受《纽约时报》采访时，韩江表示，她那短暂的成长期“对一个小孩子来说太艰难了，但我还好，因为我被书围绕着。”

When Han was 9, her family moved to Seoul just months before the Gwangju uprising, when government troops fired on crowds of pro-democracy protesters, killing hundreds. The event shaped her views on humanity’s capacity for violence, Han said in the 2016 interview, and its specter has haunted her writing. In her 2014 novel “Human Acts,” a writer observes a police raid on a group of activists.

韩江九岁的时候，一家人搬到了首尔，几个月后发生了光州起义，政府军向支持民主的抗议者开枪，造成数以百计的人死亡。她在2016年的采访中说，这件事塑造了她对人类暴力能力的看法，它的幽灵一直困扰着她的写作。在她2014年的小说《少年来了》(Human Acts)中，一位作家目睹了警察对一群活动人士进行突查。

She also recalled seeing images of people who lined up to donate their blood to those who were injured in the uprising.

她还回忆起看到人们排队为在起义中受伤的人献血的画面。

“It was like two unsolvable riddles imprinted on my mind: How can humans be so violent, and how can humans be so sublime?” she said. “When I write novels, I find myself always returning to the theme of what it means to be human.”

“这就像两个无法解开的谜语，印在我的脑海里：人类怎么会如此残暴，人类又怎么会如此崇高？”她说。“当我写小说时，我发现自己总是回到身为人类意味着什么的主题上来。”

The novelist Hernan Diaz praised Han’s “unique ear for the rumors of history,” adding that she can “access the traumas that have shaped and bruised entire generations, and she does so without ever turning her novels into mere didactical tools.”

小说家赫尔南·迪亚兹称赞韩江“格外善于倾听历史的传闻”，并说，她可以“触及塑造和伤害了整整几代人的创伤，而且她从来没有把她的小说变成单纯的说教工具”。

Han studied literature at Yonsei University in Korea, and her first published works were poems. Her debut novel, “Black Deer,” which came out in 1998, was a mystery about a missing woman. In the 2016 interview, Han said it was around that time that she developed the idea for a short story about a woman who becomes a plant, which she eventually developed into “The Vegetarian.”

韩江在延世大学学习文学，最早出版的作品是诗歌。她的处女作《玄鹿》(Black Deer)出版于1998年，讲述了一个失踪女子的神秘故事。在2016年的采访中，韩江说，大约在那个时候，她萌生了想法，要创作关于一个女人变成一株植物的短篇小说，她最终把这个故事写成了《素食者》。

Following her debut, Han went on to write seven more novels, as well as several novellas and collections of essays and short stories. Among her other novels are “The White Book,” which was also nominated for the International Booker Prize, and “Greek Lessons,” published in English in 2023.

在处女作之后，她又写了七部长篇小说，以及几部中篇小说、散文集和短篇小说集。她的其他小说包括同样获得国际布克奖提名的《白》(The White Book)和2023年出版了英文版的《希腊语时间》(Greek Lessons)。

In “Greek Lessons,” a woman loses her ability to speak and tries to restore it by learning ancient Greek. Idra Novey, in a review for The Times, called the novel “a celebration of the ineffable trust to be found in sharing language.”

在《希腊语时间》中，一个女人失去了说话的能力，她试图通过学习古希腊语来恢复这种能力。伊德拉·诺维在为时报撰写的书评中称，这部小说“颂扬了可以在共享的语言中看到的那种难以形容的信任”。

“Han Kang is a visionary — there’s no other word for it,” said Parisa Ebrahimi, executive editor at Hogarth, Han’s North American publisher, who noted that Han’s work reflects “remarkable insight into the inner lives of women.”

“韩江是一个预言者，没有别的词可以形容，”韩江的北美出版商贺加斯的执行编辑帕里萨·易卜拉希米说，她指出，韩江的作品反映了“对女性内心生活的非凡洞察力”。

Han’s writing is now celebrated in South Korea, but that took some time, she said, and some of her books were initially greeted with bafflement. “The Vegetarian” was received as “very extreme and bizarre,” Han said.

她说，韩江的作品如今在韩国备受推崇，但这花了一些时间，她的一些书最初不被人理解。韩江说，《素食者》被认为“非常极端和怪异”。

She had been publishing fiction and poetry for more than two decades before her work was issued in English, after Deborah Smith translated “The Vegetarian” and sold it to a British publisher based on the first 10 pages.

她在本国出版小说和诗歌20多年后才有了英文译本，当时黛博拉·史密斯翻译了《素食者》，只凭前10页就将它卖给了一家英国出版商。

When the English language edition was released to acclaim in 2016, “The Vegetarian” helped to drive a new wave of translations of more experimental fiction, including works by women with a feminist bent.

2016年，《素食者》英文版一经推出便广受好评，推动了翻译更具实验性的小说的新浪潮，其中包括具有女权主义倾向的女性作品。

“Her work, and the translation and success of her work, has led Korean literature in translation to be edgier and more experimental and daring,” Anton Hur, a South Korean translator and author who is based in Seoul. “She changed the conversation about Korean literature.”

“她的作品、译本以及作品获得的成功促使对韩国文学的翻译变得更前卫、更实验、更大胆，”居住在首尔的韩语翻译和作家安东·胡尔说。“她改变了关于韩国文学的对话。”

Ankhi Mukherjee, a literature professor at the University of Oxford, said that she had taught Han’s work “year in, year out” for almost two decades. “Her writing is relentlessly political — whether it’s the politics of the body, of gender, of people fighting against the state — but it never lets go of the literary imagination,” Mukherjee said, adding: “It’s never sanctimonious; it’s very playful, funny and surreal.”

牛津大学文学教授安基·穆克吉说，近20年来，她“年复一年”地在课堂上教授韩江的作品。“她的作品始终带着政治性——无论是身体政治、性别政治，还是人与国家斗争的政治——但她的作品从未放弃文学想象力，”穆克吉说。“她的作品从来不是高高在上的，而是俏皮、有趣、超现实的。”

The Nobel Prize is literature’s pre-eminent award, and winning it is a capstone to a writer, poet or playwright’s career. Past recipients have included Toni Morrison, Harold Pinter and, in 2016, Bob Dylan. Along with the prestige and a huge boost in sales, the new laureate receives 11 million Swedish krona, about $1 million.

诺贝尔奖是文学界的最高奖项，获得该奖是作家、诗人或剧作家事业的顶峰。过去的获奖者包括托尼·莫里森、哈罗德·品特和2016年的鲍勃·迪伦。除了能获得声望和销量的大幅提升，获奖者还能获得1100万瑞典克朗（约合100万美元）的奖金。

Although relatively young for Nobel laureate, Han is far older than Rudyard Kipling was when he accepted the 1907 award, at age 41.

虽然对于诺贝尔奖得主来说，韩江相对年轻，但她还是比1907年以41岁的年龄获奖的拉迪亚德·吉卜林要年长得多。

In recent years, the academy has tried to increase the diversity of authors considered for the literature prize, after facing criticism over the low number of laureates who were female or came from outside Europe and North America.

近年来，由于女性或来自欧洲和北美以外地区的获奖者数量过少，文学院一直在努力增加诺贝尔文学奖候选人的多样性。

Since 2020, the academy has awarded the prize to one person of color — Abdulrazak Gurnah, a Tanzanian writer whose novels dissect the legacy of colonialism — as well as two women: Louise Glück, the American poet, and Annie Ernaux, the French writer of autobiographical works.

自2020年以来，文学院将该奖授予了有色人种——坦桑尼亚作家阿卜杜勒拉扎克·古尔纳，他的小说剖析了殖民主义的遗留问题；以及两位女性——美国诗人路易丝·格吕克和法国自传体作家安妮·埃诺克。

Last year’s recipient was Jon Fosse, a Norwegian author and playwright whose novels, told in lengthy sentences, often contain religious undertones.

去年的获奖者是挪威作家兼剧作家乔恩·福瑟，他的小说以冗长的句子讲述，往往含有宗教色彩。

Han is the 18th woman to receive the Nobel in literature, which has been awarded to 120 writers since 1901.

韩江是第18位获得诺贝尔文学奖的女性，自1901年以来，诺贝尔文学奖已授予120位作家。

Some scholars and translators said it was fitting that the first Korean writer to win a Nobel is a woman. Much of the most groundbreaking and provocative contemporary Korean literature is being written by female novelists, including some who are challenging and exposing misogyny and the burdens that are placed on women in South Korea. Yet in media and literary circles, older male writers have often been seen as the most likely contenders for the Nobel.

一些学者和翻译认为，韩国第一位获得诺贝尔文学奖的作家是女性，可以说是恰如其分。许多最具开创性和挑衅性的当代韩国文学都由女性小说家创作，其中一些作家挑战并揭露了厌女症，以及韩国女性所承受的负担。然而，在媒体和文学界，年长的男性作家往往被视为最有可能获得诺贝尔奖的竞争者。

“For years now, the conversation about how to get Korea its literature prize has not once seemed to seriously consider that the answer might be Han Kang, despite her massive success,” said Morris, who in addition to translating Han has translated work by Korean women like Pak Kyongni and Ji-min Lee. “So it’s a pleasant surprise and a bit of poetic justice to see a woman become the one to end Korea’s literature Nobel drought.”

莫里斯说：“多年来，关于如何让韩国获得文学奖的讨论似乎从来没有认真考虑过答案可能是韩江，尽管她取得了巨大的成功。”除了韩江之外，莫里斯还翻译了朴景利和李智敏等韩国女性的作品。“因此，看到一位女性成为结束韩国文学诺贝尔奖荒的人，这是一个惊喜，也是一种诗意的正义。”

The global system of container ships and tankers that move tens of billions of dollars of products around the world each day mostly functions fluidly and without notice. But in a few parts of the world, shipping lanes shrink to narrow straits or canals, geographical choke points where an isolated disruption can threaten to throw much of international trade out of whack.

由集装箱船和油轮组成的全球系统每天将数百亿美元的产品运往世界各地，该系统在大多数情况下运作流畅且不会为人所注意。但在世界上的一些地方，航线经过狭窄的海峡或运河，在这些地理上的咽喉要道，一起孤立的中断就可能会威胁到大部分国际贸易的正常运行。

One of those is the Taiwan Strait, a 100-mile-wide strip of water between Taiwan and mainland China, which has become a critical shipping lane for countries across the globe.

其中之一就是台湾海峡，这一台湾和中国大陆之间160公里的水域已成为全球各国的重要航道。

New research from the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank, has found that the strait is a conduit for more than a fifth of the world’s seaborne trade, with $2.45 trillion worth of energy, electronics, minerals and other goods transiting the channel in 2022, the most recent year for which data is available.

华盛顿智库战略与国际研究中心的一项新研究发现，世界上超过五分之一的海运贸易都要通过这条海峡，2022年（可获得数据的最近一年），价值2.45万亿美元的能源、电子产品、矿产和其他货物从台湾海峡经过。

The findings are significant given that the strait is at the center of a geopolitical dispute between Taiwan and China, which views the island as part of its territory. A blockade or military action from China that halted traffic in the strait could have dramatic implications for the global flow of goods, and the Chinese economy in particular, the researchers say.

这一研究结果意义重大，因为台湾海峡是台湾和中国地缘政治争端的中心，中国认为台湾是其领土的一部分。研究人员表示，中国封锁或军事行动导致的海峡交通中断可能会对全球货物流动，尤其是中国经济产生巨大影响。

The estimates come at a moment when geopolitics is upending years of relative complacency about global trade dynamics. Wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, as well as pandemic-era lockdowns, have reshuffled global trade patterns and alerted consumers to the idea that disruptions in one part of the world can directly affect economic activity in another.

上述估计出炉之际，地缘政治正在颠覆多年来人们对全球贸易态势相对满意的态度。乌克兰和中东的战争以及大流行时期的封锁已经改变了全球贸易格局，让消费者意识到，世界上一个地区的中断可能会直接影响到另一个地区的经济活动。

In a report also released Thursday, the World Trade Organization said that the pace of global trade has been ticking up, but that rising geopolitical tensions and uncertainty over economic policy could drag it down.

世界贸易组织在周四发布的一份报告中表示，全球贸易的步伐一直在加快，但地缘政治紧张局势的加剧和经济政策的不确定性可能会拖累全球贸易。

In particular, a widening conflict in the Middle East, the global center of oil production, could tangle shipping lanes and raise oil prices, the group said. That could make it harder and more expensive for people around the world to import the energy, food and other products they depend on.

该组织表示，尤其是在全球石油生产中心中东地区，冲突不断扩大可能会扰乱航道，推高油价。这可能会使世界各地的人们更加难以进口他们所依赖的能源、食品和其他产品，价格也会变得更加昂贵。

The organization, which is based in Geneva, said it expected global goods trade to increase by 2.7 percent in 2024, slightly up from its previous forecasts, and 3 percent in 2025. That growth follows a contraction in 2023, when global trade fell by 1.1 percent amid higher inflation and rising interest rates.

总部设在日内瓦的该组织表示，预计2024年，全球商品贸易将增长2.7%，略高于此前的预测，2025年将增长3%。这一增长是在2023年的收缩之后出现的，当时由于通胀加剧和利率上升，全球贸易下降了1.1%。

The organization said it had seen signs of global trade fracturing along political lines since the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Trade between countries that hold similar political views — based on voting patterns at the U.N. General Assembly — has grown 4 percent more quickly than trade between countries with differing views.

该组织表示，自乌克兰战争开始以来，出现了全球贸易沿着政治路线分裂的迹象。根据联合国大会的投票情况，政治观点相似的国家之间的贸易比政治观点不同的国家之间的贸易增长快4%。

6月，在也门胡塞叛军的袭击之后，Tutor号货轮在红海沉没。这些袭击导致许多船只绕道非洲南端航行。

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the group’s director general, said the organization remained vigilant about potential setbacks for trade, “particularly the potential escalation of regional conflicts like those in the Middle East. The impact could be most severe for the countries directly involved, but they may also indirectly affect global energy costs and shipping routes,” she added.

世贸总干事恩戈齐·奥孔乔-伊韦阿拉表示，该组织仍对贸易可能遭遇的挫折保持警惕，“特别是在中东那样的地区，冲突可能升级。对卷入其中的国家来说，影响可能最为严重，但也可能间接影响全球能源成本和航运路线，”她还说。

Beginning late last year, attacks by Yemen’s Houthi rebels on commercial shipments in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, which are responsible for about 15 percent of global trade, encouraged many ships to reroute around the southern tip of Africa, adding one or more weeks to the journey.

从去年年底开始，也门胡塞叛军对红海和亚丁湾商船的袭击促使许多船只绕道非洲南端，增加了一周或更多时间的航程。红海和亚丁湾的贸易约占全球贸易的15%。

Earlier in 2023, global shipping traffic was also reshuffled after a drought limited the number of ships that could pass through the Panama Canal. Shipping costs have risen amid these disruptions, though they are still significantly below the highs seen during the pandemic.

2023年早些时候，由于干旱限制了可以通过巴拿马运河的船只数量，全球航运交通也重新洗牌。在这些中断期间，运输成本有所上升，尽管仍远低于大流行期间的高点。

And in March 2021, a container ship ran aground in the Suez Canal, blocking traffic there for six days.

2021年3月，一艘集装箱船在苏伊士运河搁浅，导致交通堵塞六天。

The estimates by the Center for Strategic and International Studies suggest that the Taiwan Strait hosts an even larger percentage of global trade than any of these channels. Matthew P. Funaiole, a fellow with the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies who worked on the Taiwan Strait study, said tensions in the region were “a global issue.”

战略与国际研究中心的估计表明，台湾海峡在全球贸易中所占的比例甚至比上述渠道都要大。参与台湾海峡研究的战略与国际研究中心中国力量项目研究员马修·富纳奥勒表示，该地区的紧张局势是“一个全球性问题”。

Any incident around Taiwan, such as an invasion or blockade, “would fundamentally disrupt the regular state of trade, and that would have a lot of economic consequences for a variety of countries,” he said.

任何围绕台湾的事件，如入侵或封锁，“都将从根本上扰乱正常的贸易状态，这将对许多国家造成严重的经济后果，”他说。

By correlating global ship traffic with country-level trade data, the researchers provide what they say are the first academically rigorous estimates of the volume of trade through the Taiwan Strait. Other than Taiwan itself, they find that the economy most exposed to disruptions in the strait is China, which sends $1.3 trillion of trade through the channel annually. The bulk of these shipments are Chinese imports of petroleum, metals, iron ore and other raw materials, as well as electronic components, that will feed Chinese power plants and factories.

通过将全球船舶交通与国家层面的贸易数据关联起来，研究人员提供了所谓台湾海峡贸易量首次严谨的学术估算。除了台湾本身，他们发现，最容易受到海峡中断影响的经济体是中国，中国每年通过台湾海峡的贸易额达1.3万亿美元。这些货物中的大部分是中国进口的石油、金属、铁矿石和其他原材料，以及电子元件，这些都供应给中国的发电厂和工厂。

The researchers calculated that the strait was a conduit for nearly a third of Japanese and Korean imports, and about a quarter of their exports. Nearly 27 percent of Australia’s exports also pass through the strait, largely commodities like iron ore, coal and liquefied natural gas.

研究人员计算出，台湾海峡是日本和韩国近三分之一的进口和大约四分之一的出口的通道。澳大利亚近27%的出口也要经过该海峡，主要是铁矿石、煤炭和液化天然气等大宗商品。

Of the five countries that are most dependent on the Taiwan Strait for their trade traffic, four are in Africa. The Democratic Republic of Congo alone sends about 70 percent of its total exports, primarily copper, cobalt and other metals, through the strait. Many Middle Eastern countries also send more than 30 percent of their exports through the strait, as they provide the fuel that powers China.

在贸易往来最依赖台湾海峡的五个国家中，有四个是非洲国家。仅刚果民主共和国的就有约70%的出口通过该海峡，主要是铜、钴和其他金属。许多中东国家30%以上的出口都要经过台湾海峡，它们为中国提供燃料。

“We have all of a sudden become very alert to the fact that trade flows are complicated but they narrow in these strategic choke points,” Mr. Funaiole said.

“我们突然一下警觉起来，贸易流动是复杂的，但它们在这些战略瓶颈处收窄了，”富纳奥勒说。

As political turmoil churns India’s immediate neighborhood, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has been using a relatively new asset to compete with China for influence: the financial wherewithal that comes with a fast-growing economy.

随着印度的近邻们政治动荡不断，印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪的政府已在使用一种相对较新的财产——国内经济快速增长带来的资金——来与中国竞争影响力。

When Sri Lanka suffered economic catastrophe in 2022, India stepped in with over $4 billion in aid. In tiny neighboring Bhutan, which has boundary disputes with China, Mr. Modi this year doubled India’s assistance, to $1 billion over five years. In Bangladesh, he provided billions for infrastructure projects to back that country’s autocratic leader, who promoted India’s interests until she was ousted in August.

斯里兰卡2022年遭受经济灾难后，印度施以援手，为该国提供了逾40亿美元的援助。在与中国存在边界争端的小邻国不丹，莫迪今年将印度的援助增加了一倍，五年内将达到10亿美元。他为孟加拉国的基础设施项目提供了数十亿美元的资金，以支持该国的独裁领导人，这位领导人在今年8月被赶下台前曾一直推动印度的利益。

The latest beneficiary is the Maldives. Its new president, Mohamed Muizzu, campaigned last year on an “India Out” platform, demanding that Mr. Modi withdraw a small military contingent from the archipelago nation. But that seemed forgotten on Monday, when Mr. Muizzu arrived in New Delhi for a state dinner, a photo opportunity at the Taj Mahal with his wife, and over $750 million in Indian aid to bail his government out of extreme fiscal stress.

最新的受益者是马尔代夫。该国新任总统穆罕默德·穆伊兹去年曾打着“印度滚出去”的旗号参加竞选，要求莫迪从这个岛国撤出一支小的军事特遣队。但本周一，这一切似乎已被遗忘，穆伊兹往新德里出席国宴，并与妻子一起在泰姬陵让记者拍照，还接受了印度一笔逾7.5亿美元的援助，以帮助其政府摆脱极端的财政困境。

“India is a key partner in the socioeconomic and infrastructure development of the Maldives and has stood by the Maldives during our times of need,” said Mr. Muizzu, standing next to Mr. Modi.

“印度是马尔代夫社会经济和基础设施发展的重要合作伙伴，在马尔代夫需要的时候一直支持我们，”穆伊兹站在莫迪身边说了这番话。

印度资助的马尔代夫住房项目。印度在经济上的成功使其在该地区有更大的影响力。

India’s economy is growing at about 7 percent while China and its other neighbors struggle to return to prepandemic growth levels, according to the World Bank. Political and business leaders increasingly see India, despite frustrations with its bureaucracy, as an exciting partner for deals and trade agreements, with an economy that has yet to reach its full potential.

据世界银行统计，印度经济正在以约7%的速度增长，而中国和其他邻国则在让增长恢复到疫情前的水平上面临重重困难。政治和商业领袖们尽管对印度的官僚机构不满，但正越来越多地将印度视为做生意和签贸易协定的令人兴奋的合作伙伴，该国的经济仍有很大的发展空间。

Many poorer Indians have seen little benefit from that growth, as the country still struggles to generate enough employment. But it has provided the government with much-needed cash to grease diplomatic wheels, while China’s economic struggles have forced it to somewhat reduce its regional largess.

许多穷困的印度人并没有从这种增长中得到多少利益，因为印度在创造足够多的就业机会上仍面临困难。但这种增长为政府提供了推动其外交进程急需的资金，而中国在经济上面临困境，迫使它在一定程度上减少了对该地区的慷慨解囊。

The newfound leverage is coming in handy for India. It has faced repeated diplomatic setbacks in the region, where its traditional influence had been waning in the face of China’s aggressive push. Over the past year, India-friendly leaders in at least three countries were either voted out or toppled in protests.

印度将新获得的影响力派上了用场。在中国咄咄逼人地向印度周边国家推进影响力的时候，印度在该地区的传统影响力已经减弱，一再在外交上遇到挫折。在过去一年里，至少有三个国家的亲印领导人要么在选举中被淘汰，要么在抗议中下台。

“India is able to deploy much more power now in the neighborhood, and the economic clout is far stronger than it was — there’s no doubt about it,” said Nirupama Menon Rao, who was once India’s foreign secretary. “But the political interests that bind us to the neighborhood, I think they are constant.”

“印度现在能在周边地区行使更大的影响力，印度的经济影响力也比过去大得多——这是毫无疑问的，”曾任印度外长的尼鲁帕玛·梅农·拉奥琪说。“但是我认为，将我们与周边地区联系在一起的政治利益是不变的。”

Even leaders in the region who are “traditionally labeled or stereotyped as anti-India” have little choice but to work with New Delhi, Ms. Rao said. That is not just for immediate financial help, but to align themselves with India in the longer term, in the hope that its economic potential can bring them future windfalls.

就连该地区那些“传统上被认为是反印度或给人留下了这种刻板印象”的领导人，除了与新德里合作外也别无选择，拉奥琪说。这不仅仅是为了获得即时的经济援助，也是为了与印度建立长期的盟友关系，希望印度的经济潜力能在未来给它们带来好处。

Regional leaders are showing a “high seriousness in understanding the growing economic clout and the place that India is taking on the global stage,” Ms. Rao said. India, in turn, is taking a more pragmatic approach to some of its neighbors than it once did, avoiding “histrionics” and “diplomatic theater,” she said.

区域领导人正在“对了解印度日益增长的经济影响力以及它在全球舞台上的地位表现出高度认真的态度”，拉奥琪说。反过来，印度也正在对一些邻国采取比以前更务实的态度，避免“装腔作势”和“外交表演”，她说。

A hard lesson came this year from Bangladesh, the country of 170 million people that shares a 2,000-mile border with India.

今年，孟加拉国提供了一个惨痛的教训，这个有1.7亿人口的邻国与印度有长达3200公里的边界。

India was seen as a staunch protector, financially and diplomatically, of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh’s increasingly autocratic prime minister. As Ms. Hasina persecuted critics and opponents, India used its diplomatic leverage to urge her Western critics to back off. In Bangladesh, anger against her began to translate into anger against India.

印度曾被视为孟加拉国越来越专制的总理谢赫·哈西娜在经济和外交上的的坚定保护者。随着哈西娜迫害批评人士和反对者，印度曾利用自己的外交影响力来劝说西方批评者闭嘴。孟加拉国人对总理的愤怒已开始转化为对印度的愤怒。

When she was driven out of office in August — toppled by huge protests, which surged drastically after her security forces killed hundreds of demonstrators — Ms. Hasina fled to India. Her continuing presence there has created a dilemma: On the one hand, India wants to signal that it will stand by its friends. But sheltering Ms. Hasina will cause problems as India tries to regain ground with Bangladesh’s new political powers.

哈西娜今年8月被赶下台——导致其下台的大规模抗议活动在安全部队打死了数百名示威者后急剧升温——她逃往印度。哈西娜继续留在印度制造了一个困境：一方面，印度想表明自己忠于朋友。但随着印度试图博得孟加拉国新政治力量的青睐，为哈西娜提供庇护将带来问题。

谢赫·哈西娜今年8月辞去孟加拉国总理职务并逃离后，抗议者冲进了她位于达卡的住宅。

But Paul Staniland, a political scientist at the University of Chicago and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace whose research focuses on South Asia, called that a more “mundane” challenge than it might once have been, and said India’s growing economic might was an important reason for that.

但以南亚为研究重点的芝加哥大学和卡内基国际和平基金会的政治学家保罗·斯坦尼兰德说，这是一个比以往可能更加“平常”的挑战，并表示，印度不断增长的经济实力是其中的一个重要原因。

“India’s neighbors are certainly interested in autonomy from India and having the option to engage with China and other outside states. But India is a massive economic and political presence that all governments have to at least do business with,” Mr. Staniland said.

“印度的邻国们当然对不受印度影响的自治感兴趣，想有与中国和其他外部国家接触的选择。但印度是一个庞大的经济和政治存在，所有国家的政府都必须至少与其打交道，”斯坦尼兰德说。

He added that some of India’s regional relationships were now characterized by “a restrained and respectful posture from Delhi combined with tangible efforts to cooperate,” echoing a point made by Ms. Rao. That approach, he said, “limits nationalist backlash in these neighboring states while creating incentives to work together.”

他还表示，印度在一些区域关系上的做法现在带有“德里采取克制和尊重的态度，在合作上做出切实努力”的特点，这与拉奥琪的观点相呼应。斯坦尼兰德说，这种做法“降低了这些邻国的民族主义抵制情绪，同时制造了合作的动力”。

India’s current relationship with Sri Lanka is one example.

印度与斯里兰卡目前的关系就是一个例子。

After the island nation’s civil war ended in 2009, China established a huge presence there, bankrolling the lavish development projects of a populist president. Officials in Colombo, even ones sympathetic to India, complained that New Delhi’s outreach was slow and bureaucratic by comparison.

斯里兰卡的内战于2009年结束后，中国曾在那里建立了巨大的影响力，为该国民粹主义总统耗资巨大的发展项目提供资金。科伦坡的官员，甚至是同情印度的官员也都抱怨说，相比之下，新德里在扩大与斯里兰卡的关系上行动缓慢，官僚作风严重。

Sri Lanka’s economic collapse two years ago, largely caused by mismanagement and reckless spending, changed that perspective. China was seen as conspicuously absent, and it was hesitant about renegotiating the terms of Sri Lanka’s debt. India seized the opportunity, stepping in with $4 billion in various forms of support.

两年前，主要是因为管理不善和不计后果的支出，斯里兰卡的经济崩溃了，这让人们的看法发生了改变。在大家眼里，中国明显缺席，而且不愿意与斯里兰卡重新谈判债务条款。印度抓住了这个机会，以各种形式为斯里兰卡提供了40亿美元的支持。

印度向斯里兰卡科伦坡运送的一批援助物资，摄于2022年。斯里兰卡经济崩溃后，印度已提供了40亿美元的援助。

Its change of approach was even more visible on the political front. Once it became clear that Sri Lanka’s old guard, including politicians close to India, had been discredited by the economic collapse, Mr. Modi’s government began warming up to other players.

印度做法的改变在政治方面更为明显。斯里兰卡的元老派（包括与印度关系密切的政客）因经济崩溃在国内失去信誉后，莫迪政府开始向其他政客示好。

Months before the September presidential election, it hosted Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of a small leftist party with an anti-India past. He seemed best positioned to ride the public’s anger into office, and both sides clearly wanted to overcome that history. When Mr. Dissanayke won a comfortable victory last month, India’s top diplomat in Colombo was there within hours to congratulate him.

在斯里兰卡9月举行总统大选数月之前，印度曾接待阿努拉·库马拉·迪萨纳亚克，此人领导的小政党有反印度的历史。他似乎最有可能被公众的愤怒情绪推上台，而且，双方显然都想克服那段历史。上个月，迪萨纳亚克在选举中轻松获胜后，印度驻科伦坡的最高级别外交官在几个小时里就到场向他表示了祝贺。

Ms. Rao said India’s traditional ties with its neighbors, combined with its growing financial resources, would serve it well in its competition with China.

拉奥琪说，印度与邻国的传统关系和不断增长的财政资源将有利于印度与中国的竞争。

“China continues to flex a lot of economic muscle, there’s no doubt,” Ms. Rao said. “But China, I think, has not really demonstrated its capacity to be the kind of first responder that India is when it comes to crisis situations that face our neighbors. And that, I think, is a very critical factor.”

“中国继续显示强大的经济实力，这毫无疑问，”拉奥琪说。 “但我认为，在我们的邻国遇到危机时，中国没有真正像印度那样以第一反应者的姿态出现。而那是我认为的一个非常关键的因素。”

The oldest human on record, Jeanne Calment of France, lived to the age of 122. What are the odds that the rest of us get there, too?

有记录以来最长寿的人类——法国的珍妮·卡尔芒，活到了122岁。我们这些人有多大几率活到这个年纪？

Not high, barring a transformative medical breakthrough, according to research published Monday in the journal Nature Aging.

根据周一发表在《自然衰老》(Nature Aging)杂志上的一项研究，除非出现变革性的医学突破，否则机会不高。

The study looked at data on life expectancy at birth collected between 1990 and 2019 from some of the places where people typically live the longest: Australia, France, Italy, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. Data from the United States was also included, though the country’s life expectancy is lower.

该研究调查了1990年至2019年期间从澳大利亚、法国、意大利、香港、日本、韩国、西班牙、瑞典和瑞士等通常最长寿的地方收集的出生时预期寿命数据。来自美国的数据也包括在内，尽管美国人的预期寿命较低。

The researchers found that while average life expectancies increased during that time in all of the locations, the rates at which they rose slowed down. The one exception was Hong Kong, where life expectancy did not decelerate.

研究人员发现，虽然在这段时间里，所有地区的平均预期寿命都有所增加，但增长的速度有所放缓。唯一的例外是香港，那里的预期寿命上升没有减速。

The data suggests that after decades of life expectancy marching upward thanks to medical and technological advancements, humans could be closing in on the limits of what’s possible for average life span.

由于医疗和技术的进步，人类的预期寿命已经延长了几十年，数据表明，现在人类可能正在接近平均寿命的极限。

“We’re basically suggesting that as long as we live now is about as long as we’re going to live,” said S. Jay Olshansky, a professor of epidemiology and biostatistics at the University of Illinois Chicago, who led the study. He predicted maximum life expectancy will end up around 87 years — approximately 84 for men, and 90 for women — an average age that several countries are already close to achieving.

“我们基本上是在说，现在能活多久，今后也就能活多久，”领导这项研究的伊利诺伊大学芝加哥分校流行病学和生物统计学教授S·杰伊·奥尔尚斯基说。他预测，人类的最高预期寿命将在87岁左右——男性约为84岁，女性约为90岁——有几个国家已经接近达到这个平均值。

During the 20th century, life expectancy rose dramatically, spurred on by innovations like water sanitation and antibiotics. Some scientists have projected that this pace will hold as better treatments and preventions are discovered for cancer, heart disease and other common causes of death. The famous demographer James Vaupel maintained that most children born in the 21st century would live to 100.

20世纪，在用水卫生和抗生素等创新的推动下，预期寿命大幅上升。一些科学家预测，随着癌症、心脏病和其他常见死因的更好治疗及预防方法被发现，这一速度将保持下去。著名人口统计学家詹姆斯·沃佩尔认为，21世纪出生的大多数孩子将活到100岁。

But according to the new study, that is unlikely to be the case. The researchers found that instead of a higher percentage of people making it to 100 in the places they analyzed, the ages at which people are dying have been compressed into a narrower time frame.

但根据这项新研究，情况不太可能是这样。研究人员发现，在他们分析的地方，活到100岁的人的比例并没有提高，人们的死亡年龄被压缩到一个更窄的时间范围内。

Dr. Olshansky has long pushed against the idea that life expectancy will steadily climb forever. In a 1990 paper published in Science, he presented a theory that humans were already close to reaching the limit for average life expectancy.

奥尔尚斯基长期以来一直反对预期寿命将永远稳步攀升的观点。在1990年发表在《科学》杂志上的论文中，他提出了一个理论，即人类已经接近平均预期寿命的极限。

More than 30 years later, he said his new study offers hard data to back up his original hypothesis — a claim even those who have bet against him say has merit.

30多年后，他说他的新研究提供了确凿的数据来支持他最初的假设——即使是那些与他打赌的人也认为不无道理。

Steven Austad, a professor of biology at the University of Alabama, Birmingham, who has a wager with Dr. Olshansky that a human alive today will reach 150, said the paper was “excellent” and “establishes beyond doubt” that increases in life expectancy have slowed.

阿拉巴马大学伯明翰分校的生物学教授史蒂文·奥斯塔德曾与奥尔尚斯基打赌，认为今天活着的人可以活到150岁。如今，奥斯塔德说，奥尔尚斯基的论文“非常出色”，“毫无疑问地证明”预期寿命的增长已经放缓。

Jan Vijg a professor of genetics at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York City, who has also researched the limits of human life span, agreed, saying that Dr. Olshansky’s study was “well done.”

纽约市阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦医学院的遗传学教授扬·维吉也研究过人类寿命的极限，他对此表示赞同，称奥尔尚斯基的研究“做得很好”。

“He has always been what people considered pessimistic, but I think it’s also realistic,” Dr. Vijg said.

“他一直是人们认为的悲观主义者，但我认为这也是现实的，”维吉说。

The new research suggests that while modern medicine has helped more people regularly live to their 70s, 80s and 90s, getting the average age up beyond that will prove difficult. For example, the scientists calculated that even if all deaths before the age of 50 were eliminated, average peak life expectancy would only rise by one year for women and one and a half years for men.

新的研究表明，虽然现代医学帮助更多的人把活到70岁、80岁和90岁变成了司空见惯的事，但要让平均年龄超过这一年龄将是困难的。例如，科学家们计算出，即使消除了所有50岁之前的死亡，女性的平均预期寿命峰值也只会增加一年，男性只会增加一年半。

“We can manufacture a bit more survival time through medical advances,” as well as through reducing health disparities and encouraging healthier lifestyles, Dr. Olshansky said.

“我们可以通过医学进步，”以及缩小健康差距和鼓励更健康的生活方式，来延长一些生存时间，奥尔尚斯基说。

But, he added, even if deaths from common diseases or accidents were eliminated, people would die of aging itself. “We still have declining function of internal organs and organ systems that make it virtually impossible for these bodies to live a whole lot longer than they do now,” Dr. Olshansky said.

但是，他还说，即使消除了常见疾病或事故造成的死亡，人们还是会死于衰老本身。“我们的内部器官和器官系统的功能仍然在下降，这使得这些身体实际上不可能比现在活得更久，”奥尔尚斯基说。

Not everyone agrees. Dr. Luigi Ferrucci, the scientific director at the National Institute on Aging, concurred that we are unlikely to see substantial increases in life span if the status quo is maintained. But he said that investing more in preventive health could change that by delaying the onset of diseases, which in turn could result in “less of that damage that was due to the biology of aging.”

并非所有人都同意这个观点。国家老龄化研究所的科学主任路易吉·费鲁奇博士也认为，如果维持现状，我们不太可能看到寿命大幅延长。但他表示，加大对预防性健康的投资，可以通过推迟疾病的发作来改变这种状况，从而“减少生物学上衰老造成的损害”。

Nadine Ouellette, an associate professor of demography at the University of Montreal, took issue with another aspect of the study. She said that average life expectancy can “sometimes be misleading” since it is shaped so much by deaths early in life. Instead, she recommended looking at the age at which most people die, called the modal age of death, which focuses more on late life.

蒙特利尔大学人口学副教授纳丁·乌莱特对这项研究的另一方面提出了质疑。她说，平均预期寿命“有时会产生误导”，因为它在很大程度上受到生命早期死亡的影响。相反，她建议关注大多数人死亡的年龄，即所谓的模态死亡年龄，它更侧重晚年生活。

For Dr. Olshansky, the only thing that might radically lengthen life expectancy is if scientists develop an intervention to slow the aging process itself — something he’s “optimistic” about, he said.

奥尔尚斯基认为，唯一可能从根本上延长预期寿命的方法是科学家们开发出一种干预措施来延缓衰老过程本身——他对此表示“乐观”。

Dr. Austad is also a believer in the potential of anti-aging medicine. And he said that the new paper doesn’t change his bet that a human alive today will reach 150, because it has always been based on “a breakthrough in targeting the aging process itself.”

奥斯塔德也相信抗衰老医学的潜力。他说，这篇新论文并没有改变他对今天还活着的人将活到150岁的赌注，因为他的赌注一直都是建立在“针对衰老过程本身的突破”之上的。