Whether Americans realize it or not, the Trump administration is trying to engineer a radical reconstruction of capitalism in the United States. The new model looks more like China’s, which allows private-sector development but emphasizes government ownership and control. Various academics and politicians — many of whom have never run a business — are arguing that this is a wise model.

无论美国人是否意识到，特朗普政府都正在试图对美国的资本主义进行彻底改造。这种新模式更像中国模式——允许私营部门发展，但强调政府所有权和控制权。许多学者和政客（其中不少人从未真正经营过企业）都声称这是一个明智的模式。


It is not.

事实绝非如此。

We know from a century of evidence and a lifetime of practice that healthy economies grow from innovation that produces wealth. America’s economic system, built on three pillars — innovation, a big market and a stable rule of law — has been one of its greatest strengths and unique advantages. Do we need to do a better job of distributing the gains from America’s economic success? Clearly. Is state-controlled industry and planning the way to do that? Absolutely not.

一个世纪的证据和长期的实践告诉我们，健康的经济增长来自能创造财富的创新。美国的经济体系建立在三大支柱之上：创新、庞大的市场以及稳定的法治，这是美国最强大的优势和独特优势。我们是否需要更公平地分配经济成功带来的收益？毫无疑问，是的。但靠国家控制的产业和计划经济是实现这一目标的方式吗？绝对不是。

America’s economy has been struggling to deliver broadly felt progress for some time, a failure especially evident in the shrinking middle class and its declining opportunities. We hear this echoed in populist calls from both left and right. But the way to restore faith in American capitalism is not to discard it in favor of a Chinese-style approach. That model is showing signs of failure in China after an initial burst of success.

长期以来，美国经济难以让民众普遍感受到进步，这种失败尤其体现在中产阶级的萎缩及其机会的减少方面。无论左翼还是右翼的民粹主义呼声都反映了这一点。但重拾人们对美国资本主义的信心并不是要把它抛弃，转而采用中国模式。在最初取得成功后，该模式如今已在中国显现败象。

President Trump is dangerously close to copying its mistakes.

特朗普总统正危险地接近重蹈中国的覆辙。

Take three of Mr. Trump’s most recent moves. First, in June his administration pushed a “golden share” arrangement in the merger of Nippon Steel and U.S. Steel, ensuring the government a veto right over key decisions — a tool straight out of Beijing’s playbook. Second, last month the administration took a 10 percent stake in Intel, effectively making Washington a shareholder in one of America’s most important technology companies, using money Congress had already allocated. And third, Mr. Trump has turned tariffs into a tool for political favoritism, granting exemptions to preferred companies in exchange for loyalty and concessions. Together, these steps blur the line between private enterprise and state ownership, substituting political calculation for competitive discipline and market-driven innovation.

看看特朗普最近的三项举措。首先是在今年6月，他的政府在日本制铁与美国钢铁公司的并购案中推动“黄金股”安排，确保政府对关键决策拥有否决权——这完全是照搬北京的游戏规则。第二，上个月，政府持有了英特尔10%的股份，实际上让华盛顿成为了美国最重要科技公司之一的股东，所用资金来自国会此前的拨付。第三，特朗普将关税变成政治偏袒的工具，对其青睐的公司予以豁免，以换取忠诚与让步。这三项措施结合起来，模糊了私营企业与国有之间的界限，用政治算计取代了竞争约束和市场驱动的创新。

To be sure, there are times when state intervention in markets is appropriate. Government helps build infrastructure and funds science that supports the creation of new technologies (sometimes entire industries). The internet and the Interstate System of highways are two classic examples, among countless others. And in national emergencies, such as the 2008 financial crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic, the government has a vital role to play in stabilizing the economy and mobilizing a national response to protect public welfare.

诚然，政府在某些时候对市场进行干预是合理的。政府帮助建设基础设施，资助科学研究以推动新技术（有时甚至是整个行业）的诞生。互联网和州际高速公路系统就是众多典型例子中的两个。在2008年金融危机和新冠疫情等国家紧急状态下，政府更是肩负着稳定经济、动员全国力量保障公共福利的重要使命。

But government intervention damages the economy when it singles out individual companies instead of offering a broader program to support an industry, engage in general R&D or build infrastructure. Programs that apply transparent rules fairly preserve competition, while political favoritism distorts it. When the government — or an individual official — handpicks winners and losers, it undermines markets and rewards inside access.

然而当政府不是通过制定面向整个产业的支持计划、开展一般性研发或建设基础设施等方式进行干预，而是遴选特定企业时，便会对经济造成损害。依照透明规则公平实施的项目能够维护竞争，而政治偏袒则会扭曲竞争。当政府或个别官员亲自挑选赢家与输家时，不仅破坏了市场机制，更变相奖励了内部寻租行为。

That is exactly what’s happening now. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has suggested that in addition to Intel and Nippon Steel, Washington could buy into military contractors such as Lockheed Martin, Boeing and Palantir. The White House has pushed chip makers like Nvidia and AMD to give a share of revenue from sales in China to the U.S. government, providing it a stake without formal ownership. It is not clear how these equity stakes will be held or managed (for instance, who will decide when to sell them). These moves are fundamentally changing the relationship between the private sector and the state.

眼下发生的正是这种情况。商务部长霍华德·卢特尼克暗示，除英特尔和新日铁外，华盛顿还可能入股洛克希德·马丁、波音和Palantir等军火承包商。白宫已敦促英伟达和AMD等芯片制造商将中国市场的部分销售收入上缴美国政府，让政府在没有正式持股的情况下也能分一杯羹。目前还不清楚这些股权将如何持有或管理（例如，谁来决定何时出售）。这些举措正在从根本上改变私营部门与国家间的关系。

While libertarians and traditional conservatives in the MAGA coalition have objected to the administration’s infringement on economic liberty, some on the left, such as Senator Bernie Sanders, have applauded its steps toward state ownership, arguing that Americans deserve a share of the profits from companies that receive federal money.

虽然让美国再次伟大联盟中的自由主义者和传统保守派反对政府侵犯经济自由，但一些左派人士，如参议员伯尼·桑德斯，却对政府迈向国有化的举措叫好，他们认为接受联邦资金的公司所获利润理应由美国人民分享。

There are certainly cases in which this can make sense. After the Great Recession, banks should have compensated the United States for bailing them out. And when Tesla received $465 million in loans during a precarious moment in its existence, a stake in the company would have been an appropriate return. Tesla paid the loan back early and with interest, but the public never received compensation proportionate to the risk it took on. The government must design such arrangements systematically and transparently from the start and apply them evenly across industries. The federal initiative that funded Tesla (as well as other automakers), for example, and the CHIPS Act that funded Intel and other chip makers should have included taxpayer compensation mechanisms that applied to all participating companies.

这类做法在某些情况下确实具有合理性。大衰退过后，接受救助的银行本应向美国政府支付补偿金；当特斯拉在其生存危机中获得4.65亿美元贷款时，获取股权本应是合理的风险回报。虽然特斯拉提前偿还了本息，但公众从未获得与承担风险相称的补偿。政府必须从一开始就系统且透明地设计此类安排，并且要在所有行业均等适用。例如，为特斯拉（以及其他汽车制造商）提供资金的联邦计划，以及为英特尔和其他芯片制造商提供资金的《芯片法案》，本应包含适用于所有参与企业的纳税人补偿机制。

Instead, the Trump administration is handing out or imposing deals arbitrarily and retroactively. The danger is evident: The government is not stepping in to solve a true crisis, protect taxpayers or advance the nation’s strategic priorities; it is perverting markets in favor of politically connected companies and hampering innovation. In other words: crony capitalism.

然而，特朗普政府却在任意地、事后追溯性地发放或强加交易。危险显而易见：政府并不是在应对真正的危机、保护纳税人或推进国家战略目标；相反，它是在为了偏袒有政治关系的公司而扭曲市场，阻碍创新。换句话说，这就是裙带资本主义。

Authoritarian regimes don’t stop with large companies. State control inevitably reaches start-ups and small businesses, hollowing out the heart of the economy. Consider China. In 2018 more than 51,000 venture-backed start-ups formed. By 2023, that number had collapsed, reportedly to just 1,202. (The Chinese government disputes these numbers.) Innovation was replaced by access, creativity by compliance.

威权政权并不会只停留在控制大公司。国家的掌控必然会延伸到初创企业和小企业，掏空经济命脉。看看中国。2018年，中国有超过5.1万家由风投支持的初创公司成立。据报道，2023年这一数字已骤降至区区1202家。（中国政府对这一数字提出异议。）创新被关系所取代，创造力被服从所取代。

This is how authoritarian economies function. Success depends less on building products that meet people’s needs and more on cultivating connections with the state. In China knowing the right officials is often a prerequisite for even starting a business. That same pay-to-play culture is metastasizing in the United States today.

这就是威权经济的运作方式。成功不再取决于能否打造满足人们需求的产品，而更多依赖于经营政府关系。在中国，认识关键官员往往成为创业的必要前提。这种“花钱买门路”的文化如今正在美国蔓延。

And perhaps most dangerous, the Chinese model relies not just on favoritism but also on fear — fear of crossing the government or simply of being overlooked by party elites. In 2023, reports began surfacing of disappeared Chinese founders and executives. The risk of unwanted attention from President Xi Jinping is destroying the incentive to take risks.

或许最危险的是，中国模式依赖的不仅是特权恩惠，还有恐惧——害怕触怒政府，或者仅仅是被党内高层忽视。2023年起，中国的企业创始人和高管“被失踪”的报道开始浮现。引发习近平主席不必要关注的风险正在摧毁企业家的冒险动力。

We see this fear taking hold in the United States, with company officials across industries genuflecting to Mr. Trump or simply trying to stay out of his line of fire.

我们看到这种恐惧正在美国蔓延，各行各业的企业高管要么对特朗普卑躬屈膝，要么试图避免成为他的攻击目标。

The American model is capable of renewal. We need a system that adapts by encouraging innovation, empowering entrepreneurs and ensuring that risk and reward are fairly shared across society. America thrives when markets are large, rules are stable and opportunities are open to those willing to take risks, not just those with the best political connections. In practice, this means the government should create hands-off policy, while companies should take more responsibility for their employees and communities. And the two should work together to open more paths for people to build ownership — whether through their labor as workers, their capital as investors or their initiative as entrepreneurs.

美国模式具有自我更新的能力。我们需要一个通过鼓励创新、赋能企业家、确保风险与回报在社会中得到公平分配而实现自我完善的制度。当市场规模庞大、规则稳定、机会向勇于冒险者而非仅限权贵关系网开放时，美国才能繁荣发展。实际上，这意味着政府应制定不干预的政策，而企业则需对员工和社区承担更多责任。双方应共同努力，通过劳动者的付出、投资者的资本以及企业家的创新精神，为民众开拓更多拥有财富的途径。

Mr. Trump is exploiting popular discontent with the U.S. economy, but state capitalism corrodes even the strongest systems, as China’s stagnation shows. We abandon the American model at our peril.

特朗普正在利用民众对经济现状的不满，但正如中国经济停滞所证明的，即便是最强大的体系，国家资本主义也会对其造成侵蚀。放弃美国模式将使我们陷入危险境地。

The first few minutes of President Trump’s Oval Office address after the assassination of Charlie Kirk last week followed the conventional presidential playbook. He praised the victim, asked God to watch over his family and talked mournfully of “a dark moment for America.”

上周查理·柯克遇刺后，特朗普总统在椭圆形办公室发表讲话的开头几分钟还遵循着常规的总统套路。他向遇难者表达了敬意，祈求上帝保佑其家人，哀伤地提及“这是美国的黑暗时刻”。

Then he tossed the playbook aside, angrily blaming the murder on the American left and vowing revenge.

随后，他便抛开了套路，愤怒地将这起谋杀归咎于美国左派并誓言报复。

That was stark even for some viewers who might normally be sympathetic. When Mr. Trump appeared later on Fox News, a host noted that there were “radicals on the right,” just as there were “radicals on the left,” and asked, “How do we come back together?” The president rejected the premise. Radicals on the right were justified by anger over crime, he said. “The radicals on the left are the problem,” he added. “And they’re vicious. And they’re horrible.”

即便是对一些通常可能持同情态度的观众来说，此番言论也显得刺耳。特朗普后来做客福克斯新闻时，一位主持人提到“右翼有激进分子”，就像“左翼也有激进分子”，并问道“我们该如何重新团结起来”。总统否定了这个前提。他说，右翼激进分子的愤怒源于对犯罪问题的不满，是合理的。“左翼激进分子才是问题所在，”他还说。“他们恶毒又可怕。”

Mr. Trump has long made clear that coming together is not the mission of his presidency. In an era of deep polarization in American society, he rarely talks about healing. While other presidents have typically tried to lower the temperature in moments of national crisis, Mr. Trump turns up the flames. He does not subscribe to the traditional notion of being president for all the people. He acts as president of red America and the people who agree with him, while those who do not are portrayed as enemies and traitors deserving payback.

长期以来，特朗普都明确表示团结并非其总统任期的使命。在这个美国社会严重分裂的时代，他很少谈及弥合分歧。其他总统在国家危机时刻通常会试图降温，而特朗普却在火上浇油。他不认同总统应为全体人民服务这一传统理念。他扮演的是红色美国以及认同他的人的总统，而那些不认同他的人则被描绘成敌人和叛徒，理应遭到报复。

“The left has declared war on America,” Stephen K. Bannon, Mr. Trump’s former chief strategist and a leading voice in the MAGA movement, said in a text message on Saturday. “Trump is a wartime president now focused on eradicating domestic terrorists like ANTIFA,” Mr. Bannon added, referring to the antifascist movement.

“左派已向美国宣战，”前特朗普首席策略师、“让美国恢复伟大荣光”运动的核心人物史蒂芬·班农周六在短信中称，“特朗普现在是战时总统，专注于铲除‘反法西斯运动’(ANTIFA)这类国内恐怖分子。”

特朗普总统长期以来一直明确表示，团结并非其总统任期内的使命。

The notion of Mr. Trump as a wartime president in a war against some of his own people speaks to just how different his presidency is. Campaigning last year to reclaim power four years after his re-election defeat, Mr. Trump dispensed with the usual bromides about national unity, and instead declared that the biggest threat to the United States was “the enemy from within.”

将特朗普视为对抗部分国民的战时总统，这恰恰说明了他的总统任期是多么与众不同。去年，为重夺权力而竞选时，这位四年前败选的总统摒弃了惯常的国家团结说辞，宣称美国最大的威胁来自“内部敌人”。

He vowed “retribution” against those who in his view have betrayed him or the country, and he has spent the first eight months of his second term exacting it against Democrats, wayward Republicans, estranged allies, law firms, universities, news outlets and anyone else he considers disloyal or excessively liberal.

他誓言要对那些在他看来背叛了他或国家的人进行“报复”，在第二任期的前八个月里，他将矛头对准民主党人、摇摆的共和党人、疏远的盟友、律师事务所、大学、新闻媒体，以及所有他认为不忠或过于自由派的人，将报复付诸行动。

He sees a country riven into two ideological and political camps: one that supports him and one that does not. He governs accordingly. In recent days, he has vowed to order troops into cities run by Democrats, while sending money in the form of disaster relief to states run by Republicans.

在他眼中，国家已分裂为两个意识形态和政治阵营：一个支持他，一个反对他。他的施政也依此展开。近日，他扬言要下令军队进驻民主党人执政的城市，同时以救灾名义向共和党执政的州拨款。

This viewpoint reflects Mr. Trump’s own history and personality, born out of an us-against-them, winners-and-losers approach to life that carried him through decades in business, reality television and eventually politics. He is not comfortable as a comforter. He prefers a fight; he needs an enemy. And with Democrats fractured and leaderless, he is positioning himself as the scourge of an American left that has, he contends, grown radical beyond recognition.

这种观点反映了特朗普自身的经历和性格，源于他那种非友即敌、非赢即输的人生态度——这种态度伴随他走过数十年的商界生涯、真人秀电视圈，最终进入政坛。他不擅长扮演安慰者的角色，更偏爱斗争，也需要敌人。而在民主党分裂且群龙无首之际，他将自己定位为美国左派的克星，称左派已经激进到面目全非。

“This has been consistent from the beginning,” Jeff Shesol, a former speechwriter for President Bill Clinton, said of Mr. Trump’s escalatory reaction to the assassination of Mr. Kirk. “It’s not a tactic. It’s not a stratagem. It’s who he is and how he sees the world, in this Manichaean way. The left — the ‘radical left’ as he always wants to call it — is evil, and this is another opportunity to establish that, no matter what the facts are.”

“从一开始，他的反应就如此，”比尔·克林顿总统的前演讲稿撰写人杰夫·谢索尔在谈及特朗普对柯克遇刺事件的升级反应时表示，“这不是策略，也不是计谋。这就是他的本性，他以这种非黑即白的方式看待世界。左派——他总爱称之为‘激进左派’——是邪恶的，而这次事件不过是又一个佐证这一观点的机会，无论事实真相如何。”

人们在犹他州奥勒姆市参加查理·柯克的纪念仪式。

Plenty of left-wing voices online have fueled the divisions. Within hours of Mr. Kirk’s death, Americans of all stripes began pointing fingers at each other, even before a suspect had been caught or any motivation had been firmly determined. Mr. Trump and other allies of Mr. Kirk’s, who were distraught at the senseless killing of a 31-year-old rising star on the right they knew and liked, expressed roiling indignation at comments that gave the impression of cheering or rationalizing the murder of someone over political views.

网络上的大量左翼声音也在加剧分裂。柯克去世后几小时，嫌疑人还未抓到，动机也未查明，不同立场的美国人就已开始互相指责。特朗普及柯克的其他盟友对这位31岁右翼新星的无端遇害感到悲痛，他们熟识并且欣赏柯克，对于那些看似为“因政治观点而杀人”叫好或辩解的言论，他们表达了强烈的愤慨。

Most national Democratic elected leaders joined Republicans in denouncing the killing and calling for an end to the political violence that has erupted across the ideological spectrum in recent years. But while Gov. Spencer Cox of Utah, a Republican, made a pained plea for Americans to come together, the president expressed anger, declaring that “we just have to beat the hell” out of “radical left lunatics,” though he also made a point of urging “nonviolence.”

多数民主党籍的全国性民选官员与共和党人一道对这起杀戮予以谴责，并呼吁终结近年来在各意识形态阵营爆发的政治暴力。但犹他州州长、共和党人斯宾塞·考克斯痛心地呼吁美国人团结起来的同时，总统却表达了愤怒，宣称要“狠狠教训”那些“激进左派疯子”——尽管他也特意强调“非暴力”。

“I’m afraid the ship has sailed, at least for now, over an era in which politicians could heal a nation with their words,” said Ari Fleischer, who was White House press secretary on Sept. 11, 2001, when President George W. Bush faced his greatest crisis and pulled the nation together against a common foreign enemy.

“恐怕至少就目前而言，政治人士能用言语治愈国家的时代已经过去了，”阿里·弗莱舍说。2001年9月11日，乔治·W·布什总统面临着重大危机，要将全国团结起来对抗共同的外国敌人，弗莱舍那时正是白宫新闻秘书。

Mr. Fleischer, who supports Mr. Trump, said the current president has been the target of so much hatred that no one would credit him for a calm response, were he to offer one. “The vitriol against President Trump from the left is so deep that there is not a syllable, word, sentence or paragraph Donald Trump could say that would mollify them,” he said. “Trump’s mantra is ‘fight, fight, fight,’ so no one should be surprised by his reaction.”

支持特朗普的弗莱舍表示，现任总统已成为众多仇恨的目标，即便他做出冷静回应，也不会有人买账。“左翼对特朗普总统的怨恨太深了，无论他说一个音节、一个词、一句话还是一段话，都无法平息他们的怒火，”他说。“特朗普的信条是‘战斗、战斗、再战斗’，所以他的反应不足为奇。”

特朗普总统既不邀请民主党领袖前往白宫进行会谈，也不向他们通报重大国家安全事件。

Every other recent president has said that he saw his role as transcending partisanship at least some of the time, to serve as leader of all Americans — even those who disagreed with him. George H.W. Bush talked of ushering in a “kinder and gentler nation.” Mr. Clinton vowed to be the “repairer of the breach.” The younger Mr. Bush spoke of being “a uniter, not a divider.” Barack Obama rejected the idea of a red America and blue America, saying there was only “the United States of America.” Joseph R. Biden Jr. called for ending “this uncivil war.”

近年来的其他总统都曾表示，至少在某些时候，他们认为自己的角色应超越党派之争，成为全体美国人的领袖——即便是那些不认同自己的人。乔治·H·W·布什总统提出要打造一个“更友善、更温和的国家”；克林顿誓言要做“裂痕的修复者”；小布什称自己“是团结者，不是分裂者”；奥巴马反对“红色美国”与“蓝色美国”的划分，强调只有“美利坚合众国”；拜登呼吁结束“这场不文明的战争”。

None of them succeeded at achieving such lofty aspirations, and each of them to different degrees played the politics of division at times. Politics, after all, is about division — debating big ideas vigorously until one side wins an election or carries the vote in Congress. But none of them practiced the politics of division as ferociously and consistently as Mr. Trump, for whom it has been the defining characteristic of his time on the national stage.

他们都未能实现这些崇高的理想，且都在不同程度上操弄过分裂政治的手段。毕竟，政治本就与分歧相关——激烈辩论重大理念，直到一方赢得选举或在国会投票中获胜。但没有人像特朗普那样，如此激烈且持续地践行分裂政治，这已成为他在国家政治舞台上的标志性特征。

It was Mr. Bannon, after all, who said after Mr. Trump’s 2016 victory that unity was not the goal. “We didn’t win an election to bring the country together,” he said then.

毕竟，正是班农在特朗普2016年胜选后表示，团结并非目标。“我们赢得选举，不是为了团结这个国家，”他当时说道。

And Mr. Trump, who has never had the support of a majority in any of the three campaigns he has run or in any approval rating by Gallup, has long focused on catering to his own core supporters. When he talks about his poll ratings, he often cites approval just among Republicans.

特朗普在他参加的三次竞选及盖洛普的任何民意调查中从未获得过多数支持，他长期以来专注于迎合自己的核心支持者。当他谈及民调数据时，往往引用的只是共和党内的支持率。

“If I take care of the base, everything else will take care of itself,” he once told Anthony Scaramucci, a former ally who briefly served in Mr. Trump’s first-term White House.

“只要守住基本盘，其他一切都会迎刃而解，”他曾对安东尼·斯卡拉穆奇说。斯卡拉穆奇是他的前盟友，曾在特朗普第一任期短暂在白宫任职。

While he made few nods toward working across the aisle in his first term, Mr. Trump has all but abandoned any efforts at bipartisanship in his second. He does not invite Democratic leaders to the White House for talks, nor does he brief them on major national security events.

尽管他在第一任期也几乎未曾展现出跨党派合作的姿态，但在第二任期，他几乎完全放弃了所有两党合作的努力。他既不邀请民主党领袖到白宫会谈，也不向他们通报重大国家安全事件。

His critics fear that Mr. Trump will now use the Kirk assassination to go further on liberal organizations and institutions, a view encouraged in ominous social media posts by Stephen Miller, the president’s deputy chief of staff and a leader of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

批评者担心，特朗普现在会利用柯克遇刺事件进一步打压自由派组织和机构。总统副幕僚长、特朗普政府移民限制政策的主导者史蒂芬·米勒在社交媒体上发布的不祥帖子更强化了这种担忧。

“In recent days we have learned just how many Americans in positions of authority — child services, law clerks, hospital nurses, teachers, gov’t workers, even DOD employees — have been deeply and violently radicalized,” Mr. Miller wrote on Saturday, suggesting that their responses to Mr. Kirk’s killing were unacceptable. “The consequence of a vast, organized ecosystem of indoctrination.”

“近日我们发现，有多少身居要职的美国人——儿童服务工作者、法律书记员、医院护士、教师、政府工作人员，甚至国防部雇员——已经遭受了深度暴力激进思想的侵蚀，”米勒周六写道，并表示这些人对柯克遇害的反应令人无法接受，“这是一个庞大、有组织的灌输体系造成的后果。”

Mr. Trump is certainly right that his opponents have called him a “fascist” and “Nazi.” But his outrage at incendiary rhetoric is situational. In the same Fox News interview last week in which he complained about excesses by the left, he referred to Zohran Mamdani, the democratic socialist and front-runner for mayor of New York, as a “communist.” Even more than in his first term, Mr. Trump lately has referred to political rivals and journalists as “evil.”

特朗普说得没错，他的反对者确实称他为“法西斯”和“纳粹”。但他对煽动性言论的愤怒是分情况的。上周在福克斯新闻的同一次采访中，他抱怨左派过激的同时，将纽约市市长民主党社会主义者候选人佐兰·曼达尼称为“共产主义者”。比起第一任期，特朗普近来更频繁地声称政治对手和记者“邪恶”。

Even his anger at being called a fascist depends on who says it and whether they take it back. His own vice president, JD Vance, once called him “America’s Hitler,” a remark that he later disavowed and managed to overcome to win his way onto Mr. Trump’s ticket.

即使他因被称为法西斯主义者而愤怒，也取决于说话者是谁，以及对方是否收回言论。他自己的副总统万斯曾称他是“美国的希特勒”，后来万斯收回了这话，并成功跻身特朗普的竞选团队。

国民警卫队成员在华盛顿的托马斯·杰斐逊纪念堂巡逻。

Likewise, the president’s concern for security against political violence has depended on who was threatened. He pardoned some 1,500 supporters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, including those who assaulted police officers and called for the execution of his own vice president, Mike Pence. At one point, he declined to rule out pardoning the people convicted of a plot to kidnap Gov. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, a Democrat.

同样，总统对政治暴力威胁的担忧也取决于受威胁的对象。他赦免了约1500名2021年1月6日冲击国会山的支持者，包括那些袭击警察、呼吁处决他自己的副总统彭斯的人。他一度拒绝排除赦免那些策划绑架密歇根州民主党州长格雷琴·惠特默的人。

He complained during last year’s campaign that he needed more Secret Service protection, then took office and stripped government security for people he disliked, including Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, Gen. Mark A. Milley, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and the former national security adviser John R. Bolton. Just last month, Mr. Trump rescinded extended Secret Service protection for former Vice President Kamala Harris.

去年竞选期间，他抱怨自己需要更多特勤局保护，上任后却剥夺了他不喜欢的人的政府安保，包括安东尼·福奇博士、马克·米利将军、前国务卿迈克·庞皮欧和前国家安全顾问约翰·博尔顿。就在上个月，特朗普撤销了为前副总统哈里斯提供的延长特勤局保护。

But with so much menace in the air, even Mr. Trump at times in recent days tried to make a distinction between violence and retribution of another kind. With some of his supporters anxious for revenge after Mr. Kirk’s death, Mr. Trump offered a caveat. “Well,” he said, “you want revenge at the voter box.”

但在众多威胁弥漫的氛围中，最近以来，就连特朗普有时也试图区分暴力与其他形式的报复。面对一些支持者在柯克遇害后急于复仇的情绪，特朗普给出了一个附加说明：“嗯，你们应该在投票箱里复仇。”

Gov. Spencer Cox of Utah on Sunday provided new information about the background and political leanings of the 22-year-old accused of killing Charlie Kirk, saying that the suspect had a “leftist ideology” and had also been in a romantic relationship with a partner who was in the process of transitioning from male to female.

犹他州州长斯宾塞·考克斯周日公布了涉嫌杀害查理·柯克的22岁嫌疑人的更多背景和政治倾向信息。他表示，该嫌疑人持有“左翼意识形态”，并且与一位正在从男性向女性过渡的伴侣有过一段恋爱关系。

Mr. Cox, speaking on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” described the suspect, Tyler Robinson, as a “very normal young man” who appeared to have been “radicalized” some time after he dropped out of college and moved back to his hometown in southern Utah, where he had spent the past few years.

考克斯在NBC的《与媒体见面》(Meet the Press)节目中表示，嫌疑人泰勒·罗宾逊是一个“非常普通的年轻人”，但在他退学并搬回犹他州南部的家乡后不久（他过去几年一直生活在那里），似乎在某个时候被“激进化”了。

Mr. Cox did not go into specifics about Mr. Robinson’s ideological views or offer details to substantiate his assessment of the suspect’s views. Mr. Cox said Mr. Robinson had spent much of his time immersed in online gaming, message boards and parts of what the governor called the “deep, dark internet.”

考克斯并未具体说明罗宾逊的意识形态观点，也没有提供细节来证实他对嫌疑人观点的判断。他表示，罗宾逊大部分时间沉浸在网络游戏、在线论坛以及他所称的“黑暗深网”的某些角落中。

Mr. Cox, a Republican, did not detail a motive for the shooting of Mr. Kirk, a prominent conservative activist. The suspect’s motive has become the subject of fevered debate as President Trump and some Republicans have blamed Democrats and the “radical left.”

共和党人考克斯并未详述这起针对著名保守派活动人士柯克的枪击事件的动机。随着特朗普总统和一些共和党人将此事归咎于民主党和“激进左翼”，嫌疑人的作案动机也成为热议焦点。

“The why behind this, again, we’re all drawing lots of conclusions on how someone like this could be radicalized,” Mr. Cox said. “And I think that those are important questions for us to ask and important questions for us to answer.”

“至于动机，我们现在都在对这样一个人是如何被激进化的做出各种推测，”考克斯说。“我认为，这是我们必须提出，也必须回答的重要问题。”

The governor said that Mr. Robinson had not been cooperating with the investigation and that investigators were gathering information from the suspect’s friends and family.

他说，罗宾逊尚未配合调查，调查人员正在这名嫌疑人的朋友和家人那里收集相关信息。

Mr. Cox said the suspect’s romantic partner did not have any advance knowledge about the shooting and was “shocked” by what happened. The authorities have indicated that the partner, whom they have identified as Mr. Robinson’s roommate, has cooperated fully with the investigation and provided private messages that incriminated Mr. Robinson.

考克斯表示，嫌疑人的恋爱伴侣事先对这起枪击事件毫不知情，并且对事件的发生感到“震惊”。有关当局指出，这名被确认为罗宾逊室友的伴侣全力配合调查，并提供了能证明罗宾逊有罪的私人通讯消息。

The Times is not identifying the suspect’s partner in this article because the authorities have said the partner was not involved in the crime and is cooperating.

《纽约时报》在本文中未透露嫌疑人伴侣的身份，因为有关当局表示此人并未参与此案，并且正在积极配合调查。

The new information about the suspect’s romantic relationship is likely to raise further questions about the suspect’s motive and ideology, which are a focus of the official investigation but also the subject of intense speculation on social media and even among public officials.

有关嫌疑人恋爱关系的新信息很可能引发关于嫌疑人动机和意识形态的更多疑问，这些问题不仅是官方调查的重点，也成为社交媒体，甚至一些政府官员激烈猜测的焦点。

Mr. Cox said more information would be available on Tuesday, when the suspect is expected to be formally charged by local prosecutors. It was not yet clear if he had a lawyer.In another interview on Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union,” Mr. Cox said that investigators were also examining a potential note left by the suspect, and that charging documents would provide additional details.

考克斯表示，更多信息将于周二公布，届时地方检察官预计会对嫌疑人正式提起指控。目前尚不清楚他是否已聘请律师。在周日接受CNN《国情咨文》(State of the Union)节目的另一次采访时，考克斯还表示，调查人员正在核查可能是嫌疑人留下的一份笔记，起诉文件将提供更多细节。

Mr. Kirk was outspoken on a variety of hotly contested topics — race, gun control, abortion — in ways that often stoked controversy. A conservative Christian, he was also an outspoken critic of gay and transgender rights.

柯克曾就种族问题、枪支管制和堕胎等多个备受争议的话题公开表达强烈观点，常常引发争议。作为保守派基督徒，他还公开批评同性恋和跨性别权利。

Ideological opponents often challenged Mr. Kirk on his anti-transgender views when he visited college campuses to engage students and others in open-air debates through his conservative youth organization, Turning Point USA. Mr. Kirk was answering a question about transgender people and mass shootings at Utah Valley University on Wednesday when he was fatally shot.

在柯克访问大学校园、通过他的保守派青年组织“美国转折点”与学生及其他人士进行公开辩论时，持不同意识形态者经常质疑他反跨性别的观点。上周三，柯克在犹他谷大学遭枪击身亡时，正在回答关于跨性别者和大规模枪击事件的问题。

On Sunday, Mr. Cox said that Mr. Robinson’s political ideology was “very different” from that of his conservative family.

周日，考克斯表示，罗宾逊的政治意识形态与他保守派家庭的观点“截然不同”。

“There clearly was a leftist ideology with this — with this assassin,” he said, citing the suspect’s family and romantic partner as sources of that information.

“显然，这名杀手持有左翼意识形态，”他说，并援引嫌疑人的家人和恋爱伴侣作为该信息的来源。

The suspect’s parents are registered Republicans, and Mr. Robinson was raised around St. George, Utah, a fast-growing conservative city whose landscape is defined by red-rock formations and slender white spires of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Photos from his childhood show his family taking him and his brothers on trips to shoot guns and check out weapons displays.

嫌疑人的父母是注册共和党人，罗宾逊在犹他州圣乔治附近长大，这是一个快速发展的保守派城市，以红色岩石地貌和摩门教细高的白色尖塔为标志。他童年时期的照片显示，家人曾带他和兄弟们外出射击和参观武器展览。

Voter records show that Mr. Robinson was unaffiliated with any political party.

选民记录显示，罗宾逊不隶属于任何政党。

The only hints about his ideology or beliefs released publicly in the investigation are engravings on bullet casings found with the rifle used to kill Mr. Kirk that contained a hash of online memes and video game references. One engraving said, “hey fascist! CATCH!”

在调查中公开的关于他的意识形态或信仰的唯一线索，是在用来杀害柯克的步枪旁发现的弹壳上的刻字，包含了网络米姆和电子游戏梗。其中一处写着：“嘿，法西斯！接招！”

Mr. Robinson and his partner had been living in a sun-baked complex of stucco apartments on the south side of St. George, that is home to mostly college students, 20-somethings and young families.

罗宾逊和他的伴侣一直居住在圣乔治南部一处阳光充足的灰泥公寓区，住户多为大学生、20多岁的年轻人以及年轻家庭。

Neighbors said the two kept a low profile and were rarely seen outdoors. A neighbor who lived next to the pair said he could sometimes hear them through the wall, playing what sounded like video games.

邻居们说，他们两人行事低调，很少在室外出现。住在他们隔壁的一位邻居表示，有时能透过墙壁听到他们的声音，听起来像是在玩电子游戏。

Officials from the United States and China began their meeting in Madrid on Sunday for their fourth round of talks aiming to extend a truce in President Trump’s trade war.

美国和中国官员上周日开始在马德里会晤，这是双方为延长特朗普总统贸易战休战而举行的第四轮谈判。

The trade war rocked the global economy earlier this year, but relations have stabilized after a series of temporary truces. The latest pause on U.S. tariffs placed on imports from China is scheduled to expire in November, and officials from both countries are under pressure to prevent relations from backsliding.

这场贸易战曾在今年早些时候冲击全球经济，但在一系列临时休战之后，两国关系趋于稳定。美国最近一次暂停对中国进口商品加征关税的期限将在11月到期，两国官员都面临着防止双边关系倒退的压力。

Mr. Trump’s tariffs have added pressure on inflation, which remains elevated. The Federal Reserve is expected to cut interest rates this week, a move intended to encourage economic growth that can also boost inflation. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Jamieson Greer, the U.S. trade representative, are leading the negotiations on behalf of the United States, and He Lifeng, the vice premier for economic policy, is leading the talks for China.

美国通胀仍然处于高位，特朗普的关税加大了通胀压力。美联储预计将在本周降息，此举旨在刺激经济增长，同时也可能推高通胀。美国由财政部长斯科特·贝森特和美国贸易代表贾米森·格里尔牵头谈判，中国方面由主管经济政策的副总理何立峰率队。

The talks are focusing on “national security, economic and trade issues of mutual interest, including TikTok and cooperating on money-laundering networks that threaten both the United States and China,” a statement from the Treasury Department said. China’s state media agency, Xinhua, said the two sides would discuss economic and trade issues including “the U.S. unilateral tariff measures, the abuse of export controls and TikTok.”

财政部发表声明称，谈判重点是“国家安全、双方共同关心的经贸问题，包括TikTok问题，以及合作打击对美中两国都造成威胁的洗钱网络”。中国国家通讯社新华社则报道称，两国将讨论包括“美单边关税措施、滥用出口管制及TikTok”等经贸问题。

Mr. Trump has until Wednesday to enforce or delay a law requiring TikTok to be separated from its Chinese owner, ByteDance, or face a ban in the United States.

特朗普须在周三前决定是执行还是推迟一项法律，该法律要求TikTok必须剥离其中国母公司字节跳动，否则将在美国面临禁令。

The president has already delayed enforcing the law three times. Congress passed the bipartisan legislation last year to ban TikTok in the country unless it found a non-Chinese owner because of concerns that the social media app’s ties to China made it a national security threat to the United States.

总统此前已三次推迟执行这项法律。由于担心TikTok与中国的联系对美国国家安全构成威胁，国会两党去年通过了这项立法，要求禁止TikTok在美国运营，除非该公司找到非中国所有者。

The talks are expected to continue into Monday or Tuesday. Mr. Bessent plans to join Mr. Trump for a state visit in London on Wednesday.

谈判预计将持续到周一或周二。贝森特计划于周三陪同特朗普前往伦敦进行国事访问。

Officials from countries around the world have been working to reach trade deals with the United States since April, when Mr. Trump imposed “reciprocal” tariffs on virtually all of America’s trading partners.

自从特朗普今年4月对几乎所有美国贸易伙伴加征“对等”关税以来，各国官员一直在努力与美国达成贸易协议。

Talks with China have been more complicated. Mr. Trump imposed 145 percent tariffs on Chinese imports in April, essentially halting trade, before lowering that levy to 30 percent. China put 10 percent tariffs on American products.

与中国的谈判则更为复杂。特朗普在4月对中国进口商品加征了145%的关税，几乎中止了两国贸易，随后又将税率降至30%。中国则对美国产品加征10%的关税。

On Saturday, China announced that it was opening an investigation into exports of certain microchips that are made in the United States. The day before, the U.S. Commerce Department said it was adding Chinese chip companies to a trade blacklist. The moves are expected to put additional pressure on the talks.

周六，中国宣布对美国制造的部分芯片出口展开调查。此前一天，美国商务部宣布将中国芯片公司列入贸易黑名单。这些举动预计将进一步加大谈判压力。

The world’s two largest economies have been discussing further tariff reductions and the status of China’s restrictions on shipments of rare earth minerals and magnets critical to U.S. manufacturers. The Trump administration is also concerned that China has stopped buying American agricultural products, threatening the livelihood of soybean farmers.

世界两大经济体持续就进一步降低关税，以及中国对美制造商至关重要的稀土矿物及磁铁出口限制措施进行磋商。特朗普政府还对中国停止购买美国农产品感到担忧，此举威胁到大豆种植者的生计。

Mr. Bessent has criticized China’s excess industrial capacity, describing its economy as unbalanced, and urged his Chinese counterparts to curb purchases of oil from Russia and Iran.

贝森特批评中国的工业产能过剩，称其经济失衡，并敦促中国官员减少从俄罗斯和伊朗购买石油。

Mr. Trump and Xi Jinping, China’s leader, could meet next month at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in South Korea. Mr. Trump has also suggested that he may visit China at some point at Mr. Xi’s invitation.

特朗普和中国领导人习近平可能于下月在韩国举行的亚太经合组织峰会上会面。特朗普还暗示，他可能会在习近平的邀请下择机访华。

The latest round of talks is taking place shortly after Mr. Xi gathered leaders of more than 20 countries in China last month in a show of Beijing’s efforts to reshape a global order without the United States at the center. Mr. Trump’s hardball tactics in trade negotiations have created a rift with allies like India, which has been the target of Mr. Trump’s heavy import tariffs, creating an opportunity for China to push for a closer relationship.

在本轮谈判前不久，习近平刚于上月召集20多位各国领导人访华，展示北京致力于重塑一个不以美国为中心的全球秩序。特朗普在贸易谈判中的强硬策略已导致与印度等盟友的关系出现裂痕，印度成为特朗普高额进口关税的目标，这给中国创造了推动中印更紧密关系的机会。

China is relying on increased trade with other countries to offset a sharp decline in exports to the United States. China’s exports to the United States have dropped about 15 percent this year, but trade to Southeast Asia, Africa and other regions is booming. China is on pace to surpass last year’s record nearly $1 trillion trade surplus in 2025.

中国正通过扩大与其他国家的贸易增长来抵消对美出口的急剧下降。中国对美出口今年下降了约15%，但对东南亚、非洲和其他地区的贸易则在快速增长。按照当前的趋势，中国有望在2025年超越去年创下的近1万亿美元贸易顺差纪录。

Despite the robust trade figures, there are signs that China’s domestic economy is feeling the pinch from the ongoing trade war. The Chinese government is discouraging companies from further investments in industries already suffering from overcapacity to prevent cutthroat price competition and ease concerns from trading partners that the deluge of inexpensive Chinese-made exports will decimate local manufacturing.

尽管贸易数据强劲，但也有迹象表明中国国内经济正感受到持续贸易战带来的压力。中国政府正在劝阻企业进一步投资那些已经产能过剩的行业，以防止恶性价格竞争，并缓解贸易伙伴对大量廉价中国制造出口产品将重创本土制造业的担忧。

In the span of 24 hours last week, President Trump managed to roil both South Korea and Japan, two longtime allies that less than two months earlier had said they would invest a combined nearly $1 trillion in the United States in exchange for lower tariffs.

在上周的短短24小时内，特朗普总统就激怒了韩国和日本这两个长期盟友。不到两个月前，两国还表示将合计向美国投资近1万亿美元，以换取降低关税。

Last Thursday, U.S. immigration officials raided the construction site of a major Hyundai-LG plant in Georgia, a flagship project by two of South Korea’s most prominent companies. Hundreds of South Korean citizens were arrested and detained for, according to federal officials, living or working in the country illegally.

上周四，美国移民官员突袭了位于乔治亚州的一处现代-LG大型工厂的建设工地，这是韩国两家最知名企业的旗舰项目。据联邦官员称，数百名韩国公民因非法居留或非法工作而被逮捕拘留。

On the same day, Mr. Trump signed an executive order enacting a trade deal he had struck with Japan in July, committing Japan to invest $550 billion in the United States. The order codified the reduced automotive tariffs that Tokyo had desperately sought. However, it came with a memorandum of understanding between the two countries stating outright that Mr. Trump, not Japanese officials, will select how the $550 billion will be invested. If Japan goes against his wishes, he will have the right to impose higher tariffs.

同一天，特朗普签署行政令批准了7月与日本达成的贸易协议，日方承诺将在美国投资5500亿美元。美方则落实东京迫切寻求的汽车关税减免。但与此同时，美国与日本还签署了一份谅解备忘录明确规定，这5500亿美元的投资项目由特朗普而非日本官员来决定。如果日本违背他的意愿，他有权提高关税。

These events were the latest display of how Mr. Trump is using the negotiations over trade to pursue his agenda, despite the diplomatic, political and economic consequences for America’s closest allies.

 这些事件再次表明了特朗普如何利用贸易谈判来推动其议程，尽管这给美国最亲密的盟友带来了外交、政治和经济上的后果。

上周在乔治亚州埃拉贝尔的现代-LG工厂，员工被带离现场。

In both Japan and South Korea, increasingly vocal leaders in government and business feel their countries were strong-armed and are questioning whether it still made sense to comply with Mr. Trump’s demands.

在日本和韩国，政商领导人越来越公开地表达不满，认为自己的国家被迫就范，并质疑继续顺从特朗普的要求是否明智。

While Seoul worked to bring home more than 300 South Korean workers, Chosun Ilbo, the country’s conservative daily newspaper and traditionally an advocate of a strong alliance with the United States, argued that its government must “recognize the seriousness of the situation.” In an editorial on Monday, the newspaper urged officials to convey to the United States that the South Korean public is now questioning whether it should continue investing in America.

在首尔方面努力将300多名韩国工作人员接回之际，韩国的保守派媒体、向来支持美韩结盟的《朝鲜日报》发文指出，政府必须“认识到事态的严重性”。在周一的社论中，该报敦促官员向美方传达韩国国内正在质疑是否应继续在美国投资。

“It inevitably raises fundamental questions about what ‘alliance’ really means to the U.S.,” Chosun Ilbo wrote.

“人们不禁要从根本上质疑，美国所说的‘同盟’究竟意味着什么，”《朝鲜日报》写道。

In a statement, Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said Mr. Trump had “leveraged” his relationships with leaders of both countries “to negotiate historic economic agreements that expanded markets for American industries and delivered major investments into our economy.”

白宫发言人安娜·凯利在声明中表示，特朗普“借助”了与两国领导人的关系，“通过谈判达成了具有历史意义的经济协议，为美国产业拓展了市场，为我们的经济带来了重大投资。”

The public anger is complicating South Korea’s attempt to hammer out the details of a trade agreement reached in late July. The United States agreed to lower its tariffs on South Korean goods to 15 percent from 25 percent in exchange for a commitment that Korean companies would invest $350 billion in the United States, including $150 billion dedicated to strengthening America’s shipbuilding sector.

公众的愤怒给韩国敲定7月下旬贸易协议细节的工作增加了难度。根据协议，美国同意将对韩国商品的关税从25%降低至15%，作为交换，韩国企业承诺将在美国投资3500亿美元，其中1500亿美元专门用于增强美国造船业。

Lee Jae Myung, South Korea’s president, said on Wednesday that the country’s businesses were “flummoxed” by the raid because “they were not there as long-term or permanent workers but as technicians who helped install facilities and equipment.”

韩国总统李在明周三表示，企业对这次突袭行动“深感困惑”，因为“他们并非长期或永久性的工作人员，而是协助安装设施设备的技术人员”。

If the United States does not help such people work safely in the country, South Korean businesses would “hesitate to make direct investments.”

若美国不能保障此类人员在美工作安全，韩企将会“犹豫是否要进行直接投资”。

South Korea’s foreign minister, Cho Hyun, told the nation’s legislature on Monday that, in light of the raid at the battery factory in Georgia, the country was demanding allocations for more visas for South Korean workers as part of the trade negotiation.

韩国外长赵显周一在国会表示，鉴于发生在佐治亚州电池厂的突袭事件，韩国在贸易谈判中提出了美国为韩国工人提供更多签证配额的要求。

周三，一架大韩航空包机从仁川国际机场起飞，前往美国接回被拘留的韩国工人。

In a social media post on Monday, Mr. Trump said he would “make it quickly and legally possible” for foreign companies investing in America to send their people to build products in the United States, but added that they needed to hire and train American workers.

特朗普周一的社交媒体发文称，他将“尽快通过合法途径”为在美投资的外企派遣人员赴美生产提供便利，但他补充说，这些企业必须雇佣并培训美国工人。

Mr. Trump’s main concession in the deal was a reduction in tariffs for South Korea’s important automotive sector. But that now hangs over the negotiations because the lowered duty has not gone into effect. The two countries are in talks this week, trying to iron out how South Korea’s investments will be made, but Seoul is already signaling that it cannot agree to the types of concessions that Japan agreed to last week.

特朗普在这项协议中的主要让步是降低了对韩国经济非常重要的汽车行业的关税。但由于降税措施尚未生效，这一承诺正成为悬在谈判之上的变数。本周两国将继续磋商韩国投资的落实方案，但首尔方面已明确表示，它无法接受日本上周所作出的那种让步。

“No Korean would sign that draft as is,” Kim Yong-beom, the chief policy coordinator in Mr. Lee’s office, said at a public forum on Tuesday.

“没有哪个韩国人会签署那样的草案，”李在明办公室的政策室长金容范周二在一次公开论坛上表示。

Mr. Kim added that the government would not proceed with the plans for investing in shipbuilding — labeled by South Korean officials the Make American Shipbuilding Great Again initiative — without an agreement on how the rest of the investment into the United States would be put in place. Mr. Trump has repeatedly vowed to resurrect the maritime industry in the United States, which would require the help of South Korea, the world’s second-largest shipbuilder after China.

他补充说，若无法就其余对美投资安排达成协议，韩国政府将不会推进造船业投资计划——该项目被韩国官员称为“让美国造船业再次伟大”方案。特朗普一再誓言要重振美国的海运产业，这将需要韩国的帮助，后者是仅次于中国的世界第二大造船国。

And looming over the South Korean talks is the cautionary tale of Japan, which made a deal that some commentators say abdicated financial sovereignty to Mr. Trump. The details that were laid out in the memorandum of understanding, which was published in the Japanese news media, underscore how Japan had to capitulate or risk damaging its economy.

日本的前车之鉴正笼罩着韩美谈判——有评论认为，日本签署的协议等于向特朗普让渡了金融主权。日本媒体公布的谅解备忘录细节表明，日方当时只能屈服于美方的要求，否则就得承担损害经济的风险。

位于埃拉贝尔的现代超级工业园，摄于周二。

Among the notable provisions of the memorandum is a clause stipulating that Mr. Trump will select Japan’s investments. Once a choice is made, Japan will review and fund the investment within 45 days, according to the document. If Japan chooses not to move ahead, Mr. Trump may impose tariffs at a higher rate of his choosing, the document stated.

该备忘录值得关注的条款包括：特朗普将亲自遴选日本对美投资项目。文件显示，一旦美方作出选择，日本需在45天内完成项目审核并提供资金。若日方拒绝推进项目，特朗普有权自行设定更高关税税率。

Japan would initially receive half of the cash flow generated by the investment until an agreed-upon threshold was reached. After that, Japan would receive 10 percent of the cash flow. The rest of the money would go to the United States.

根据文件，日本最初将获得投资所产生现金流的一半，直到达到约定的门槛为止。此后，日方收益比例降至10%，剩余资金将归美国所有。

Masahiko Hosokawa, a former senior official at Japan’s trade ministry, said the Japanese government had to agree to these terms for “damage control” to lower automotive tariffs. But he said he believed that the process was unlikely to unfold in the way that some Trump administration officials had proclaimed.

前日本经济产业省高官细川正彦表示，日方为了“止损”而不得不同意这些条款，以便降低汽车关税。但他认为，这个过程不太可能像一些特朗普政府官员所宣称的那样展开。

“It’s a mistake to think that America will ask for money for something and Japan will just give it,” Mr. Hosokawa said. “Japan did not become America’s A.T.M.”

“若认为美国开口要钱日本就会拱手奉上，那就大错特错了。日本并没有成为美国的提款机，”细川正彦说。

今年2月，特朗普总统与日本首相石破茂在椭圆形办公室会晤。

Charlie Kirk did not have to attend college — or even believe it was worthwhile — to attract fervent followings on campuses throughout the country. Widely considered liberal bastions, campuses were Mr. Kirk’s primary work space, and he arrived with a message of conservatism.

查理·柯克不必上大学——他甚至不认为大学值得一读——就能在全美大学校园里吸引狂热的追随者。大学校园虽被广泛视为自由主义堡垒，却是柯克的主要战场，他带着保守主义的信息而来。

He found young people navigating a maelstrom of political and cultural forces that sometimes caused extreme turbulence on university grounds. His clear, if occasionally caustic, answers to the country’s most vexing problems cut through, particularly for young men coming of age at a time of social isolation when lives are increasingly lived online.

他发现，年轻人正置身于政治与文化力量的漩涡中，这有时会在大学校园引发激烈动荡。他对美国最棘手问题给出的答案清晰直白，虽然这些答案偶尔也尖锐刻薄，但往往直击要害，尤其能打动那些在社交孤立、生活日益线上化的时代步入成年的年轻男性。

“It’s kind of scary to say what you believe in, especially in this cancel culture,” said Porter LaFeber, a 22-year-old studying sciences at Utah Valley University who was at an event on Wednesday where Mr. Kirk was killed. “Charlie Kirk seemed like he just went totally above that. He kind of gave a voice to the people that were maybe a little bit scared.”

“说出自己的信念是件挺可怕的事，尤其是在这种取消文化的背景下，”22岁的波特·拉费伯说。他是犹他谷大学的理科生，周三参加了柯克遇刺的那场活动。“查理·柯克好像完全不受这一套的影响。他在某种程度上给了那些可能有点胆怯的人一个发声的机会。”

“He gave me the confidence to be able to believe what I believe,” Mr. LaFeber added.

“他让我有勇气坚持自己的信念，”拉费伯还说。

The topic of trans rights was particularly fraught, Mr. LaFeber said. As a Christian, he did not always feel he could say what he actually thought about the issue.

拉费伯说，跨性别权利是个尤其棘手的话题。作为基督徒，他总觉得自己没法坦诚表达对这个问题的真实想法。

Mr. Kirk would arrive at colleges ready for rhetorical combat, willing to engage on the thorniest topics, from abortion rights to race. He railed against trans rights. He espoused traditional family values, like prioritizing marriage for men and women and having children. He argued that the Civil Rights Act was a mistake. Some students found his views profound and inspiring, others were appalled.

柯克走进大学时，总是随时准备好进行言辞交锋，愿意探讨最棘手的话题——从堕胎权到种族问题。他抨击跨性别权利，宣扬传统家庭价值观（比如主张男人和女人应优先考虑婚姻和生育），还称《民权法案》是个错误。有些学生觉得他的观点深刻且鼓舞人心，另一些则感到震惊。

His campus visits regularly provoked impassioned protests from students who disagreed with Mr. Kirk’s stances, like his criticism of transgender rights and endorsement of the so-called Great Replacement Theory, which claims that nonwhite immigrants will displace white Americans.

他的校园之行常会引发持不同意见学生的激烈抗议，比如反对他对跨性别权利的批评，以及他支持所谓的“大取代理论”——该理论称非白人移民将取代美国白人。

Demonstrators at Florida State University gathered behind barricades in February, chanting “you spread hate, you spread lies” as Mr. Kirk debated students under a pop-up tent. In April, protesters gathered during his appearance at Purdue University, holding cardboard signs and waving L.G.B.T.Q. Pride flags. Mr. Kirk’s fans seemed to relish the pushback, and posed for photos in front of the demonstrators.

今年2月，佛罗里达州立大学的抗议者聚集在路障后，当柯克在临时帐篷下与学生辩论时，他们高喊“你散播仇恨，你散播谎言”。4月，他在普渡大学公开露面时，抗议者举着硬纸板标语，挥舞LGBTQ骄傲旗。而柯克的支持者似乎很享受这种对抗，还在抗议者面前自拍合影。

Mr. Kirk had identified something that many students said they struggled with.

柯克察觉到了许多学生表示难以应对的困境。

“He exposed the rigidity of progressive culture,” said Erik Balsbaugh, a left-leaning political organizer who works with young people in online spaces, including gaming. “That made a lot of young men feel powerful and feel that they were better than the people who were enforcing these cultural norms. It was dangerous, it was subversive.”

“他揭露了进步文化的僵化，”埃里克·鲍尔斯鲍夫说。他是倾向左翼的政治组织者，在包括游戏领域的网络空间与年轻人打交道。“这让很多年轻男性感受到力量，觉得自己比那些推行这些文化规范的人更优秀。这既危险又颠覆。”

That connected with the feeling for many young men that left-leaning culture had become oppressive, humorless and, simply put, against them.

这恰好契合了许多年轻男性的感受：左翼文化变得压抑、无趣，并且，说白了就是在针对他们。

“He was a master in understanding where young men felt left behind,” Mr. Balsbaugh said.

“他深谙年轻男性被边缘化的痛点，堪称行家，”鲍尔斯鲍夫说。

Mr. Kirk started Turning Point USA when he was just 18, and built the organization from a small shoestring operation to a messaging powerhouse with podcasts, speaking tours and college events that often included debates. He was a skilled speaker and entirely native in the world of online communication, and worked relentlessly to engage students across the country.

柯克18岁时创立了“美国转折点”，将这个不起眼的小团体打造成了一个宣传巨头，其活动包括播客、巡回演讲和经常包含辩论的校园活动。他是演说高手，深谙网络传播的门道，还不知疲倦地与全国各地的学生互动。

Mr. LaFeber was in high school when he first encountered Mr. Kirk, through listening to another right-wing podcaster, Ben Shapiro. Over the years, he came to love Mr. Kirk’s audacity — his boldness in saying what he thinks.

拉费伯在高中通过收听另一位右翼播客主持人本·夏皮罗的节目知道了柯克。这些年里，他渐渐喜欢上了柯克的大胆——那种直言自己想法的魄力。

Mr. LaFeber said he often feared expressing his thoughts around left-leaning young people, because the smallest wrong move could get him canceled, he believed. When he worked as a teller at Chase Bank, for example, several colleagues discussed politics but never asked him his view because, he surmised, they assumed he agreed with them. He didn’t, so he kept quiet.

拉费伯说，和左倾的年轻人待在一起时，他往往不敢表达自己的想法，因为他觉得，哪怕一点小错都可能导致自己被“取消”。比如，他在大通银行当出纳时，几位同事会聊政治，但是从来不问他的观点。他推测，他们觉得他肯定和他们想法一致。但他其实不认同，于是他就保持沉默。

Mr. LaFeber was excited to go to Mr. Kirk’s event on Wednesday. Standing among the crowd of about 3,000, he saw the moment Mr. Kirk was shot. Mr. LaFeber then dropped to the ground and eventually fled. He spent the rest of the day in shock.

周三，拉费伯很兴奋地去参加了柯克的活动。他站在约3000人的人群中，目睹了柯克被枪击的瞬间。随后他趴在地上，最后逃了出来。那天剩下的时间里，他一直处于震惊状态。

“I left campus, got on my motorcycle and went home. And I was sitting there by myself saying, ‘Oh, my God, did this really just happen?’” he said. “I am sad, but to be honest, I am also pissed off. Why did it have to come to this?”

“我离开校园，骑上摩托车回了家。独自一人坐在那里，心想‘天哪，这真的发生了吗？’”他说，“我很伤心，但说实话，我也很愤怒。事情为什么非要走到这一步？”

Mr. Kirk was 31, closer in age to college students than to most national politicians, reaching vast audiences of young men at a pivotal age when they are trying to understand who they are and why they believe what they believe.

柯克31岁，与大多数全国性政治人物相比，他的年龄更接近大学生。他的影响力触及大量年轻男性受众——他们正处于关键的成长阶段，正在努力理解自己的身份、并探究自身信仰的根源。

12月在亚利桑那州凤凰城的美国转折点组织活动上，盖布·圣与柯克合影。

Young men interviewed after Mr. Kirk’s death who belong to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints said that a primary reason they related to Mr. Kirk was his defense of his Christian faith. They felt that mainstream, liberal culture looked down on religion and they liked that Mr. Kirk defended it.

柯克去世后，接受采访的一些耶稣基督后期圣徒教会的年轻男性说，他们能与柯克产生共鸣，一个主要原因在于他为自己的基督教信仰辩护。他们觉得主流自由主义文化看不起宗教，而柯克为宗教辩护的做法让他们很认同。

“Growing up as an active Christian, a lot of his values resonated with me,” said Colton Anderson, 21, a student at Brigham Young University, who was about 40 yards away from the stage when Mr. Kirk was shot. Mr. Anderson had been looking forward to the event for weeks and cleared his schedule to attend. He said he sometimes put Mr. Kirk’s videos on while doing homework, because they were relaxing and sometimes funny.

“我从小就是一名虔诚的基督徒，他的很多价值观都能引起我的共鸣，”21岁的科尔顿·安德森说。他是杨百翰大学的学生，柯克被枪击时，他离讲台约35米远。他期待这场活动已经好几个星期，特意空出日程来参加。他说，自己有时做作业时会放柯克的视频，因为那些视频让人放松，有时还很有趣。

Many said they didn’t like all of what Mr. Kirk said, and understood that he could be provocative. But they said that he helped them feel less lonely in a broader culture that they felt often put them down.

很多人说，他们并不认同柯克的所有言论，也知道他可能很挑衅。但他们说，在一个常让他们感到被贬低的大文化环境里，柯克让他们没那么孤独了。

Gabriel Bower, a friend of Mr. Anderson’s, said the shooting had made him feel “kind of sick.” He said he connected with Mr. Kirk as a Christian, and perhaps as meaningful was the feeling he got from seeing how many other young people liked him, too.

安德森的朋友加布里埃尔·鲍尔说，枪击事件让他“感到恶心”。他说，作为基督徒，他和柯克产生了共鸣，而同样有意义的是，看到那么多年轻人也喜欢柯克，这种感觉很特别。

“It was a relief to see that other people do have the same values and ideas as me,” said Mr. Bower. “That gives me more reassurance that I’m not alone, that I’m not a crazy radical person that people might think. That being religious is not lonely.”

“看到还有人跟我有相同的价值观和想法，真的很欣慰，”鲍尔说，“这让我更确信自己不是孤单一人，不是别人可能认为的那种疯狂的激进分子。有宗教信仰，并不意味着孤独。”

Wednesday evening, Mr. LaFeber was still trying to process what had happened, so he gathered with friends over takeout to talk about it. He said he was worried about how people might react.

周三晚上，拉费伯仍在努力消化发生的一切，于是他和朋友们点了外卖，聚在一起聊这件事。他说，他很担心人们可能的反应。

“Are they going to kill every political leader we have?” he said, recalling the attempted assassination of Donald J. Trump last year. “When is it going to end?”

“他们要杀掉我们所有的政治领袖吗？”他想起去年针对特朗普的未遂暗杀。“什么时候是个头？”

When President Trump spoke of his “grief and anger” from the Oval Office only hours after Charlie Kirk’s assassination, it was a striking moment that showed how important the 31-year-old conservative activist had been to the president personally, and how seamlessly he had woven himself into the Trump family fabric.

查理·柯克遇刺仅数小时后，特朗普总统就在椭圆形办公室谈及自己的“悲痛与愤怒”。这一刻引人注目，它彰显了这位31岁保守派活动人士对总统个人而言何等重要，也体现出他已无缝融入了特朗普家族。

“I love you brother,” the president’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., wrote on Wednesday on X.

“我爱你，兄弟。”总统长子小唐纳德·特朗普周三在X平台上写道。

It was the president himself — not local law enforcement, Mr. Kirk’s spokesman or his family — who announced Mr. Kirk’s death on Wednesday in what was, for him, a rare show of lament. “He was loved and admired by ALL, especially me, and now, he is no longer with us,” Mr. Trump wrote on Truth Social.

周三宣布柯克死讯的并非当地执法部门、柯克的发言人或家属，而是总统本人。对特朗普而言，这是罕见的哀悼之举。“他受到所有人的爱戴和敬仰，尤其是我，而现在，他已离我们而去。”特朗普在Truth Social上写道。

Mr. Kirk was particularly tight with Donald Trump Jr., a close friend drawn in by Mr. Kirk’s charisma but also his business and fund-raising skills.

柯克与小唐纳德·特朗普的关系尤为密切，后者被柯克的个人魅力及其商业和筹款能力所吸引，两人成了密友。

“I couldn’t have thought more highly of him,” Donald Trump Jr. said in an interview earlier this year. “He wasn’t just some young guy who knew how to be brash online. Charlie got things done, from organizing on campuses to building relationships with donors.”

“我对他的评价再高也不为过，”小唐纳德·特朗普今年早些时候在接受采访时说。“他不只是个会在网上高谈阔论的年轻人。查理能办成事——从校园组织活动到与捐赠者建立关系，他都游刃有余。”

It was the eldest Trump son who ushered the Turning Point USA founder into the family orbit in the summer of 2016. After Mr. Kirk, then 22, managed to score a meeting with the son at Trump Tower and offer advice about how his father the candidate could attract young voters, Donald Trump Jr. hired Mr. Kirk on the spot as his personal campaign assistant.

2016年夏天，正是特朗普长子将这位“美国转折点”创始人带入了家族圈子。当时22岁的柯克设法在特朗普大厦与他见了一面，就当时竞选总统的特朗普如何吸引年轻选民提出了建议，小唐纳德·特朗普当场聘柯克为个人竞选助理。

A year later, Mr. Kirk was attending Donald Trump Jr.’s birthday party at Mar-a-Lago when the president motioned for him to have a seat nearby. The two spoke privately for 40 minutes.

一年后，柯克出席小唐纳德·特朗普在马阿拉歌庄园举办的生日派对时，总统示意他坐到旁边，两人私下交谈了40分钟。

After that conversation, Mr. Kirk became a frequent presence in the White House, but was always careful not to abuse his privileges. “He was a professional, easy to deal with,” Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and former senior adviser, said in an interview earlier this year. “Nothing ever leaked to the press. He just got stuff done.”

那次谈话后，柯克成了白宫的常客，但他始终小心不滥用特权。“他很专业，很好打交道。”总统女婿、前高级顾问贾里德·库什纳今年早些时候在采访中说，“从未向媒体泄露过任何信息，只管把事情做好。”

Mr. Kirk’s closeness to Mr. Trump grew after the president was defeated in 2020. Mr. Kirk became a prominent voice spreading baseless claims that the election had been stolen from Mr. Trump, an assertion he never disavowed.

2020年特朗普竞选失利后，柯克与他的关系愈发亲近。柯克成了散布选举被窃取这一毫无根据说法的主要声音，且从未否认过这一断言。

In February 2021, just weeks after the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol by Trump supporters, Mr. Kirk visited the former president in exile at Mar-a-Lago. Afterward, Mr. Kirk showed a photo of them together at a donor presentation, saying, “That was the easiest meeting I ever scheduled with President Trump. Because, you know, all these wiseguys who now act like they’re his best friend didn’t want to be anywhere near him in early 2021.”

2021年2月，就在1月6日特朗普支持者冲击国会山事件发生数周后，柯克前往马阿拉歌庄园拜访这位蛰居于此的前总统。后来，柯克曾在一次捐赠者推介会上展示了两人的合影，称：“那是我跟特朗普总统最容易约到的一次会面。要知道，那些现在装作是他最好朋友的聪明人，在2021年初根本不想靠近他。”

As one measure of Mr. Trump’s affection for his young outside adviser, Mr. Kirk became the rare associate not to incur the president’s ire while profiting off their relationship. If anything, it was a point of pride to Mr. Trump that as the top draw at Turning Point USA events, he was helping to enrich Mr. Kirk, several people familiar with the dynamics said.

从一件事可以看出特朗普对这位年轻外部顾问的喜爱程度：柯克是少有的能从双方关系中获利却没惹总统生气的人物。几位知情人士称，事实上，看到自己成了“美国转折点”活动的最大卖点，助力柯克积累财富，特朗普反而颇感自豪。

When it came to advising the president, Mr. Kirk was careful to pick his spots. As an early supporter of JD Vance’s Senate candidacy, he encouraged Mr. Trump to endorse Mr. Vance in 2022 — and then, two years later, to select the Ohio senator as his running mate. During the 2024 transition, Mr. Kirk also sat in on high-level personnel discussions, including for secretary of state, but did not push strenuously for any personal favorites.

在给总统提供建议时，柯克会谨慎选择时机。作为JD·万斯参议员竞选的早期支持者，他2022年鼓励特朗普支持万斯，两年后又劝说特朗普选这位俄亥俄州参议员作为竞选搭档。2024年政权过渡期间，柯克还参与了包括国务卿人选在内的高层人事讨论，但并未极力推销自己偏好的人选。

He did, however, help ensure that one of his organization’s top donors, Stacey Feinberg, became Mr. Trump’s ambassador to Luxembourg.

不过，他确实促成了其组织的顶级捐赠者之一斯泰西·范伯格成为特朗普政府驻卢森堡大使。

Occasionally, Mr. Kirk disagreed with Mr. Trump. When he did, Mr. Kirk’s posture was that of a faithful custodian of the MAGA base who feared that its leader was inadvertently straying from his own principles. Though he publicly supported the president’s decision in June to bomb nuclear sites in Iran, he spoke fretfully to Mr. Trump in the Oval Office that same month about the prospect of igniting another intractable war in the Middle East.

柯克偶尔也会与特朗普意见相左。这种时候，他总以“让美国再次伟大”票仓的忠实守护者姿态表示，他担心领袖会无意中偏离自己的原则。尽管他公开支持总统6月轰炸伊朗核设施的决定，但同月在椭圆形办公室与特朗普交谈时，他仍忧心忡忡地提到，这可能在中东引发另一场难以收场的战争。

A month later on his podcast, Mr. Kirk pushed for the Trump administration to release its files on the sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, who had once been a friend of Mr. Trump’s. But then, after receiving a call from a plainly irritated president, he reversed himself, saying, “I’m done talking about Epstein for the time being.”

一个月后，柯克在自己的播客中敦促特朗普政府公开性犯罪者杰弗里·爱泼斯坦（曾是特朗普的朋友）的档案。但在接到总统明显不悦的电话后，他改口称：“我暂时不会再谈爱泼斯坦了。”

The flip-flop created a stir among Mr. Kirk’s followers, compelling his communications director, Andrew Kolvet, to issue a clarification: “Charlie is not done talking about it. The ball is in the administration’s court to find a solution.”

这一立场反复在柯克的追随者中引起哗然，迫使他的公关主管安德鲁·科尔维特出面澄清：“查理的意思不是不再谈，只是现在该由政府来想办法解决了。”

As a close ally of the vice president who spoke with relish to friends of an eventual Vance presidency, Mr. Kirk remained mindful of who the boss was. In one of his last posts on X, the day before he was killed at a university outside Salt Lake City, he applauded Mr. Trump’s decision to assume control over law enforcement in Washington.

作为副总统的亲密盟友，柯克曾兴致勃勃地跟朋友说，万斯终有一天会当总统，但他始终清楚谁是真正的老板。在盐湖城郊外一所大学遇刺前一天，他在X平台的最后一条帖子中为特朗普接管华盛顿执法权的决定叫好。

“We’re taking our country back,” Mr. Kirk wrote, adding two fire emojis.

“我们正在夺回我们的国家，”柯克写道，还加了两个火焰的表情符号。

Less than 24 hours later, he was dead. On Thursday, Mr. Vance arrived in Salt Lake City to take his body home to Phoenix on Air Force Two.

不到24小时后，他便离世了。周四，万斯抵达盐湖城，用“空军二号”将他的遗体送回菲尼克斯。

Even before the assassination of Charlie Kirk, an influential right-wing activist, there were signs of a looming political crisis. Rising polarization and the coarsening of public discourse left little room for shared understanding. Acts of violence, targeting figures on the left and the right, had begun piling up.

甚至在有影响力的右翼活动人士查理·柯克被暗杀之前，已有迹象表明一场政治危机正在逼近。日益加剧的两极分化以及公共话语的粗鄙化让人们几乎无法形成共识。针对左翼和右翼人物的暴力行为也已经开始不断累积。

But the killing of Kirk on a Utah college campus Wednesday — shortly after he began speaking to a young crowd on a sunny afternoon — raises the possibility that the country has entered an even more perilous phase.

但柯克在犹他州一所大学校园被杀——就在一个阳光明媚的下午，他刚开始对一群年轻人发表演讲后不久——这一事件让人们开始担心，美国可能已经进入了一个更加危险的阶段。

On social media, it was easy to find left-wing posters reveling in Kirk’s death and suggesting he got what he deserved. On the right, initial expressions of grief and shock were overtaken by open calls for political reckoning and vengeance. There were ominous proclamations that the country was on the brink of civil war — or should be.

在社交媒体上，不难看到一些左翼网民为柯克的死亡幸灾乐祸，暗示他是罪有应得。而在右翼阵营，最初的悲痛和震惊很快被公然要求政治清算和报复的呼声所取代。还有一些不祥的言论声称，美国正处于内战的边缘——或者说，应该进入内战。

The outbursts worried experts, who warned that Americans’ tolerance for politically motivated attacks has been growing at a striking pace.

这些激烈反应令专家感到担忧，他们警告称，对于出于政治动机的袭击，美国人的容忍度正以惊人的速度上升。

31岁的柯克中枪的过程被人从多个角度拍摄了下来；他脖子喷血的骇人画面很快在网上流传开来。

“We’re basically a tinderbox of a country,” said Robert Pape, a political science professor at the University of Chicago who has been conducting regular polls to measure attitudes toward political violence since supporters of President Donald Trump attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. “We are seeing more radicalized politics and more support for violence than at any point since we’ve been doing these studies in the past four years.”

“我们基本上是一个随时可能引爆的火药桶国家，”芝加哥大学的政治学教授罗伯特·佩普说。自2021年1月6日特朗普总统的支持者袭击国会大厦以来，他一直定期进行民调，以衡量公众对政治暴力的态度。“自从四年前我们开始做这些研究以来，从未看过政治激进化程度以及对暴力的支持像现在这样高。”

The shooting of Kirk, 31, was captured from multiple angles on video; gruesome footage of blood spurting from his neck quickly went viral. A few days earlier, many Americans had watched similarly disturbing footage of a young public transit rider in Charlotte, North Carolina, who was stabbed to death by a stranger in an unprovoked attack.

31岁的柯克中枪过程被人从多个角度拍摄了下来；他脖子喷血的骇人画面很快在网上传播开来。就在几天前，许多美国人也看到了另一段同样令人不安的视频——在北卡罗来纳州夏洛特市，一名乘坐公共交通的年轻乘客被一名陌生人无端刺死。

That killing had become entangled in an escalating national debate over Trump’s desire to send the military into Democratic-led cities to combat crime. In a country where the president calls his opponents “scum,” and opponents accuse him of fascism, it already seemed to many that the fabric of public discourse had hopelessly frayed.

那起凶杀案也卷入了一场日益激烈的全国性争论——这场辩论的焦点是特朗普希望出动军队进入由民主党领导的城市打击犯罪的主张。在这个总统会称政敌为“人渣”，而反对者则指责他是法西斯的国家里，许多人似乎已然觉得公共话语的基本结构已经无可挽回地瓦解了。

Kirk, who was prolific on social media, was himself deeply engaged in the conversation about crime, posting on the social platform X just hours before he was shot that it was “100% necessary to politicize” the Charlotte murder.

柯克本人在社交媒体上非常活跃，也深度参与了有关犯罪问题的讨论。就在他遇害前几个小时，他还在社交平台X上发文称，将夏洛特的谋杀案“政治化是百分之百有必要的”。

“I think that you have a cultural civil war underway,” Newt Gingrich, the Republican former House speaker, said in an interview on Wednesday afternoon. Gingrich said he fully supported Trump’s efforts to upend the American status quo. But he acknowledged that they were rocking the ship of state.

“我认为我们正在经历一场文化内战，”共和党籍前众议院议长纽特·金里奇周三下午在一次采访中表示。金里奇说，他完全支持特朗普颠覆美国现状的努力，但他也承认，这些行动正在动摇国家之船。

“You have very profound differences about the very basics of life,” he said, referring to partisan divisions. “And the country has not figured out how to sort it all out yet. We felt like we were under enormous pressure from the Obama-Biden cycle. The left feels like it’s under tremendous pressure from the Trump cycle. And we don’t know how this is all going to play out.”

“在生活的根本问题上存在着深刻分歧，”他说道，这里指的是党派之争。“而这个国家至今尚未找到解决之道。我们曾觉得奥巴马-拜登时期带来了巨大的压力，左翼则觉得特朗普时期让他们承受着极大的压力。我们不知道这一切将如何发展。”

Among those studying the public’s appetite for political violence — a fast-growing discipline in American academia — the mood on Wednesday was grim.

在研究公众对政治暴力接受度的学者中——这是美国学术界一个快速发展的领域——周三的事件引发了极为严峻的反响。

在发生查理·柯克枪击事件后，犹他州州长斯宾塞·考克斯在犹他州奥勒姆市犹他谷大学举行的新闻发布会上发言。

In Pape’s most recent survey in May, nearly 39% of Democrats agreed with the idea that removing Trump from office by force was justifiable. At the same time, nearly a quarter of Republicans said it was justifiable for Trump to use the military to crack down on protests against his agenda.

在佩普今年5月最新的调查中，近39%的民主党人认为通过武力让特朗普下台是合理的；与此同时，近四分之一的共和党人表示，特朗普动用军队镇压反对其议程的抗议活动是正当的。

Garen Wintemute, a physician and the director of the Violence Prevention Research Program at University of California, Davis, argued that a spiraling cycle of violence is not a foregone conclusion.

加州大学戴维斯分校暴力预防研究项目主任加伦·温特穆特医生认为，暴力的恶性循环并非不可避免。

“The task we face now is to not let the people at the extremes pull the rest of us over the edge with them,” Wintemute said. “We need to make our rejection of political violence clear.”

“我们现在面临的任务是，不能让极端分子把我们其他人也拖入深渊，”他说。“我们必须明确表达对政治暴力的拒绝。”

Kirk was a committed partisan. In the immediate aftermath of the shooting, Matthew Dowd, a political analyst on MSNBC, called him a “divisive” figure who had engaged in “hate speech.”

柯克是个坚定的党派支持者。枪击事件发生后不久，MSNBC的政治分析师马修·多德称他为一个“煽动分裂”的人物，曾发表过“仇恨言论”。

“You can’t stop with these sort of awful thoughts you have and then saying these awful words and not expect awful actions to take place,” Dowd said on the air. “And that’s the unfortunate environment we are in.”

“你不能仅仅是有这些可怕的想法，说出这些可怕的话，却想不到会发生可怕的行动，”多德在节目中表示。“可悲的是，这正是我们所处的环境。”

Rebecca Kutler, the MSNBC president, called Dowd’s comments “insensitive and unacceptable.”

MSNBC总裁丽贝卡·库特勒称多德的言论“缺乏同理心且不可接受”。

On conservative Fox News, Jesse Watters, the popular prime-time TV personality, spoke passionately about the attack, and the need to somehow strike back.

在持保守派立场的福克斯新闻频道，知名黄金时段主持人杰西·沃特斯对这次袭击发表了激烈言论，强调有必要以某种方式进行反击。

“We’re sick, we’re sad, we’re angry, and we’re resolute, and we’re going to avenge Charlie’s death in the way Charlie would want it to be avenged,” he said Wednesday.

“我们感到痛心、悲伤、愤怒，同时也很坚决，我们将以查理希望的方式为他的死复仇，”他周三表示。

Watters listed a number of threatening or violent acts perpetrated in recent years by the people on the left: the armed man arrested in 2022 who wanted to kill Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh. The shooting of two Israeli Embassy aides in Washington in May. The vandalizing of Teslas to protest Trump’s sometime ally, Elon Musk. The 2017 shooting of Rep. Steve Scalise, R-La.

沃特斯列举了近年来左翼人士实施的一些威胁性或暴力行为：2022年一名持枪男子企图杀害最高法院大法官布雷特·卡瓦诺，随后被逮捕；今年5月，华盛顿以色列大使馆两名助理遭枪击事件；为了抗议特朗普的前盟友埃隆·马斯克而破坏特斯拉车辆；以及2017年路易斯安那州共和党众议员史蒂夫·斯卡利斯遭枪击事件。

“Whether we want to accept it or not, they are at war with us!” Watters said. “And what are we going to do about it? How much political violence are we going to tolerate?”

“无论我们愿不愿意接受，他们都在和我们开战！”沃特斯说道。“要我们怎么办？我们还要容忍多少政治暴力？”

Federal and local authorities have not yet identified a suspect in the shooting, yet far-right activist Laura Loomer, with no evidence, called it a “professional hit.”

联邦和地方当局尚未确定枪击案的嫌疑人，极右翼活动人士劳拉·卢默却毫无证据地称这是一次“职业暗杀”。

Still, one prominent right-wing figure, Nick Fuentes, a notorious racist and antisemite, beseeched his followers to be calm amid the persistent calls for violence.

不过，一位知名右翼人物、臭名昭著的种族主义者和反犹主义者尼克·富恩特斯在持续的暴力呼声中恳求他的追随者保持冷静。

“The violence and hatred has to stop,” he wrote. “Our country needs Christ now more than ever.”

他写道：“暴力和仇恨必须停止。我们的国家比以往任何时候都更需要基督。”

周三，在亚利桑那州菲尼克斯市“美国转折点”总部外的临时纪念地。

Ruth Braunstein, an associate professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins University who studies political violence and polarization, said she was concerned that the slaying of someone she described as a “pivotal figure” on the American right could mobilize groups that have been waiting for just such a catalyst.

研究政治暴力和两极分化的约翰斯·霍普金斯大学社会学副教授鲁思·布劳恩斯坦表示担忧，称这位她形容为美国右翼“关键人物”的遇害可能会激活那些一直在等待类似催化剂的团体。

“The right,” she said, “has well-organized and trained groups, including militia organizations, that are basically waiting for a moment to be called into action in defense of what they view as the nation.”

她说：“右翼阵营有着组织良好且训练有素的团体，包括民兵组织，他们基本上一直在等待时机，希望被召集起来捍卫他们所认为的国家。”

She added, “All it will take is the slightest hint from the political leaders, including the president, but also anyone else, that this is the moment that they’re needed.”

她补充道：“只要政治领导人——包括总统以及其他任何人——稍微暗示一下这是他们需要行动的时刻，这些团体就会立即响应。”

Though Trump has engaged in the most incendiary rhetoric of any president in recent memory, his initial reaction to the news was restrained. He ordered flags across the country lowered to half-staff until Sunday.

尽管特朗普发表了近年来所有总统中最具煽动性的言论，但他对这条消息的最初反应却相对克制。他下令全国各地降半旗，直到周日。

27岁的白人民族主义者、深夜网络节目主持人尼古拉斯·富恩特斯周一在他家中的演播室接受肖像拍摄。

On Truth Social, he praised Kirk as “legendary” and offered his sympathy to his wife and family.

他在Truth Social上称赞柯克为“传奇人物”，并向他的妻子和家人表达了慰问。

Later, though, Trump blamed Kirk’s murder on the news media and the “radical left” for “demonizing those with whom you disagree.”

不过，后来特朗普将柯克的谋杀归咎于新闻媒体和“激进左翼”，指责他们“妖魔化与自己意见不合的人”。

“For years, those on the radical left have compared wonderful Americans like Charlie to Nazis and the world’s worst mass murderers and criminals,” Trump said. “This kind of rhetoric is directly responsible for the terrorism that we’re seeing in our country today, and it must stop right now.”

“多年来，激进左翼一直将像查理这样出色的美国人比作纳粹以及世界上最恶劣的大规模杀人犯和罪犯，”特朗普表示。“这种言论直接导致了今天我们国家出现的恐怖主义行径，必须立刻停止。”

Nepal was leaderless on Wednesday after protests against corruption and economic inequality triggered the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and the deployment of army troops to the streets of the capital Kathmandu.

尼泊尔在周三陷入权力真空状态，此前因抗议腐败和经济不平等的示威活动引发总理卡德加·普拉萨德·夏尔马·奥利辞职，军队也被部署到首都加德满都的街头。

Led by teenagers and young adults, these were the most widespread protests in Nepal since it became a democratic republic in 2008. Some demonstrators remained on the streets on Wednesday despite a curfew. At least 22 people died, 19 of them killed in a violent response by the security forces.

这次由青少年和年轻人领导的抗议活动，是尼泊尔自2008年成为民主共和国以来规模最大的一次。尽管实施了宵禁，周三仍有示威者坚持留在街头。示威已造成至少22人死亡，其中19人死于安全部队的暴力镇压。

Here’s what to know about the protests:

以下是关于本次抗议活动的要点：

A social media ban lit the fuse.

社交媒体禁令成为导火索。

Last week, Nepal’s government banned 26 social media platforms, including WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram and WeChat after a deadline elapsed to comply with new requirements like getting licenses and appointing local representatives.

上周尼泊尔政府以未能在截止日期前满足获取运营许可证、任命本地代表等新规要求为由，宣布禁止包括 WhatsApp、Facebook、Instagram和微信在内的26个社交媒体平台。

The ban raised fears that speech could be restricted for Nepal’s 30 million people, and hurt tourism, a key industry in which companies rely on social media to reach travelers. The social media blackout also cut off some two million Nepali workers abroad from their families. Nepal’s economy is heavily reliant on the remittances from these workers.

该禁令引发了人们的担忧：尼泊尔3000万民众的言论自由可能会受到限制，同时也可能打击旅游业——这一支柱产业严重依赖社交媒体来吸引游客。社交媒体的封锁还切断了大约200万在海外工作的尼泊尔人与家人的联系。尼泊尔经济极度依赖这些劳工的侨汇收入。

The outrage was rooted in social and economic problems that had been growing for years, particularly the poor state of the economy and the widespread corruption that many in Nepal blame for the country’s troubles.

公众的愤怒根源在于多年来不断加剧的社会和经济问题，尤其是糟糕的经济状况以及普遍存在的腐败现象，许多尼泊尔人认为这些问题正是国家困境的根本原因。

A social media campaign that purported to expose the luxurious lives of the children of the country’s entrenched elite tapped into that resentment, fueling anger among protesters. It was not clear whether the images in this campaign were real or fabricated but they came to symbolize corruption in Nepal all the same.

一场社交媒体运动旨在曝光国内盘根错节的权贵阶层子女的奢华生活，这触发了民怨，加剧了抗议者的愤怒。尽管这场运动展示的图片是真是假尚不明确，但它们仍然成为了尼泊尔腐败问题的象征。

The unrest escalated rapidly.

骚乱迅速升级。

The protests grew on Monday as security forces opened fire on crowds of young demonstrators who had made their way toward the Parliament complex and blocked highways. Protesters widely accuse the police in those abuses.

周一，抗议活动进一步升级，安全部队向涌向议会大楼并封堵高速公路的年轻示威者开枪。抗议者普遍指责警方施暴。

At least 22 have died in the protests, 19 of them during the violence on Monday.

抗议活动已经造成至少22人死亡，其中19人死于周一的暴力冲突。

The government repealed the social media ban on Tuesday but it did little to ease the unrest. Protesters set fire to government offices, the Supreme Court and politicians’ homes. They burned Singha Durbar, the seat of the Nepali government, and also damaged airports and hotels. By the end of Tuesday, the prime minister and four other ministers had resigned.

政府于周二撤销了社交媒体禁令，但这并未缓解骚乱。抗议者焚烧了政府办公楼、最高法院和政客的住宅。他们还纵火焚烧了尼泊尔政府所在地辛哈杜巴宫，并破坏了机场和酒店。截至周二午夜，总理和另外四名部长已辞职。

Nepal’s largest media conglomerate suspended two of its digital publications, including the Kathmandu Post, after protesters burned its offices. Some journalists said they had been targeted by protesters.

尼泊尔最大的传媒集团在抗议者焚烧其办公楼后暂停了旗下包括《加德满都邮报》在内的两家数字出版物的运营。一些记者表示，他们成为了抗议者的攻击目标。

Nepal’s army said late Tuesday that it would deploy troops to restore order. A curfew was imposed until 5 p.m. local time on Wednesday.

尼泊尔军方于周二晚间宣布，将派遣军队恢复秩序。当地时间周三下午5点前实施全面宵禁。

All eyes are now on the military.

所有的目光都聚焦在军队身上。

It was unclear on Wednesday who was running Nepal. There was an eerie quiet in Kathmandu and no clarity about what role the army might play in setting up an interim government. It was also not clear if any of the political leaders who resigned on Tuesday were still in the country.

周三，尼泊尔的实际掌权者是谁尚不明朗。加德满都呈现出诡异的安静，对于军队在组建过渡政府中可能扮演的角色也没有明确的信息。同样不清楚的是，周二辞职的政治领导人是否仍留在国内。

The army ordered the public on Wednesday morning to hand over any arms and ammunition that may have been taken during the protests. It warned of action against anyone found hoarding weapons and ammo.

军方于周三上午命令公众交出在抗议期间夺取的武器弹药，并警告将对私藏军火者采取行动。

And while there was some expectation that the military would reach out to the protesters, there was also confusion about who would represent them. So far, no clear leadership has been visible among the demonstrators and there have not been clear demands either.

虽然外界预期军方会与抗议者接触，但对于谁将代表抗议者仍不明确。截至目前，示威者中尚未出现明确的领导人，也没有提出明确的诉求。

Over the past decade, Charlie Kirk became one of the most influential young leaders in right-wing American politics.

过去十年间，查理·柯克成为美国右翼政治中最具影响力的年轻领袖之一。

Mr. Kirk, 31, who was fatally shot on Wednesday while speaking at Utah Valley University, had been an energetic member of President Trump’s inner circle, known for his abilities as a speaker, his fund-raising and his loyalty to the president.

周三，31岁的柯克在犹他谷大学演讲时遭枪击身亡。他是特朗普总统核心圈子里的活跃成员，以出色的演讲能力、筹款能力以及对总统的忠诚著称。

A political organizer and podcast host who appealed to young conservatives and wealthy Republicans alike, Mr. Kirk accrued political power despite never having held office or worked on a campaign. In a series of interviews for a profile in The New York Times Magazine, which published in February, Mr. Kirk said that he had visited the White House “a hundred-plus” times during Mr. Trump’s first term.

作为政治组织者和播客主持人，柯克深受年轻保守派和富有共和党人的欢迎。尽管从未担任过公职，也未曾参与过竞选活动，他却积累了不小的政治影响力。在为《纽约时报杂志》2月刊的一篇人物特写所做的一系列采访中，柯克透露，在特朗普第一任期内，他造访白宫的次数“超过100次”。

He was also an early champion of JD Vance as a running mate for Mr. Trump. And just after the 2024 election, Mr. Kirk became part of an intimate group of advisers vetting prospective White House appointees for loyalty.

他也是较早支持JD·万斯担任特朗普竞选搭档的人。2024年大选刚结束，柯克就加入了一个核心顾问小组，负责审查白宫任命人选的忠诚度。

After the shooting, Mr. Trump called Mr. Kirk “a great guy from top to bottom” on social media.

枪击事件发生后，特朗普在社交媒体上称柯克是“十足的好人”。

5月，柯克在椭圆形办公室。

Mr. Kirk was married to Erika Frantzve, a podcast host and a former Miss Arizona, who also owns a line of faith-themed streetwear. He lived in Scottsdale, Ariz., with his wife and their two young children. In the past, Mr. Kirk had argued for a secular approach to politics. In recent years, he increasingly invoked Christianity in speeches and on podcasts.

柯克的妻子埃里卡·弗兰茨韦是一名播客主持人，曾当选亚利桑那州小姐，她还拥有一个以信仰为主题的街头服饰品牌。柯克与妻子及两个年幼的孩子住在亚利桑那州斯科茨代尔。过去柯克曾主张以世俗方式参与政治，但近年来，他在演讲和播客中越来越频繁地援引基督教思想。

Mr. Kirk grew up in Prospect Heights, Ill., an affluent Chicago suburb. His mother was a counselor at a mental health clinic, and his father was an architect whose firm designed the Trump Tower in New York. He applied to colleges and was accepted by Baylor University but never attended, instead turning his attention to politics.

柯克成长于伊利诺伊州普罗斯佩克特高地，这是芝加哥的一个富裕郊区。他的母亲是一家心理健康诊所的咨询师，父亲是建筑师，其所在的事务所设计了纽约特朗普大厦。柯克曾申请多所大学，并被贝勒大学录取，但最终并未入学，转而投身政治。

At the age of 18, Mr. Kirk founded Turning Point USA, a conservative youth organization that attracts tens of millions of dollars in donations. Today, the organization has chapters at more than 850 colleges that register students to vote and bring conservative speakers to campus. The event at Utah Valley University on Wednesday, which drew at least 1,000 people, was the first stop of a tour organized through Turning Point.

18岁时，柯克创立了保守派青年组织“美国转折点”，吸引了数千万美元的捐款。如今该组织在850多所高校设有分会，致力于为学生办理选民登记，并邀请保守派人士进校园演讲。周三在犹他谷大学举行的活动是“美国转折点”巡回活动的首站，吸引了至少1000人参加。

He was interested in politics as early as his high school days, having been a fan of Rush Limbaugh then. Mr. Limbaugh headlined one of Mr. Kirk’s events in 2019 and donated money to his cause.

柯克早在高中时就对政治萌生兴趣，当时他是拉什·林堡的忠实拥趸。2019年，林堡为柯克的一场活动担任主讲嘉宾，并为其事业捐款。

In July 2016, Mr. Kirk also became the youngest speaker at the Republican National Convention at age 23. And three years later, he founded a political action organization, Turning Point Action.

2016年7月，23岁的柯克成为共和党全国代表大会史上最年轻的演讲者。三年后，他又创立了政治行动组织“转折点行动”。

In recent years, Turning Point USA and Turning Point Action have grown exponentially, going from a total revenue of $4.3 million in 2016 to $92.4 million in 2023, with a vast majority of it from donations.

近年来，“美国转折点”和“转折点行动”快速成长，总收入从2016年的430万美元飙升至2023年的9240万美元，其中绝大部分来自捐赠。

Aside from his close ties to Washington, Mr. Kirk was a charismatic figure on TV and online. Through his podcast, “The Charlie Kirk Show,” speaking appearances and book sales, he became a millionaire. He often cast liberal views as extreme; he called the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. “a bad guy” and labeled Kamala Harris as “Kamala the Communist.” One of his projects, the Professor Watchlist, aimed to expose “radical” academics, including those who were critical of his own work.

除了与华盛顿的密切联系，柯克在电视和网络上也是一位极具魅力的人物。通过他的播客《查理·柯克秀》、付费演讲和出书，他成了百万富翁。他常用极端来形容自由派的观点：称小马丁·路德·金牧师是“坏人”，给贺锦丽贴上“共产主义者卡玛拉”的标签。他发起的“教授观察名单”项目旨在曝光那些“激进”的学者，包括批评他本人作品的人。

Mr. Kirk was accused of antisemitism, homophobia and racism, having blamed Jewish communities for fomenting hatred against white people, criticized gay rights on religious grounds and questioned the qualifications of Black airline pilots.

柯克还被指反犹、恐同和种族歧视——他曾指责犹太社区煽动对白人的仇恨，以宗教为由批评同性恋权利，还质疑黑人民航飞行员的资质。

Over the years, Mr. Kirk’s loyalty to the president had not appeared to waver. Mr. Trump’s support in the Republican Party was flagging after he lost the 2020 election, but Mr. Kirk visited Mar-a-Lago in February 2021 and was photographed smiling alongside Mr. Trump. After Mr. Trump was elected for a second term, he expressed gratitude to Mr. Kirk for “what he’s done with the young people.”

多年来，柯克对特朗普总统的忠诚似乎从未动摇。2020年特朗普大选失利后，在共和党内部的支持率有所下滑，但柯克仍在2021年2月到访马阿拉歌庄园，与特朗普微笑合影。特朗普赢得第二个任期后，曾感谢柯克“在年轻人中所做的一切”。

Mr. Kirk was also a close friend of Donald Trump Jr., the president’s son. The two traveled to Greenland in January to publicize the incoming president’s proclaimed intent to acquire the Arctic territory. And a few weeks later, at a private party at the Trump National Golf Club in Virginia two days before Mr. Trump’s inauguration, the president’s son described Mr. Kirk onstage as “one of the true rock stars of this movement.”

柯克还与总统之子小唐纳德·特朗普私交甚笃。今年1月，两人一同前往格陵兰岛，为候任总统宣称的收购该北极领土计划造势。几周后，在特朗普就职前两天于弗吉尼亚州特朗普国家高尔夫俱乐部举行的私人派对上，小唐纳德在台上称柯克是“这场运动中真正的顶流之一”。

In January, Mr. Kirk, along with his wife and children, went to Washington for Mr. Trump’s second inauguration.

今年1月，柯克携妻子和孩子们前往华盛顿，参加了特朗普的第二次就职典礼。

Since the Chinese government imposed a major overhaul of Hong Kong’s political system four years ago, the city’s legislature has been stacked with loyalists who have sided with the government on almost every issue.

自四年前中国政府对香港的政治制度进行重大改革以来，香港立法会已被亲政府的支持者占据，他们几乎在所有议题上都站在政府一边。

But there is one law proposed by the Hong Kong government that faces opposition from a large number of lawmakers. It’s a bill that would recognize same-sex partnerships and provide people in such relationships with rights such as the authority to make medical decisions on behalf of their partners.

但香港政府提出的一项法律草案却遭到了大量议员的反对。该法案旨在承认同性伴侣关系，并赋予当事人相关权利，比如代表伴侣做出医疗决策的权力。

On Wednesday, 71 of the city’s 89 legislators voted against the bill.

周三，香港89名立法会议员中有71人投票反对该法案。

Holden Chow, the vice chair of the city’s largest pro-Beijing party, had said that enacting the bill could “result in dire consequences” for traditional Chinese family values. But Hong Kong Marriage Equality, an advocacy group, urged the government to reintroduce the bill after legislative council elections in December.

香港最大亲北京党派的副主席周浩鼎表示，通过该法案可能会对中国传统家庭价值观“造成严重后果”。但倡导团体“婚姻平权协会”敦促政府在12月的立法会选举后重新提交该法案。

Hong Kong does not recognize same-sex marriage. The proposed law would allow only same-sex couples who married or entered a civil union overseas to register as lawful couples in Hong Kong, and extends rights to such individuals in a limited way.

香港目前不承认同性婚姻。拟议中的法律仅允许在海外结婚或缔结民事伴侣关系的同性伴侣在香港注册为合法伴侣，并以有限的方式赋予他们相应的权利。

Once registered, people in same-sex relationships would be entitled to rights related to the medical matters involving their partners, including taking part in medical decisions. They would also be allowed to make arrangements if their partners died, including burial, cremation and the keeping of ashes.

一旦注册，同性伴侣将在涉及其伴侣的医疗事务中享有相关权利，包括参与医疗决策。他们还可以在伴侣去世时安排相关事宜，包括葬礼、火化及保存骨灰。

The bill does not cover parental or adoption rights, nor does it directly address public welfare benefits for couples.

该法案不包括父母权利或收养权，也未直接涉及伴侣的公共福利待遇。

香港亲北京政党成员周浩鼎表示，该法案可能会对传统的中华家庭价值观“造成严重后果”。

The opposition to the bill has dismayed activists who say it is an important step forward, even if it falls far short of similar laws elsewhere. Taiwan’s government became the first in Asia to to legalize same-sex marriage in 2019. Nepal and Thailand followed in 2023 and 2025.

反对该法案的声音令活动人士感到失望，他们认为即使该法案远远不及其他地区的类似法律，但仍是一个重要的进步。台湾政府于2019年成为亚洲首个将同性婚姻合法化的政府，尼泊尔和泰国分别在2023年和2025年加入此列。

Supporters also argued that recognizing same-sex couples would be good for Hong Kong’s reputation as an international financial hub.

支持者们还认为，承认同性伴侣关系有助于提升香港作为国际金融中心的声誉。

“If you’re trying to attract people from different parts of the world — this is part of what you have to deal with, because people have families and partners,” said Denise Tang, the head of cultural studies at Lingnan University, who researches lesbians and aging in Hong Kong. She said the opposition to the bill goes against public opinion in the city.

“如果你想吸引来自世界各地的人才——这就是你必须面对的问题，因为人们有家庭和伴侣，”岭南大学文化研究系副教授邓芝珊说。她专注于研究香港的女同性恋群体和老龄化问题。她表示，反对该法案的声音与香港市民的公众舆论背道而驰。

The most recent study on the topic, published in 2023, showed that 60 percent of people in Hong Kong supported same-sex marriage, compared with 50 percent in 2017 and 38 percent in 2013.

2023年发表的最新研究显示，香港有60%的人支持同性婚姻，而2017年和2013年的支持率分别为50%和38%。

2014年，香港举行的一场骄傲游行。

The political opposition has put Hong Kong’s leader, John Lee, in an awkward spot. The city’s top court had ordered the government to pass legislation recognizing same-sex couples’ rights by this fall. Mr. Lee has encouraged lawmakers to pass the bill, arguing that the rule of law is the cornerstone of Hong Kong’s success.

政治上的反对使香港特首李家超陷入尴尬境地。香港最高法院已下令政府在今年秋季之前通过承认同性伴侣权利的相关立法。李家超鼓励立法会议员通过该法案，强调法治是香港成功的基石。

But he has also said that the government would ultimately respect the final decision of the legislature, and it was unclear what would happen if the legislature votes down the proposal.

但他也表示，政府最终将尊重立法机关的最终决定，目前尚不清楚如果立法会否决该提案，将会发生什么。

Hong Kong courts have in recent years granted small victories to residents who had married their same-sex partners abroad, upholding their rights to spousal visas and benefits related to taxation, public housing and inheritance.

近年来，香港法院在一些案件中支持了那些在海外与同性伴侣结婚的居民，维护了他们的配偶签证权利，以及在税务、公共住房和继承权等方面的福利。

In a landmark case, the activist Jimmy Sham challenged the lack of recognition and protections for same-sex couples in 2018. In its ruling in 2023, the city’s highest court said that the government had an obligation to establish an “alternate” framework that legally recognizes same-sex couples, “dispelling any sense that they belong to an inferior class of persons whose relationship is undeserving of recognition.”

在一宗具有里程碑意义的案件中，活动人士岑子杰于2018年挑战了同性伴侣缺乏认可和保护的问题。2023年，香港最高法院在判决中表示，政府有义务建立一个“替代性”框架，法律上承认同性伴侣关系，“消除任何认为他们属于不配获得承认的次等群体的观念。”

Still, the court upheld the legal definition of marriage as a monogamous union between a man and a woman in the model of a “Christian marriage or its civil equivalent.” The courts gave the government two years to draft and pass a framework.

尽管如此，法院仍维持了婚姻的法律定义，即以“基督教婚姻或其民事等同形式”为模式的一夫一妻制男女结合。法院给予政府两年的时间来起草并通过相关框架。

上个月，婚姻平权活动人士岑子杰在终审法院外。

“What we want is an equal opportunity to core rights,” Mr. Sham said in a recent phone interview. “I really hope that there would be room for improvement in the future.”

“我们想要的是获得核心权利的平等机会，”岑子杰在最近的一次电话采访中表示。“我真心希望未来能够有所改善。”

Hong Kong Marriage Equality, an advocacy group, said in a statement that the vote sent “a troubling signal” that “court rulings may be disregarded and the dignity of individuals overlooked.” It urged the government to reintroduce the bill after legislative council elections in December.

倡导团体“婚姻平权协会”在一份声明中表示，此次投票发出了“令人担忧的信号”，即“法院判决可能被忽视，个人尊严可能被漠视”。该团体敦促政府在12月的立法会选举后重新提交该法案。

Erick Tsang, Hong Kong’s secretary for constitutional affairs, told reporters that the government would consider its next steps in discussions with the Department of Justice, but would not seek an extension of the court-imposed deadline of Oct. 27 to pass the legislation.

香港政制及内地事务局局长曾国卫对记者表示，政府将与律政司商讨下一步行动，但不会寻求延长法院设定的10月27日立法截止期限。

Mr. Chow, the vice chair of the pro-establishment Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, said that the authorities should deal with issues like after-death arrangements with specific administrative measures, rather than legal recognition. He described the bill as a de facto recognition of same-sex marriage, which risked “opening a Pandora’s box” of related “issues,” such as same-sex adoptions.

亲建制派政党民主建港协进联盟副主席周浩鼎表示，当局应通过具体的行政措施来处理诸如身后安排等问题，而不是通过法律形式给予承认。他将该法案形容为对同性婚姻的事实性承认，认为这有可能“打开潘多拉的盒子”，引发一系列相关“问题”，例如同性收养。

Nick Infinger is a social worker who successfully sued the government after he and his husband, whom he married in Canada, were denied public housing.

社工尼克·英芬格与丈夫（两人在加拿大结婚）申请公屋被拒后成功起诉了政府。

Many Chinese parents have trouble accepting that their children are gay because they worry about them being shunned by society, he said in an interview. He hoped that greater legal protection could help them feel more assured.

他在一次采访中表示，许多中国父母难以接受自己的孩子是同性恋，是因为他们担心孩子会被社会排斥。他希望更多的法律保障能够让这些父母感到更安心。

“It’s something I didn’t have, so I hope future generations can have it,” he said.

“这是我曾经没有的东西，所以我希望下一代能够拥有它，”他说道。

Charlie Kirk, the charismatic founder of the nation’s pre-eminent right-wing youth activist group, was fatally shot on Wednesday while speaking at Utah Valley University. His killing prompted grief from prominent media figures and outrage from officials of both parties, who called for an end to politically motivated violence.

美国首屈一指的右翼青年活动组织创始人、充满领袖魅力的查理·柯克周三在犹他谷大学演讲时遭枪击身亡。他的遇害引发知名媒体人士的哀悼，以及两党官员的愤慨，他们纷纷呼吁终结出于政治动机的暴力行为。

The F.B.I. director, Kash Patel, posted on social media a few hours after the shooting that the “subject for the horrific shooting today that took the life of Charlie Kirk is now in custody.” But at a news conference a few minutes later, Utah officials described an individual in custody as a person of interest who was being interviewed about the shooting, and said the investigation was ongoing to “find this killer.”

枪击事件发生数小时后，联邦调查局局长卡什·帕特尔在社交媒体上发文称，“今日造成查理·柯克死亡的恶性枪击案嫌疑人已被拘留”。但几分钟后，犹他州官员在新闻发布会上表示，被拘留者只是一名接受讯问的有关人士，并称“缉拿凶手”的调查仍在进行中。

Gov. Spencer Cox, Republican of Utah, described the shooting as a “political assassination.”

犹他州州长、共和党人斯宾塞·考克斯将此次枪击定性为“政治暗杀”。

President Trump mourned Mr. Kirk, 31, a close ally, in a post on social media. “The Great, and even Legendary, Charlie Kirk, is dead,” he wrote, adding, “He was loved and admired by ALL, especially me, and now, he is no longer with us.”

特朗普总统在社交媒体上发帖悼念他的亲密盟友、31岁的柯克。“伟大且堪称传奇的查理·柯克去世了，”他写道。“他受到所有人的爱戴和敬仰，尤其是我，如今他却与我们永别。”

Mr. Kirk was struck about 20 minutes after he began speaking on the university’s campus in Orem, Utah. The university said shortly after the shooting that a person had been taken into custody, but investigators later determined that the person who had been detained was not the gunman. Officials at the news conference said that person had been charged with obstruction of justice.

柯克在犹他谷大学奥勒姆校区开始演讲约20分钟后遭到枪击。该校在枪击事件发生后不久表示已拘留一名嫌疑人，但调查人员后来确定，被拘留者并非枪手。官员在新闻发布会上称，此人被控妨碍司法公正。

Here are the details:

以下是事件的详细情况：

• Images of the shooting: Cellphone videos posted online showed people running from the event, and one showed Mr. Kirk’s head jerking back as blood poured from his neck. He had been delivering remarks while sitting under a tent with the slogan “The American Comeback.” Witnesses described chaos after the shooting. Read more ›

· 枪击现场画面：网上流传的手机视频显示人们从活动现场奔跑逃离，其中一段视频显示，柯克头部猛地向后一仰，颈部鲜血喷涌。当时他正坐在一个印有“美国复兴”标语的帐篷下发表讲话。目击者描述了枪击后的混乱场景。了解更多

• Rooftop video: Videos recorded before and after the shooting show a person on the roof of the Losee Center, about 150 yards from where Mr. Kirk was shot. In one, an onlooker says they saw someone run across the roof and lie down, pointing out the visible outline of the person. In a second video, the person can be seen rushing away from that spot immediately after the shooting.

· 屋顶监控视频：枪击事件前后拍摄的视频显示，在距离柯克遇袭地点约140米的洛西中心屋顶上有人出现。其中一段视频中，目击者称看到有人跑过屋顶并躺下，还指出了此人的清晰轮廓。另一段视频显示，枪击发生后，这个人立即从该地点匆忙逃离。

• Bipartisan condemnation: Democrats and Republicans quickly denounced the shooting on social media and in Congress. In a post, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Democrat of California, called the violence “disgusting, vile and reprehensible.” Mr. Trump ordered American flags to be lowered to half-staff until Sunday evening in Mr. Kirk’s honor. Read more ›

· 两党谴责：民主党人和共和党人迅速在社交媒体和国会谴责此次枪击事件。加利福尼亚州州长、民主党人格温·纽瑟姆在帖子中称这种暴力行为“令人作呕、卑鄙且应受谴责”。特朗普下令，为悼念柯克，美国国旗将降半旗至周日晚。了解更多

• Trump ally: Mr. Kirk had emerged in recent years as one of the most influential young right-wing figures in the country. He co-founded the youth activist group Turning Point USA in 2012, and had become a fixture on college campuses, where he hosted rallies like the one in Utah that often draw large crowds. Though Mr. Kirk was not part of the administration, he held significant influence in the White House. Read more ›

· 特朗普盟友：近年来，柯克已成为美国最具影响力的年轻右翼人物之一。他于2012年与人共同创立了青年活动组织 “美国转折点”，常年活跃于大学校园，举办类似犹他州此次集会的活动，往往吸引大量人群。尽管柯克并未进入政府任职，但他在白宫具有重要影响力。了解更多

The journey from Dallas to the city in northern China involved two planes, three stops and more than 24 hours of travel. Tao, an electronics repairman in his early 30s, spent them wide awake — metal cuffs biting into his wrists and ankles, his mind racing.

从达拉斯到那座中国北方城市，全程搭乘两架飞机、经过三次中转，耗时超过24小时。30出头的电子维修工陶（音）全程一直醒着——金属镣铐扣在他的手腕和脚踝，他思绪翻涌。

He was being deported back to China, after American officials rejected his asylum claim. Questions swirled in his head.

在美国官员拒绝了他的庇护申请后，他被遣返回中国。各种问题在他的脑海里盘旋。

What awaited him back in China, the country that he had tried so hard to escape? Would he be punished? Would he ever leave again?

在中国——这个他拼命想要逃离的国家——等待着他的是什么？他会受到惩罚吗？他还会离开吗？

Tao — whom we are identifying by his first name only in order to protect his family — was part of a record-breaking wave of undocumented Chinese migrants who, during and after the pandemic, made harrowing journeys through the jungles of Central America to the United States. Many, including Tao, were not high-profile dissidents but ordinary Chinese who felt suffocated by their government’s tightening grip on society and discouraged by dimming economic prospects.

陶——为了保护其家人，本文仅披露他的姓氏——是一波破纪录的无证中国移民浪潮中的一员，疫情期间和之后，他，俄美艰难地穿越中美洲的丛林，抵达美国。包括陶在内的许多人并不是高调的异见人士，而是普通的中国人，政府收紧对社会的控制令他们感到窒息，黯淡的经济前景令他们感到沮丧。

Tao presented himself at the southern border in Texas and applied for political asylum, confident he would be accepted by a system he believed was open and liberal. The odds for any undocumented migrants applying for asylum in the United States are slim, but Chinese applicants have had a slightly higher success rate — in 2023, 11 percent of undocumented Chinese migrants like Tao were granted asylum.

陶来到得克萨斯州南部边境，主动申请政治庇护，他相信这个开放和自由的制度会接受自己。无证移民在美国申请庇护的成功率很低，但中国申请者的成功率略高——2023年，陶这样的无证中国移民有11%获得了庇护。

But Tao’s claim was denied, even as others like him were getting through, as the Biden administration toughened its stance on illegal immigration.

然而拜登政府在非法移民问题上的立开始变得更为强硬，陶的申请被拒绝，尽管当时像他这样的人仍在陆续获准入境。

2023年，在得克萨斯州弗朗顿，向边境巡逻队自首的中国移民聚集在一起。

That left Tao with a choice. After being sent back to China, he could go back to his previous life, working a dead-end job and hiding his political views, not only from the government but also from people around him who did not seem to feel the same — and who might report him to the authorities.

这让陶面临选择。被送回中国后，他可以回到以前的生活，做一份没有前途的工作，隐藏自己的政治观点，不仅不能让政府知道，也不能让他周围那些似乎和他意见相左的人知道，他们有可能向当局举报他。

Or he could try to leave again, though that would be even more difficult now. His passport had been confiscated, his bank account was empty and his name was now on the authorities’ radar.

或者他可以尝试再次逃离，但这次会更加困难。他的护照被没收，银行账户也空了，他的名字现在已被当局关注。

For Tao, the question was whether there was any space for him in today’s China. For decades, even Chinese who disagreed with the government’s tight controls had some space to express themselves. And the country’s economic boom made the restrictions on personal freedoms tolerable. But now, that growth is slowing, and the controls are growing. For some, only more extreme options remain.

对陶而言，问题在于，他在今天的中国是否还有立足之地。过去几十年，即使是反对政府严格控制的中国人也存在一些表达空间。国家的经济繁荣使得个人自由受限问题尚可容忍。但如今，经济增长放缓，管制却在加强。对一些人来说，只剩下更极端的选择。

We spent hours interviewing Tao and reviewed American immigration records, as well as official Chinese documents, social media posts and photos from his travels that he shared with us to support his account. He also shared text messages that he said were from Chinese security officers. And we talked to two people whom he interacted with when he was in the United States.

我们对陶进行了长时间的采访，查阅美国移民记录、中国官方文件、社交媒体帖子以及他为支持自己的说法而与我们分享的旅行照片。他还分享了据他声称来自中国安全人员的短信。我们采访了他在美国时接触过的两个人。

Still, some aspects of Tao’s account, particularly his interactions with the Chinese authorities, were difficult to verify, a common challenge in reporting on a security apparatus that is largely opaque. But the details he recounted are consistent with others who have described similar forms of pressure.

尽管如此，陶的叙述的某些方面难以核实，特别是他与中国当局的互动，这是报道一个基本上不透明的安全机构时经常面临的挑战。但他讲述的细节与其他人描述的类似压力相符。

Tao, who is slim and boyish with a gentle demeanor, said that he wanted to share his story to try and make sense of his experience.

陶身材瘦削，显得有些稚气未脱，举止温和，他说他想通过讲述来梳理自己的经历。

“There are rarely people who are willing to listen to me talk about this,” he said.

“很少有人愿意听我说这些，”他说。

Between Reality and Propaganda

现实与宣传之间

Tao was born in the 1990s, but as a child, he heard a lot about the year 1959.

陶出生于1990年代，但小时候，他听到过很多关于1959年的事情。

His grandmother told stories about the Great Famine that began that year, wiping out one-fourth of the people in their part of Anhui Province, in eastern China. She said one woman she knew had been driven to cannibalism.

他的祖母给他讲过从那年开始的大饥荒，在中国东部的安徽省，大饥荒导致人口减少了四分之一。她说，她认识的一个女人不得不吃人。

By the time Tao was born, in a village of about 20 families near the city of Fuyang, people were no longer starving, but poverty remained. His parents worked hard, alternating between factory work and pig farming, but still never earned enough. When they wanted to rebuild their adobe house with cement — the area was prone to flooding — they had to borrow money. When Tao was 14, contaminated formula poisoned many babies in Fuyang, becoming a nationwide scandal.

陶的家乡是阜阳附近一个大约有20户人家的村子，在他出生的年代，人们不再挨饿，但贫困仍然存在。他的父母工作辛苦，有时进工厂，有时养猪，但收入始终不够。该地区多发洪水，他们想用水泥重建土坯房时只能举债。陶14岁时，受污染的配方奶粉导致阜阳许多婴儿中毒，成为全国性的丑闻。

Yet in school, he was taught a different story. Textbooks in his Moral Education class declared that China would soon become a “moderately developed country,” but he wondered how the writers could be so sure, given the poverty around him. The books also extolled the Chinese military, but he learned from videos on YouTube — the site had not yet been blocked — that troops had massacred pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

但学校里教给他的是一个不同的故事。思想品德课的教科书宣称中国将很快成为“中等发达国家”，但他不明白，他周围的一切都是那么贫困，作者怎么能够如此肯定。课本歌颂中国军队，但他通过当时尚未被封锁的YouTube视频得知，1989年，军队在天安门广场屠杀了民主抗议者。

He had questions, but few friends he could discuss them with. Whenever he tried to discuss politics at the dinner table, his father told him to focus on eating.

他有疑问，但没几个朋友可以和他讨论。每当他试图在餐桌上讨论政治，父亲总会让他专心吃饭。

“I felt pretty torn,” he said. From his family’s stories, he said, he could “see what this society was really like, what this country was really like at the time.

“我觉得很纠结，”他说。从他家族的故事，他可以“看到这个社会的真实面貌，这个国家当时的真实面貌”。

“But many people don’t want to think about that,” he said.

“但是很多人不愿想这些，”他说。

1958年，位于今广东省境内的稻田。大饥荒于次年爆发。

He enrolled in a vocational college in the late 2000s, then moved to the coastal city of Suzhou to work as an electronics repairman, earning around $830 a month. He met a woman and thought they would start a family.

2000年代末，他进入了一所职业学院，然后来到沿海地区的苏州，做了一名电子修理工，每月收入约6000元。他结识了一名女子，当时考虑组建家庭。

Still, he kept reading foreign websites, using software to bypass China’s internet censorship system. On overseas platforms like Twitter, he railed against seemingly every aspect of China under the Communist Party: food safety issues; income inequality; the personality cult around China’s leader, Xi Jinping.

但他仍持续浏览外国网站，使用软件绕过中国的网络审查系统。在Twitter等海外平台上，他抨击共产党治下中国的方方面面：食品安全问题、收入不平等、围绕中国领导人习近平的个人崇拜。

Yet the space for even hidden defiance was shrinking. In 2018, Tao said, the police summoned him and showed him a post he had written that criticized Mr. Xi’s move that year to scrap presidential term limits. They fined him and made him promise in writing not to do it again, he said.

然而，即使是隐蔽的反抗空间也在缩小。陶表示，2018年警方传唤他时，出示了他当年批评习近平取消国家主席任期限制的帖文。他说，他们对他处以罚款，要求他书面承诺不会再犯。

Soon after, he learned that he could get a visa to Japan by enrolling in a language school, so he paid more than $4,000, his life’s savings, to attend one in Tokyo, he said. For two years, he said, he thrilled to the sight of politicians campaigning on the streets. He posted more boldly on social media.

他说，不久之后，他得知他可以通过就读语言学校获得前往日本的签证，于是他花费大约3万元左右的毕生积蓄，在东京上了一所语言学校。他说，两年来，看到政界人士在日本街头竞选，令他激动不已。他在社交媒体上的发帖更加大胆。

In 2022, his visa expired. Determined not to return to China, he began looking into a new option: the United States. Growing numbers of Chinese citizens were getting there through Ecuador, which at that time did not require visas for them. He joined WhatsApp groups that promised to show people how to make the journey.

2022年，签证到期了。他决定不再回到中国，开始探索新的选择：美国。越来越多的中国公民通过当时对中国免签的厄瓜多尔入境美国。他加入了一些WhatsApp群组，这些群组承诺指导人们完成这段旅程。

That September, he set out.

那年9月，他出发了。

A Harrowing Passage, Then a Crushing Rejection

一段痛苦的旅程，然后是令人心碎的拒绝

When Tao left Japan, he had about $20,000, money he had saved from working after his language program, and through some support from his parents.

陶离开日本时带着大约2万美元，这是他完成语言课程后打工攒下的钱，其中还有来自父母的一些支持。

By the time he crossed into El Paso, Texas, two months later, he had less than $450.

两个月后，当他越过边界进入得克萨斯州的埃尔帕索时，他身上的钱还不到450美元。

In between, he had crossed the treacherous, at-times deadly stretch of Panamanian jungle known as the Darién Gap, where migrants must brave muddy hills, snakes and bandits. He had been extorted by officials in Colombia and swindled by a human smuggler in Honduras. He had been stranded in Mexico for three weeks, waiting for a permit to travel north, paying about $3 a night for a bed in a courtyard with a makeshift roof.

在此期间，他穿越了巴拿马丛林中险象环生、有时甚至致命的地带达连峡谷。在那里，移民必须勇敢地走过泥泞的山丘，面对毒蛇和强盗。他在哥伦比亚被官员敲诈，在洪都拉斯被人贩子欺骗。他在墨西哥滞留了三个星期，等待向北行进的许可，在一个临时搭建的棚屋里租了一张床，每晚要三美元左右。

2023年，中国移民穿越达连峡谷丛林前往美国。

Still, he remained hopeful. He imagined enrolling in English classes in the United States and getting certified as an electrician. He was detained upon crossing a checkpoint in Texas, but he had expected that, and immediately applied for political asylum.

不过，他仍然抱有希望。他想象着在美国注册学习英语课程，并获得电工证书。他在得克萨斯州的一个检查站被拘留，但他已经预料到了这一点，并立即申请了政治庇护。

He was transferred to an immigration jail in Aurora, Colo., where an immigration officer conducted his asylum interview. During that interview, Tao said, he showed his social media posts and described being summoned by Chinese police. He said the asylum officer asked whether the police had ever beaten him, and that he was truthful and said no, assuming his interrogation experience was sufficient.

他被转移到科罗拉多州奥罗拉的一个移民监狱，在那里，一名移民官员对他进行了庇护面谈。陶说，在那次谈话中，他展示了自己的社交媒体帖子，并描述了自己被中国警方传唤的情况。他说，庇护官员问他警察是否打过他，他诚实地说没有，认为他遭到审讯的经历已经足够了。

“They know what kind of country China is,” he thought.

“他们知道中国是个什么样的国家，”他想。

拘留所内的手写日历。

Then, he waited. But in late December 2022, he was told he had not passed his asylum interview. Immigration records show that he petitioned a judge in Aurora to review his case. In early January, the judge rejected his claim, too, he said. He would be deported.

然后，他开始等待。但在2022年12月底，他被告知没有通过庇护面谈。移民记录显示，他曾请求奥罗拉的一名法官复审他的案件。他说，1月初，该法官也驳回了他的要求。他将被驱逐出境。

Tao was stunned. He pleaded with officials, saying he might be punished if he went back to China. He wrote letters to an immigration lawyer, the U.S. Justice Department and the United Nations, he said. He also wrote an eight-page letter to his parents detailing why he had wanted to leave China, what he had posted online. He was contemplating suicide, he said, and wanted his parents to know why.

陶惊呆了。他恳求官员说，如果回到中国，他可能会受到惩罚。他说，他给移民律师、美国司法部和联合国写了信。他还给父母写了一封八页的信，详细说明了他想离开中国的原因，以及他在网上发帖的内容。他说，他正在考虑自杀，想让父母知道其中的原因。

Tao never got an explanation for the denial. Immigration lawyers say that poor translation, lack of legal representation or rushed decisions by overworked asylum officers can make it hard for migrants to make their cases. Chen Chuangchuang, a lawyer in California who has represented many Chinese asylum seekers, said he has seen strong cases denied and weak ones approved.

陶没有得到申请遭拒的解释。移民律师表示，糟糕的翻译、缺乏法律代理人，或是庇护官员因工作过劳而仓促作出的决定都可能使移民难以陈述自己的案情。曾代理过许多中国寻求庇护者的加州律师陈闯创说，他看到过一些理由很充分的案例遭到拒绝，一些理由薄弱的案例反而得到批准。

When officials attempted to put Tao on a deportation flight in March 2023, he said, he hurled himself down a flight of stairs. He said he was hospitalized and then returned to jail, this time in Texas.

陶说，2023年3月，当官员试图将他送上驱逐出境的飞机时，他从舷梯上跳了下去。他说他被送进医院，然后又回到监狱，这次是在得克萨斯州。

“I felt that my fate wasn’t in my own hands,” Tao said, “like I was just drifting in the wind.”

“我觉得命运不在自己手中，”陶说，“就像随风飘荡。”

(Zheng Cunzhu, a Chinese activist in the United States whom Tao contacted afterward, said that Tao had shared the same account of his ordeal with him, as did one of Tao’s cellmates in detention, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.)

（陶事后曾联系的在美中国活动人士郑存柱证实，这和陶向他陈述的遭遇吻合，一个曾与陶一同被关押的人也提供了相同叙述，此人要求匿名。）

In late 2023, Tao was again put on a plane. He was bound for China.

2023年年底，陶再次被送上去往中国的飞机。

Deported, Watched and Worn Down

被驱逐、被监视、被消磨

After his flight landed in northern China, things started going wrong immediately.

当他的飞机降落在中国北方，麻烦接踵而至。

Customs officials rifled through his belongings and found photocopies he had made of his letters pleading for asylum, which he had not had time to destroy. When he tried to deny that they were his, an officer slapped him, he said.

海关人员搜查了他的财物，发现他没来得及销毁的庇护申请信复印件。他说，当他试图否认这些文件归他所有，一名官员打了他一耳光。

The officers also grilled him about whether any Chinese smugglers had helped him get to the United States. They pressured him to frame a fellow deportee for illegally arranging his journey, Tao said, threatening to jail him if he did not comply.

官员们还严厉盘问他是否有任何中国蛇头帮助他入境美国。陶说，他们逼迫他诬陷另一名被遣返者非法安排他的行程，并威胁说如果他不照做就把他关进监狱。

He said he agreed to — a decision he still regrets.

他说他当时同意了——他至今仍后悔这个决定。

The officers confiscated his passport and papers and then let him go.

官员没收了他的护照和证件，然后放他走了。

Tao shared a customs document with The New York Times showing that his passport had been seized. Chinese immigration officials did not respond to faxed questions about how they handle repatriated migrants.

陶向《纽约时报》出示了一份海关文件，显示他的护照被没收了。中国移民官员没有回应有关他们如何处理遣返移民的传真询问。

In interviews, other people recently deported back to China from the United States said they had been questioned by officials but not abused or threatened. Experts say the government generally does not mistreat deportees, because it tends to see them as economic migrants, not political threats.

在采访中，其他近期从美国被遣返回中国的人说，他们受到了官员的盘问，但没有受到虐待或威胁。专家表示，政府一般不会虐待被遣返者，因为政府倾向于将他们视为经济移民，而不是政治威胁。

中国北部延吉市的一条街道。

Tao left the airport with only his cash, his phone and some clothes. His parents bought him a train ticket to a coastal city in southern China, where they were working. When his mother saw him, she begged him, tearfully, not to leave again.

离开机场时，陶身上只剩下现金、手机和一些衣服。他的父母给他买了去一个中国南方沿海城市的火车票，他们在那里打工。当他母亲看到他时，泪流满面地乞求他不要再离开了。

Just like that, Tao was back in the life he had tried to leave. He found a job driving a forklift at an auto parts factory, earning about $960 a month. He tried to ignore his festering resentment.

就这样，陶回到了他曾试图离开的生活。他在一家汽车配件厂找到了一份开叉车的工作，每月收入约6800元人民币。他努力忽略内心日益滋长的怨恨。

Then, about a month after his return, he received a phone call, he said. The caller, who identified himself as a state security officer, summoned him to a meeting.

他说，大约在回国一个月后，他接到了一个电话。来电者自称是国家安全官员，要求他去见个面。

There, he said, two officers showed him the letter that he had mailed to his parents — which his parents had never received. They told him that he had violated China’s national security law, internet law and anti-secession law, he said. They asked if he knew others who opposed the government or wanted to leave China. Could he provide their contacts?

他说，会面期间两名官员向他展示了他寄给父母的那封信——他的父母始终没收到信。他们告诉他，他违反了中国的国家安全法、互联网法和反分裂法。他们问他是否认识其他反对政府或想离开中国的人。能不能提供他们的联系方式？

Tao was terrified. “No matter what they say, I have to cooperate,” he thought.

陶吓坏了。“不管他们说什么，我只能配合，”他想。

Over the next months, the officers messaged him regularly, asking for information on other migrants, Tao said. (He said he made up answers.) They met in person twice more, once at a KFC and once at a teahouse.

陶说，在接下来的几个月里，这些官员定期给他发信息，索要其他移民的信息。（他说他的回答是编造的。）他们又见过两次面，一次是在肯德基，一次是在一家茶馆。

The pressure was not just political. China’s economic slowdown meant that workers were being pushed harder than ever. Tao’s boss frequently asked him to work overtime. His brother, who worked in an auto body shop, worried about being laid off.

压力不仅仅来自政治。中国的经济放缓意味着工人被压榨得比以往任何时候都更厉害。陶的老板经常要求他加班。他的哥哥在一家汽车修理厂工作，担心被解雇。

“Everyone is desperate,” Tao said. “The boss is desperately exploiting the employees, and the employees are desperately trying to perform.”

“每个人都很绝望，”陶说。“老板拼命压榨员工，员工拼命地表现。”

Tao also resented his co-workers, who he said were nationalistic, talking excitedly about the prospect of China and the United States going to war.

陶也对他那些同事心怀不满，他说他们是民族主义者，兴奋地谈论着中美开战的前景。

Seven months after his return, he decided to apply for a new passport. But when a worker at the local government office tried to process his application, the system flagged that he was on an exit ban list, Tao said. He was rejected.

回国七个月后，他决定申请一本新护照。但他说，当地政府办公室的一名工作人员试图处理他的申请时，系统显示他被列入了出境禁令名单。他的申请被拒绝了。

 A Fragile Freedom and an Uncertain Future

脆弱的自由和不确定的未来

After his passport application was rejected, Tao refused to give up. He wrote to the authorities in the northern Chinese city where his passport was confiscated, to ask them to revoke the restrictions, arguing that he had cooperated with the customs officials’ requests. He also tried his luck in a different city, traveling to Shanghai to apply again. To his surprise, this time he succeeded.

护照申请被拒后，陶不愿放弃。他写信给没收他护照的中国北方城市当局，要求撤销限制，称他已经配合了海关官员的要求。他还想在另一个城市碰碰运气，于是去了上海再次申请。令他惊讶的是，这一次他成功了。

He then contacted a job agency that places Chinese workers in a Southeast Asian country. In October of last year, he said goodbye to his parents again.

然后他他联系了一家安排中国工人赴东南亚国家就业的中介机构。去年10月，他再次与父母道别。

As he once again passed through Chinese customs, this time outward bound, his heart pounded. He wondered if he would be pulled aside.

他再次通过中国海关，这一次是出境，他的心砰砰直跳。他不知道自己是否会被拦下。

The officer waved him through.

海关官员向他挥手示意通行。

一架飞机从上海一座机场起飞。

We met Tao in person for the first time not long after he arrived there, after he finished a 12-hour shift at work. We walked to an outdoor seating area in his housing complex, where for the next several hours he recounted his story.

他抵达那里后不久，我们第一次见到了他，当时他刚结束12小时的工作。我们走到他居住区的一个户外座位区，接下来的几个小时里，他向我们讲述了他的故事。

He spoke eagerly, without concern about being overheard.

他说得很急切，毫不担心被人偷听。

His new life was not a total escape from what he had chafed at in China. His work, at an electronics factory, was still tiring and low paying. He had tried talking to some of his co-workers, mostly fellow Chinese, about his distaste for China’s government, but they disagreed.

他的新生活并未完全逃离他在中国感到不满的一切。他在一家电子工厂的工作仍然很辛苦，薪水很低。他曾试图和他的一些工友——大多数是中国同胞——谈论他对中国政府的不满，但他们并不认同。

The state security officers still sent him messages checking in, he said, and he did not know if they knew he had left. Just a few days before we met, one had asked him what he had meant by a post on WeChat in which he called India’s prime minister authoritarian.

他说，那些国家安全官员仍然会给他发信息，他不知道他们是否知道他已经离开。就在我们见面几天前，其中一名官员还问他，他发在微信上的一条帖子是什么意思，那条帖子中他称印度的总理是独裁者。

Still, he now felt safe ignoring the officers’ messages. His contract allowed him to stay in the country for two years. Afterward, he hoped to go to Europe or Mexico.

尽管如此，他现在觉得自己可以安全地无视这些官员发来的信息了。他的合同允许他在这个国家停留两年。之后，他希望能去欧洲或墨西哥。

As for what he would do then, he was not sure. Sometimes, he spoke in sweeping terms about awakening other Chinese to what he called the evils of the Communist Party. He had reached out to the owner of an anti-government blog living in the Netherlands, asking if he could join his efforts. He dreamed of protesting in front of Chinese embassies.

至于之后做什么，他并不确定。有时，他会用宏大的言辞谈论唤醒其他中国人，让他们认识到他所说的共产党政权的邪恶。他联系了一个居住在荷兰的反政府博主，询问是否可以加入他的行动。他梦想着在中国大使馆前抗议。

Other times, his goals were humbler: to find a job that was fulfilling, maybe send money home.

其他时候，他的目标则更谦卑：找到一份有成就感的工作，也许可以寄钱回家。

What mattered, he said, was having the freedom to choose.

他说，重要的是拥有选择的自由。

“Posting on Twitter, protesting, those of course are important,” he said. “But they’re not everything. I just want to be a normal person.”

“在Twitter上发帖，参加抗议，这些当然很重要，”他说。“但它们并非全部。我只是想做一个普通人。”

For Starbucks, the Strawberry Matcha Strato Frappuccino was one of the hottest drinks of summer.

对星巴克而言，草莓抹茶Strato星冰乐曾是今夏最火爆的饮品之一。

For Brooke Allen, a 23-year-old barista, the drink was the bane of her existence.

但对23岁的咖啡师布鲁克·艾伦来说，这款饮品却是她的噩梦。

The frothy concoction required six ingredients and two blenders. Under new policies, baristas are also required to greet customers and make eye contact when handing over drinks. They must also write a genuine message on each cup.

这杯有着轻盈泡沫的饮料需要六种原料和两台搅拌机。根据新规，咖啡师还需在递送饮品时问候顾客并进行眼神的接触，同时还要在每个杯子上写一句真诚的留言。

All within four minutes.

所有这些必须在四分钟内完成。

“If it’s the only drink I have to make, I can probably do it in 40 or 50 seconds,” said Ms. Allen, who works part time at a Starbucks near her school, the University of California, Davis. “But it’s frustrating to see orders for that come on during peak times. That one is so complicated.”

“如果只做这一款饮料，我大概40到50秒就能完成，”在加州大学戴维斯分校附近星巴克打工的艾伦表示，“但在高峰的时候看到这款订单，真的会让人崩溃，制作流程太复杂了。”

For Brian Niccol, who became Starbucks’s chief executive one year ago, the Strawberry Matcha Strato Frappuccino is a test of his turnaround strategy. Since lured to Starbucks from Chipotle Mexican Grill with a $100 million pay package (a large part to make up for compensation he walked away from at Chipotle), he has worked at a highly caffeinated tempo to get Starbucks’s mojo back.

对一年前上任的星巴克首席执行官布莱恩·尼科尔而言，草莓抹茶Strato星冰乐正是对其改革战略的考验。这位以1亿美元的薪酬待遇（其中很大一部分是为了补偿他离开Chipotle所遭受的损失）从墨西哥菜快餐店挖来的掌门人，上任后以高度紧凑的节奏试图让星巴克重振昔日的魔力。

Mr. Niccol got rid of charges for nondairy milk and brought back the coffee condiment station. He moved new people into the executive suite. The company is investing more than $500 million to add employees and develop order-sequencing technology that aims to deliver food and drinks faster. Stores are quickly being remodeled to add comfortable seating.

尼科尔取消了对植物奶的额外收费，并恢复设立咖啡调味台。他还调整了高管团队，引入新鲜血液。公司投入逾5亿美元增聘员工以及开发订单排序技术，以缩短取餐时间。各门店也在进行快速改造升级，增设舒适的座位。

The goal is to provide customers in the United States — across more than 17,000 stores — with premium-priced, unique beverages in a welcoming, coffeehouse environment, but at a fast-food pace.

目标是在全美逾1.7万家门店实现：在温馨的咖啡店环境中，以快餐般的速度为顾客提供高价位的独特饮品。

Some of the moves have been welcomed. Others, like the elimination of some drinks and foods, have resulted in confusion and frustration among customers and employees, according to interviews with baristas from Boston to California.

其中一些举措获得了市场认可。不过，在接受采访时，从波士顿到加州的咖啡师还提到了其他措施，比如取消部分饮品和食品，这些举措引发了顾客和员工的困惑与不满。

A fan favorite, the Petite Vanilla Bean Scone, disappeared. Then reappeared. And while the Java Chip Frappuccino may have been pulled, baristas must still make it should someone order it.

深受喜爱的迷你香草司康曾一度下架，后又重新上架。而摩卡可可碎片星冰乐虽然已经从菜单移出，但如果有顾客点，咖啡师仍需制作。

But the most pressing problem, bringing customers back, when coffee prices are soaring and competitors are circling, is going to take more time.

然而，在咖啡价格飞涨、竞争对手环伺之际，如何重获顾客青睐——这个最为紧迫的难题——仍需更多时间破解。

In July, Starbucks reported its sixth consecutive quarterly decline in sales at stores open for at least a year. In the past year, the company’s shares have fallen 8.8 percent while an index of restaurant and bar company stocks has risen 6.5 percent.

根据星巴克7月发布的财报，至少开业一年的门店销售额已连续六个季度下滑。在过去一年里，公司的股价下跌8.8%，而餐饮酒吧类股票指数同期则上涨了6.5%。

In an interview, Mr. Niccol rattled off a list of accomplishments from his first year, saying he was pleased with the state of the turnaround.

在接受采访时，尼科尔列举了上任第一年的成绩，并且表示对公司转型的现状感到满意。

“The thing I’m really delighted about is that a lot of the things that we said we were going to do with the ‘Back to Starbucks’ strategy, we’ve actually executed on,” Mr. Niccol said. He added, “And, I think, for the most part, it’s been very well received by both our partners and our customers, and we’re seeing the feedback that says, ‘Do more of what you’re doing.’”

“让我非常高兴的一点是，我们此前承诺的‘星巴克回归’战略中的多项举措均已落实，”尼科尔表示。他还说，“我认为大部分举措都获得了伙伴和顾客的积极反响，我们收到的反馈都是‘请延续现有改革方向’。”

But Mr. Niccol has more on his plate than fixing the U.S. market. China, Starbucks’s second-largest business and a region where it has made a hefty investment, is another problem. The coffee chain had long dominated in China but has lost significant ground to competitors like Luckin Coffee, a Chinese brand founded eight years ago.

但尼科尔的任务不仅仅是修复美国市场。作为星巴克第二大业务市场且投入了巨资的中国市场同样是一个难题。这家咖啡连锁巨头长期主导中国市场，但已被八年前成立的本土品牌瑞幸咖啡等竞争者夺走了大量市场份额。

Mr. Niccol has repeatedly said Starbucks is interested in finding an investor to take a stake in its business in the region. In July, he told analysts that Starbucks had received interest from 20 different parties and was evaluating options. He did not provide any details on the timing of a deal or how it could be structured. “We remain committed to our China business and want to retain a meaningful stake,” he said at the time.

尼科尔多次表示，星巴克有意寻找投资者入股其中国业务。7月，他曾对分析师透露，已有20家机构表达了投资意向，公司正在评估各种方案。但他未透露交易时间表或具体架构细节。当时他说，“我们依然致力于中国业务，并希望保留足够的股份。”

Long waits, especially during peak hours, have been a primary complaint from Starbucks customers in the United States in recent years. To address that problem, Mr. Niccol is hiring more baristas, increasing labor costs for the company. Starbucks has also rolled out a new order-sequencing system that it said would better manage drink orders, serving in-store customers first while spacing out mobile orders.

在美国，取餐时间过长——尤其是高峰时段——一直是顾客近年来的主要投诉点。为解决这一问题，尼科尔正在增聘咖啡师，但这也推高了公司的人力成本。星巴克还推出了一种新的订单排序系统，声称它能够更好地管理饮品制作流程：优先为堂食顾客服务，避免手机订单过于集中。

Mr. Niccol also wants to bring back seating that was pulled out of many restaurants during the pandemic.

尼科尔还计划恢复疫情期间从众多门店撤掉的桌椅。

纽约一家星巴克门店已经翻新，并增设了新的堂食区。

But those additional costs are slicing into profits. The company’s operating margin for the quarter ending in June fell to 13 percent from 21 percent a year earlier. Still, Wall Street analysts believe Mr. Niccol is on the right track.

但这些新增成本正在侵蚀利润。截至6月的季度，公司营业利润率从上年同期的21%降至13%。不过华尔街分析师认为，尼科尔的改革方向是正确的。

“Consumers have sticky habits, especially for breakfast. It’s very difficult to displace the habit of getting coffee, until they just get fed up and go elsewhere,” said Danilo Gargiulo, an analyst at Bernstein Research.

伯恩斯坦研究公司的分析师达尼洛·加吉乌洛指出：“消费者的习惯很难改变，早餐消费尤其如此。除非他们彻底失望转而投奔别家，否则很难改变买咖啡的习惯。”

“It’s going to take a bit of dating to convince consumers to try to find out what the new Starbucks looks like,” he said, adding that investors expect to see store traffic stabilize next year, and profit margins improving in 2027.

“这需要像约会般慢慢接触，才能说服消费者去了解星巴克的新面貌，”他说道，同时还说，投资者预计门店客流量将在明年趋稳，而利润率要到2027年才会改善。

Long waits are not the only thing keeping customers away. Some are pulling back on spending. Droughts in coffee-growing regions of the world have resulted in shortages and driven up prices sharply. And this summer, President Trump imposed a 50 percent tariff on coffee imported from Brazil.

让顾客望而却步的不仅仅是漫长的取餐时间。一些人正在缩减开支。全球咖啡种植区的干旱导致供应短缺，推动价格大幅上涨。而今年夏天，特朗普总统对从巴西进口的咖啡加征了50%的关税。

The tipping point for Dyanna Hough came in late June when Starbucks added a new charge for the pump of sugar-free vanilla syrup she put in her typical order of a grande cold brew coffee, extra ice, with salted caramel cream foam.

对迪安娜·霍夫而言，转折点出现在6月下旬——星巴克开始对她经常点的大杯冷萃咖啡（额外加冰配海盐焦糖奶盖）所含的无糖香草糖浆收取额外费用。

Now, instead of paying $6.71, she was charged $7.25. She canceled the order and now mostly makes her coffee at home.

原本6.71美元的价格涨至7.25美元，她当即取消订单，如今基本在家自己做咖啡。

“For the first time, I was like: ‘Oh, this is ridiculous. I’m not spending more than $7 on a coffee,’” said Ms. Hough, a hairstylist from Holly Springs, N.C.

“这是我第一次觉得：‘太荒谬了，我不会用7块多买一杯咖啡，’”在北卡罗来纳州霍利斯普林斯做发型师的霍夫表示。

Moreover, competitors like 7 Brew Coffee, which originated in Rogers, Ark., and Nebraska’s Scooter’s Coffee are rapidly expanding by offering their own unique beverages.

此外，发轫于阿肯色州罗杰斯的7 Brew Coffee和内布拉斯加州的Scooter’s Coffee等竞争对手正在快速扩张，它们通过提供独特饮品来抢占市场。

The stock price of Dutch Bros. Coffee, a chain of drive-through restaurants based in western Oregon that calls its drink makers “Broistas,” has doubled in the past year on sales of iced protein lattes and energy drinks that can be customized with sweet cream or boba pearls.

Dutch Bros. Coffee是一家总部位于俄勒冈州西部的免下车连锁餐厅，其股价在过去一年翻了一番，这要得益于冰蛋白拿铁和能量饮料的热销。这些饮品可以根据顾客的需求，加甜奶油或波霸珍珠进行定制。该公司将饮品制作者称为“Broistas”（把“哥们儿”和“咖啡师”合在一起的一个生造词。——译注）。

Alisha Townsend, a manager at a Starbucks in the Willis Tower in Chicago, said that the new system was working and that she liked writing on the cups. “The customers in the Willis Tower love it,” she said in an interview arranged by Starbucks. “They come in asking, ‘What’s on my cup today?’”

芝加哥威利斯大厦的星巴克门店经理阿莉莎·汤森表示，新系统运行良好，而且她很喜欢在杯身留言的做法。“威利斯大厦的顾客非常喜欢这个环节，”她在星巴克安排的访谈中表示，“顾客进门就会问，‘今天我的杯子上会写什么’。”

Ms. Allen, in California, said she had concerns about some of Mr. Niccol’s changes, particularly the new dress code.

加利福尼亚州的艾伦则对尼科尔推行的一些变革措施心存顾虑，尤其是新的着装规范。

“Suddenly the shoes I had been wearing for two years, the work Crocs that don’t have holes in them, I was told I could not wear anymore,” she said, adding that store managers threatened to “write up” anyone who didn’t meet the new dress code. “We all had this feeling that we were powerless.”

“突然，我穿了两年的工作鞋——那种没有洞的Crocs鞋——被告知不能再穿了，”她说，同时还表示，店长威胁说任何不符合新着装规定的员工都会被“记过”。“我们都有种无力感。”

In August, employees at her store voted to unionize.

8月，她所在的门店员工投票决定成立工会。

In Japan, 7-Eleven and its competitors are more than a place to buy a six-pack or pick up a pint of milk. Every day, millions of residents shop for food, send packages and pay their bills at over 55,000 convenience stores in the country.

在日本，7-Eleven及其竞争对手不仅仅是一个买一提啤酒或一瓶牛奶的地方。每天，有数百万民众在全日本超过5.5万家便利店购买食品、寄送包裹和支付账单。

Japan is a magnet for tourists, and convenience stores are often a highlight of a trip. Thousands of people have posted TikTok videos showing off their Japanese convenience store purchases. One of those videos, by the singer Sabrina Carpenter when she visited Japan on tour in 2023, has received over 600,000 likes.

日本是热门的旅游目的地，而便利店往往成为游客行程中的一大亮点。有许多人在TikTok上发布视频，展示他们在日本便利店的收获。歌手萨布丽娜·卡彭特2023年到日本开演唱会期间拍摄的一条便利店视频获得了超过60万个赞。

There are many other convenience store chains in Japan, including FamilyMart and Lawson, but 7-Eleven is the largest and most recognizable. It has nearly 22,000 stores across all 47 prefectures.

日本还有许多其他便利店连锁品牌，包括全家和罗森，但7-Eleven的规模最大，辨识度最高。它在全日本47个都道府县拥有近2.2万家门店。

But 7-Eleven’s biggest growth is likely to come outside Japan. Seven & i Holdings, the company that operates the chain, plans to invest $13.6 billion in 7-Eleven’s global expansion in the next few years, focusing primarily on North America.

不过，7-Eleven最大的增长可能将来自日本以外的市场。运营该连锁店的Seven & i Holdings计划在未来几年投资136亿美元，用于7-Eleven的全球扩张，主要聚焦北美市场。

Here is what you need to know about 7-Eleven and Japan’s convenience store phenomenon.

关于7-Eleven和日本的便利店现象，以下是需要了解的内容。

东京的一家7-Eleven。日本的便利店明亮洁净，商品陈列井然有序。

What is 7-Eleven’s history?

7-Eleven的发展历程

It began in 1927 as an American convenience store chain, operated by Southland Corporation, in Dallas. It opened its first store in Japan in 1974 in the Toyosu neighborhood in eastern Tokyo, featuring popular American items like hamburgers. Within two years, it had expanded to 100 stores.

这家公司的历史始于1927年，是Southland Corporation在美国达拉斯运营的一家连锁便利店。1974年，其日本首店落户东京东部的丰洲，店里有汉堡等受欢迎的美国商品。两年的工夫，它的规模扩大到100家门店。

In 1975, 7-Eleven started operating 24 hours at a store in Fukushima Prefecture, a feature that is now standard in most of its locations. The chain continued to expand rapidly, and by 1993 it had 5,000 stores across Japan.

1975年，7-Eleven在福岛县的一家门店开始试行24小时营业模式，这一特色后来成为其大多数门店的标准配置。这家连锁店持续快速扩张，到1993年，全日本已有5000家门店。

A Japanese supermarket operator, Ito-Yokado, and 7-Eleven Japan acquired 70 percent of Southland’s shares in 1991. In 2005, 7-Eleven became wholly Japanese-owned through Seven & i.

1991年，日本的超市运营商伊藤洋华堂与7-Eleven Japan收购了Southland Corporation 70%的股份。2005年，7-Eleven通过Seven & i成为完全由日本拥有的企业。

Over the years, 7-Eleven has continued to expand both domestically and internationally, and now has more stores than any other retailer in the world, with over 83,000 across 19 countries. It has over 13,000 in the United States and Canada.

历经多年发展，7-Eleven不断在国内外扩张，如今在全球19个国家拥有超过8.3万家门店，是世界上门店数量最多的零售企业。在美国和加拿大，它的门店数量超过1.3万家。

东京的一家7-Eleven货架上陈列着新鲜的便当和三明治。面包糕点和各种热食是店内的常备货品。

Exactly what is different about convenience stores in Japan?

日本便利店究竟有何不同？

For many Japanese people, convenience stores are a lifeline. In addition to 7-Eleven’s vast network of stores, FamilyMart has over 16,000 locations and Lawson nearly 15,000 in Japan. They all offer a range of services. There are the ready-to-eat meals, toiletries and basic clothing you might find in American convenience stores. But in Japan, they also let customers print documents and buy tickets for concerts, museums and long-distance buses.

对许多日本人而言，便利店如同生命线般重要。除7-Eleven庞大的门店网络外，全家在日本拥有超过1.6万家门店，罗森也有近1.5万家。这些便利店提供多元化服务。它们跟美国的便利店一样，售卖即食食品、洗护用品和日常衣物。但在日本的便利店，顾客还可以打印文件，购买演唱会、博物馆和长途巴士的门票。

In rural parts of Japan, aging populations and shrinking work forces have led to the closure of shopping malls, post offices and banks. That leaves convenience stores as often the closest and sometimes the only shops and bank A.T.M.s nearby.

在日本的农村地区，由于人口老龄化和劳动力萎缩，购物中心、邮局和银行相继关闭。便利店往往成为距离最近、有时甚至是唯一的商店和银行自动取款机地点。

Japanese convenience stores have become places where anyone can visit, even without buying anything, said Gavin Whitelaw, executive director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies at Harvard.

哈佛大学赖肖尔日本研究所执行所长加文·怀特洛指出，即使什么都不买，日本的便利店也已成为所有人都能驻足的公共空间。

Dr. Whitelaw’s research focuses on convenience stores, and he has worked at several of them in Japan. He said he had witnessed moments that reflected the stores’ role as part of the public infrastructure. He saw a young child completing a first solo errand, with the help of a store clerk, and a woman who sought safety from a stalker.

怀特洛的研究重点就是便利店，并曾在日本多家便利店工作。他说，他亲眼见证过这些商店作为公共基础设施的重要时刻。他看到过一个人生第一次独自出门办事的孩童在店员帮助下完成了任务，还看到过一名女性在便利店寻求庇护，以躲避尾随者。

When natural disasters strike, convenience stores provide essential supplies and offer refuge and information to the community.

当自然灾害发生时，便利店不仅提供应急物资，更为社区居民提供避难场所和灾情信息。

“They are open and willing to go the extra mile and provide a safe space,” Dr. Whitelaw said. “People feel a certain sense of affinity and a sense of relief when they see these stores.”

“它们全天候营业，愿意额外付出努力营造安全空间，”怀特洛强调。“当人们看到这些便利店时，内心会涌起一种亲切和安心的感觉。”

What is it like inside a Japanese convenience store?

日本便利店内部是什么样的？

They are clean and bright and meticulously organized. But it’s easy to get distracted roaming a convenience store’s shelves, which are stocked with fresh boxed lunches, sandwiches, onigiri rice balls, salads and desserts. Freezers are packed with dozens of kinds of ice cream.

店内明亮洁净，商品陈列井然有序。但穿梭于货架之间极易令人流连忘返——新鲜便当、三明治、饭团、沙拉和甜点琳琅满目。冰柜里塞满数十种冰淇淋。

Hot foods are placed near the cashier: fried chicken, croquettes, steamed buns and, in the winter, stews. Most stores have coffee and smoothie machines, and customers can take a cup of ice or frozen fruit from the freezer and watch as the machine prepares their drink.

收银台附近陈列着热气腾腾的熟食：炸鸡、可乐饼、蒸包，冬季还会供应关东煮。多数门店配备咖啡机和冰沙机，顾客可自取冰杯或冷冻水果，并在一边看着机器制作饮品。

Many convenience stores also have tables, as well as hot water dispensers and microwaves, for those who don’t want to go home to eat.

许多便利店还设有就餐区，并配备了热水器和微波炉，为不愿回家就餐的顾客提供方便。

Japanese convenience stores usually offer seasonal and regional items. In spring, there are desserts and drinks with sakura cherry blossom flavors. An example of a regional food is the Okinawa Soba, a thick wheat noodle served in broth and topped with pork, a local specialty stocked at 7-Eleven locations in Okinawa.

日本便利店通常还会推出季节性和地区限定的商品。比如春天会有樱花口味的甜点和饮料。冲绳荞麦面是地区限定的代表，这是一种粗麦面条，配以浓汤和猪肉，是冲绳的特色美食，在当地的7-Eleven门店有售。

Aside from the food, convenience store are typically full of magazines and manga comics, travel-size toiletries, phone chargers and earphones, and stationary supplies.

除了食物之外，便利店里通常还有各种杂志和漫画、旅行装洗漱用品、手机充电器、耳机以及文具用品出售。

In Japan, convenience stores are a place to shop. Or a place to kill time.

在日本，便利店既是购物场所，亦是消磨时光的去处。

神奈川的一家7-Eleven。

Over the past three years, Mike Yoder made a name for himself in rural Ohio selling a spray-drone trailer kit that saves farmers money and weeks of labor by dropping seeds, fertilizer and fungicide from the sky.

过去的三年里，迈克·约德在俄亥俄州的农村地区靠销售一种无人机喷雾附件闯出了些名声，该套件从空中撒播种子、肥料和杀菌剂，能为农民节省资金和数周的劳动时间。

But Yoder’s company, nuWay Ag, has been struggling since last winter, when it became far more difficult to import drones made by a Chinese company, DJI, into the United States.

但自去年冬天以来，约德的公司nuWay Ag一直在苦苦挣扎，当时中国大疆公司制造的无人机进口到美国变得困难了许多。

DJI, the world’s largest manufacturer of commercial and industrial drones, is on the verge of being banned in the United States by federal lawmakers who accuse the company of a variety of infractions, including using forced labor, benefiting from unfair subsidies and being a cybersecurity threat.

全球最大的商用和工业无人机制造商大疆正面临联邦议员的禁令威胁，他们指控该公司存在各种违规行为，包括使用强迫劳工、享受不公平补贴，以及构成网络安全威胁。

Yoder recently had to let go of two of his 22 employees because he couldn’t get enough DJI drones to sell to make payroll.

由于无法获得足够的大疆无人机用于销售，约德尔难以支付工资，最近不得不裁掉22名员工中的两人。

The looming ban is part of a push to decouple the U.S. economy from China’s. It comes as artificial intelligence is transforming what drones can do and as American manufacturers struggle to get a share of a growing market. DJI commands roughly 75% of the consumer market globally and is known for making drones that buyers say are affordable, easy to use and full of bleeding-edge features that save time and money.

即将到来的禁令是推动美国经济与中国经济脱钩的举措之一。当前人工智能正在改变无人机的功能，美国制造商却难以在不断扩大的市场中分得一杯羹。大疆控制着全球约75%的消费市场，其产品以价格亲民、易于使用、配备了节省时间和金钱的尖端功能而闻名。

Construction companies use specialized DJI drones to monitor the progress of skyscrapers and submit automatic reports. Mining companies use DJI drones to calculate the output of mines. Land surveyors use drones with high-quality lenses to create detailed maps of terrain. Police officers use thermal drones to find lost children and fleeing suspects.

建筑公司使用专门的大疆无人机来监控摩天大楼的施工进度，自动生成、提交报告。矿业公司使用大疆无人机计算矿山产量。土地测量员使用带有高精度镜头的无人机来绘制详细的地形地图。警察使用热成像无人机寻找走失的儿童和逃跑的嫌疑人。

But the company has been caught in the geopolitical riptide of U.S.-Chinese relations.

但该公司已经陷入美中关系的地缘政治激流。

大疆无人机深受农民青睐，它能从空中撒播种子、肥料和杀虫剂，从而节省数周的劳动力。

Customs and Border Protection began seizing shipments of DJI drones in October, slowing imports to companies like Yoder’s. Then, in December, Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., a close ally of President Donald Trump, placed a provision into a defense bill that would ban the sale of new drones by DJI and Autel Robotics, another Chinese company, this December.

去年10月，美国海关和边境保护局开始扣押大疆无人机，导致约德的公司这样的企业进口受阻。去年12月，特朗普总统的亲密盟友、纽约州共和党众议员埃莉斯·斯特凡尼克在一项国防法案中加入条款，拟于今年12月起禁止销售大疆及另一家中国企业道通智能的新款无人机。

Sales could continue if a national security agency determines that the foreign drones do not “pose an unacceptable risk to the national security of the United States.” But the bill did not state which agency is responsible for making that assessment, and so far, none have publicly taken on the task. Stefanik joined a lawmaker letter to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence in July urging an “expedited national security review,” but there is no sign of one, according to Adam Welsh, DJI’s head of global policy.

如果国家安全机构确定外国无人机不会“对美国国家安全构成不可接受的风险”，则可以继续销售。但该法案没有说明由哪个机构负责进行评估，到目前为止，尚无任何部门公开承担这项任务。大疆全球政策主管亚当·威尔士称，斯特凡尼克等议员在7月联名致信国家情报总监办公室，敦促“加快国家安全审查”，但目前仍无任何启动迹象。

He said DJI had written to the Department of Defense and other national security agencies requesting a thorough examination of the drones to prove that they cannot transmit information to Chinese entities, as Stefanik has claimed.

他说，大疆已致信国防部和其他国家安全机构，要求对它的无人机进行全面检查，以证明其不存在如斯特凡尼克所声称的向中国实体传输信息的可能性。

“If we are given a fair process, we believe our products will pass,” Welsh said. He said DJI, which is suing the Department of Defense for placing it on a blacklist, remained open to discussions with the Trump administration about its concerns. DJI officials have even weighed the possibility of manufacturing drones on American soil, he said.

“如果得到公正的评估流程，我们相信我们的产品可以通过，”威尔士说。他同时表示，大疆虽然正就国防部将其列入黑名单一事发起诉讼，但仍愿意与特朗普政府就其担忧进行讨论。他说，大疆管理层甚至考虑过在美国本土制造无人机的可能性。

“If the U.S. government wants to build an industry, they could use us to build that industry,” he added.

“如果美国政府希望建立一个产业，他们可以利用我们来实现这个目标，”他还说。

But Welsh acknowledged that technical fixes or new investments were unlikely to placate lawmakers who seem intent on pushing DJI out of the country. “It would not destroy us to lose the U.S. market,” he said, “but it would certainty limit our growth.”

但威尔士承认，技术修复或新投资恐怕难以安抚那些似乎有意将大疆赶出美国市场的立法者。“失去美国市场不会毁了我们，”他说。“但肯定会限制我们的成长空间。”

A spokesperson for Stefanik said that DJI presented “unacceptable economic and national security risks” and that Stefanik would continue to work with the Trump administration “to ensure Chinese drones are banned from American skies.”

斯特凡尼克的一位发言人表示，大疆带来了“不可接受的经济和国家安全风险”，斯特凡尼克将继续与特朗普政府合作，“确保中国无人机从美国领空消失”。

U.S. drone manufacturers are eagerly awaiting DJI’s exit, which they say would make room for American companies to play a bigger role in an increasingly vital industry. But few U.S. drone makers sell the kinds of consumer and industrial products that DJI makes, preferring to focus on the higher-margin business of supplying the military and public safety agencies.

美国无人机制造商正急切地等待大疆的退出，他们表示，这将为美国企业在这个日益重要的行业中发挥更大作用腾出空间。但很少有美国无人机制造商生产大疆的那种消费级和工业级产品，它们更倾向于专注利润更高的军用和公共安全机构业务。

There are 433,407 commercial drones registered in the United States, according to the Federal Aviation Administration, performing tasks such as utility line inspection, movie filming and land surveying. The vast majority are DJI drones, said Vic Moss, the volunteer director of the Drone Advocacy Alliance, a group that represents drone pilots who oppose a DJI ban.

根据美国联邦航空管理局的数据，在美国注册的商用无人机有433407架，用于执行电力线路巡查、影视拍摄和土地勘测等任务。无人机倡导联盟的志愿者主管维克·莫斯指出，绝大多数无人机都是大疆的产品。该联盟代表反对大疆禁令的无人机操作者群体。

在犹他州韦伯县的搜救训练中，一架大疆无人机在空中运送物资。

Moss earns a living as an aerial photographer and videographer based in Colorado, and also makes maps for surveying companies. He has invested tens of thousands of dollars in DJI drones that can change lenses and apertures in midair, he said, and is now having difficulty getting them serviced.

莫斯在科罗拉多州从事航拍和摄像工作，同时为测绘公司制作地图。他说，他已经投资数万美元购置大疆无人机，这些设备可以在空中更换镜头和光圈，但现在面临维修困难。

“Nobody seems to be saying: ‘What are we doing to this industry? To the people who fly or sell drones for a living?’” Moss said. DJI sells an industrial-grade mapping drone for about $6,500, while American companies can charge as much as $35,000 for a similar product, he said.

“似乎没有人问：‘我们对这个行业做了什么？对那些以无人机飞行或出售无人机为生的人造成了什么影响？’”莫斯说。他表示，大疆的工业级测绘无人机售价约为6500美元，而美国公司生产的同类产品售价可能高达3.5万美元。

Even if a national security audit is conducted and DJI escapes a ban in December, the Trump administration has other tools at its disposal to limit the use of the company’s equipment. In July, the Commerce Department opened an investigation into whether imported drones threatened national security, paving the way for higher tariffs.

即使通过国家安全审查使得大疆免遭12月的禁令，特朗普政府仍握有其他手段来限制该公司的产品。今年7月，美国商务部对进口无人机是否威胁国家安全展开调查，为提高关税铺平了道路。

If the ban goes through, it will prevent only new DJI products from receiving FCC licenses to fly. It would not immediately affect the hundreds of thousands of DJI drones that already have permission to fly.

如果禁令生效，它将阻止新的大疆产品获得联邦通信委员会的飞行许可证，但不会立即影响到已经获得飞行许可的数十万大疆无人机。

But over time, DJI products would fade away in the United States, as customers would not be able to repair or replace them. American drone manufacturers would use that time to catch up with DJI’s technology and gain a foothold in the global market, said Michael Robbins, CEO of the Association for Uncrewed Vehicle Systems International.

但是随着时间的推移，由于客户无法维修或更换设备，大疆产品将在美国逐渐消失。国际无人驾驶系统协会首席执行官迈克尔·罗宾斯表示，美国无人机制造商将利用这段时间赶上大疆的技术，并在全球市场上站稳脚跟。

“If you remove the juggernaut of DJI from the marketplace, you are going to see a lot of American companies thrive,” he said.

他说：“如果把大疆这个市场巨头排除在外，众多美国企业将迎来发展良机。”

Some prominent people in Trump’s orbit stand to gain from such a result. Donald Trump Jr. sits on the board of Unusual Machines, a Florida company that supplies parts to the U.S. drone industry.

特朗普身边的一些显要人物将从这样的结果中获益。小唐纳德·特朗普是Unusual Machines公司的董事会成员，这家佛罗里达州公司为美国无人机行业提供零部件。

Joe Bartlett, deputy undersecretary of the Bureau of Industry and Security, the Commerce Department agency that is conducting the drone investigation, previously served as director of federal policy for Skydio, a top U.S. drone manufacturer that supports the DJI ban. Bartlett also worked as Stefanik’s national security adviser.

商务部工业与安全局负责无人机调查，该局副局长乔·巴特利特此前曾任支持大疆禁令的美国顶级无人机制造商Skydio的联邦政策主管。巴特利特还担任过斯特凡尼克的国家安全顾问。

American businesses that rely on DJI’s technology expressed anger in public comments submitted over the summer in response to the Commerce Department investigation.

今年夏季，在针对商务部调查提交的公众意见书中，依赖大疆技术的美国企业纷纷表示强烈不满。

“By rejecting affordable, capable foreign drones without viable domestic alternatives, the U.S. is forcing industries like agriculture, energy and public safety to either operate with outdated tech or face soaring costs,” wrote Ryan Latourette, a drone pilot in Michigan. He called the efforts against DJI “techno-paranoia” and “economic self sabotage.”

密歇根州的无人机操作员瑞安·拉图雷特写道：“在缺乏可行国产替代品的情况下，美国拒绝价格合理、性能良好的外国无人机，这迫使农业、能源和公共安全等行业要么使用过时的技术，要么面临成本飙升的问题。”他表示，针对大疆的行动是“技术上的偏执多疑”和“经济自残行为”。

For the first time in its modern history, the United States faces a rival — China — that has greater scale in most of the critical dimensions of power, and American national capacity alone may not be enough to rise to the challenge.

美国面临一个在多数关键实力维度上都具备更大规模优势的竞争对手——中国，这在美国现代历史上是第一次。而仅凭美国自身的国力可能不足以应对这一挑战。

We are entering an era where the true measure of American primacy will be whether Washington can build what we call allied scale: the power to compete globally in tandem with other countries across economic, technological and military domains.

我们正步入一个新时代。在这个时代里，衡量美国主导地位的真正标准将在于华盛顿能否建立我们所谓的同盟规模，即与其他国家在经济、科技和军事领域协同合作，从而在全球范围内展开竞争的能力。

President Trump appears to be moving in the opposite direction. His go-it-alone, tariff-centric diplomacy has alienated allies and left openings for Beijing to build its own coalitions. Mr. Trump’s recent imposition of high tariffs on India are just one example. The United States spent three decades courting India as a geopolitical counterweight to China. But after the tariffs were applied on India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi last week visited China for the first time in seven years, where he and President Xi Jinping agreed to move past a recent history of tense relations and work as partners, not rivals.

特朗普总统的举措却似乎背道而驰。他以关税为核心的单边外交策略疏远了盟友，并为北京构建自己的联盟体系留下了空间。近期对印度征收高额关税便是例证：在过去30年里，美国一直在拉拢印度，将其作为制衡中国的地缘政治力量。但关税措施出台后，上周印度莫迪总理七年来首次访华，与中国国家主席习近平一致同意化解近年来的紧张关系，以伙伴而非竞争者的关系进行合作。

Mr. Trump is playing with fire.

特朗普正在玩火。

Throughout the 20th century, America outproduced and out-innovated Germany, Japan and the Soviet Union. But China is different. On the metrics that matter most in strategic competition, it has already surpassed the United States.

在整个20世纪，美国一直在生产与创新上领先德国、日本和苏联。但中国与这些国家不同。在战略竞争最重要的指标上，中国已经超越了美国。

Its economy, while slowing, is still nearly 30 percent larger than America’s when one accounts for purchasing power. China has twice the manufacturing capacity, producing vastly more cars, ships, steel and solar panels than the United States and more than 70 percent of the world’s batteries, electric vehicles and critical minerals. In science and technology, China produces more active patents and top-cited publications than the United States. And militarily, it has the world’s largest naval fleet, a shipbuilding capacity estimated to be more than 230 times as great as America’s and is fast establishing itself as a leader in hypersonic weapons, drones and quantum communications.

中国经济虽然在放缓，但按照购买力平价计算，其规模仍比美国大近30%。中国的制造产能是美国的两倍，生产的汽车、船舶、钢铁和太阳能电池板远远超过美国，全世界70%以上的电池、电动汽车和关键矿物都是中国生产的。在科学技术领域，中国的有效专利和高被引论文数量均超过美国。在军事上，中国拥有世界上最大的海军舰队，造船能力估计是美国的230倍以上，并正在迅速确立自己在高超音速武器、无人机和量子通信领域的领先地位。

China has its problems, such as a shrinking and aging population, excess industrial capacity, rickety state finances and high debt. But any serious U.S. strategy toward China must reckon with the Cold War aphorism “Quantity has a quality all its own.”

中国有自己的问题，比如人口萎缩和老龄化、工业产能过剩、政府财政不稳定和债务高企。但任何严肃的美国对华战略都必须考虑到那句冷战格言——“数量本身就是一种质量。”

The rise and fall of great powers has often turned on scale — the size, resources and capacity that make a nation formidable. Once countries reach similar levels of economic productivity, those with larger populations and continental size eventually surge ahead. Britain’s first-mover advantage in the Industrial Revolution gave way once larger countries like the United States and Russia caught up. In the 20th century, America awed its enemies: Hitler called it a “giant state with unimaginable productive capacities,” and Adm. Isoroku Yamamoto, architect of the attack on Pearl Harbor, admitted he could run wild in the Pacific Ocean for only so long before American industry overwhelmed Japan.

大国的兴衰往往取决于规模——决定国家强盛的体量、资源和能力。一旦各国的经济生产率达到相似水平，人口更多、幅员更大的国家最终会领先。当美国和俄罗斯等大国迎头赶上时，英国在工业革命中的先发优势就消失了。在20世纪，美国让敌人敬畏：希特勒称美国是一个“拥有难以想象的生产能力的大国”，偷袭珍珠港的策划者、海军大将山本五十六曾承认，他只能在太平洋上放肆一时，不久后美国工业就将压倒日本。

Today, that sense of daunting scale describes China. America’s best hope for matching that lies in maximizing its own strength through alliances. That means no longer treating U.S. allies as dependents under our protection, but as partners in building power jointly by pooling markets, technology, military capability and industrial capacity. Investments in American renewal are necessary, but insufficient by themselves.

如今，这种令人生畏的规模属于中国。而美国最大的希望在于通过联盟最大化自身实力。这意味着不再将美国的盟友视为我们保护下的依附者，而是作为合作伙伴，通过共享市场、技术、军事能力和工业能力，共同建设力量。对美国复兴的投资是必要的，但仅靠投资本身是不够的。

Alone, the United States will be smaller compared with China by many important metrics. But together with economies such as Europe, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India, Canada, Mexico, Taiwan and others, there is no competition. This coalition would be more than twice China’s G.D.P. when adjusted for purchasing power, more than double its military spending, the top trading partner of most countries in the world, and would represent half of global manufacturing to China’s one-third. It would possess deeper talent pools, create more patents and top-cited research, and wield a degree of market power that could deter Chinese coercion. Allied scale would win the future.

单独来看，美国在许多重要指标上都比不上中国。但加上欧洲、日本、韩国、澳大利亚、印度、加拿大、墨西哥、台湾和其他经济体，中国就远不能匹敌。经过购买力平价调整后，这个联盟的GDP将是中国的两倍以上，军费开支是中国的两倍以上，是世界上大多数国家的最大贸易伙伴，占全球制造业的一半，而中国只占三分之一。这个联盟将拥有更深厚的人才库，创造更多的专利和高被引研究，并拥有一定程度的市场力量，可以阻止中国的胁迫。联盟的规模将赢得未来。

在各项关键指标上，美国需要盟友和伙伴才能超越中国。数据来源：世界银行、联合国工业发展组织、国民经济核算、斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所、Scimago期刊与国家排名、世界知识产权组织、《自然》杂志 • 注：盟友与合作伙伴包括澳大利亚、加拿大、印度、日本、韩国、墨西哥、新西兰、欧盟、英国及台湾地区。购买力平价调整后的数据考虑了当地价格差异，使各国军费支出具有可比性。军事支出按GDP占比进行购买力平价调整。中国军事支出数据源自弗雷沃等人2024年研究。所有数据反映2024年数值，数字经过取整。

The aim is not to contain China — an impossible goal — but to balance it. Only through partnerships can we protect our shared industrial bases, technological edge and the ability to deter China.

这样做目的不是遏制中国——这个目标根本不可能实现——而是平衡中国。只有通过伙伴关系，我们才能保护我们共同的工业基础、技术优势和威慑中国的能力。

The Biden administration favored persuasion in winning over other countries. It helped create the Trade and Technology Council with Europe; elevated the so-called Quad grouping that combines the United States, India, Japan and Australia to balance China’s growing influence; reached a nuclear submarine deal with Australia and Britain; and struck new export control and trade arrangements.

拜登政府倾向于通过说服赢得他国支持。它帮助建立了美欧贸易和技术委员会；提升了由美印日澳组成的所谓四方集团的地位，以平衡中国日益增长的影响力；与澳大利亚和英国达成核潜艇协议；并达成了新的出口管制和贸易安排。

Mr. Trump is not entirely allergic to this approach. In his first term, he pursued initiatives such as the Abraham Accords in the Middle East, signed the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement, and it was he who initially revived a previously dormant Quad. But he was often more comfortable with bilateral coercion, which alienated allies.

特朗普并非完全排斥这种做法。在第一个任期内，他推行了中东地区的《亚伯拉罕协定》等倡议，签署了美墨加贸易协定，也是他率先恢复了此前处于休眠状态的四方会谈。但他通常更倾向于双边胁迫手段，这会导致疏远盟友。

This is true once again. Mr. Trump’s hardball tactics target the very economies that the United States should be pulling closer. Even his handshake trade deals with Japan, South Korea and Europe focus narrowly on reducing bilateral trade deficits, raising tariff revenue and securing vague investment pledges rather than balancing China. U.S. allies have publicly likened his approach to a “landlord seeking rent.” America’s global popularity has plummeted, even falling behind China’s in many countries.

这种情况再次发生了。特朗普的强硬策略瞄准的正是美国本应该拉近距离的经济体。就连他与日本、韩国和欧洲的象征性贸易协议也只局限于减少双边贸易逆差、提高关税收入和获得模糊的投资承诺，而不是制衡中国。美国的盟友公开把他的做法比作“房东寻租”。美国在全球的受欢迎程度直线下降，甚至在许多国家落后于中国。

A Trumpian path to achieving allied scale, if it exists, is likely to lean on more coercion. That might generate short-term concessions from desperate partners, but it would deplete trust over the long term. Mr. Trump is not wrong to seek more from allies. But he is squandering America’s precious leverage on the wrong objectives. Instead of settling for vague pledges from trade partners, he should push them for significant and specific long-term investment in sectors that will spark American reindustrialization. Instead of focusing on trivial disputes — like trying to sell more American rice to Japan — he should press them to commit to building a multilateral tariff and regulatory wall that protects the industrial bases of the countries behind it from being hollowed out by China’s mercantilism.

如果真的存在特朗普式实现同盟规模的道路，很可能依赖于更多的胁迫。这或许能迫使迫切的合作伙伴在短期内做出让步，但从长期来看，这种做法将耗尽信任。特朗普寻求从盟友那里得到更多，这并没有错。但他把美国宝贵的影响力浪费在了错误的目标上。与其满足于贸易伙伴含糊的承诺，他更应该推动他们，在能够激发美国再工业化的领域进行重大而具体的长期投资。与其把注意力放在琐碎的争端上——比如试图向日本出售更多的美国大米——他应该敦促贸易伙伴致力于建立一个多边关税和监管壁垒，保护壁垒背后国家的工业基础不被中国的重商主义掏空。

The destination is visible. If Japan and South Korea follow through on pledges to help build American ships, Taiwan builds more semiconductor plants in America and the United States sells some of its best military technology to allies — all under better trade terms than each of them offers to China — this would be consistent with Mr. Trump’s preferences and serve as templates for future deals. These two-way flows of capacity could garner bipartisan support and buy-in from our international partners. It is a path to allied scale that might work.

目标已经很清晰了。如果日本和韩国兑现帮助建造美国船只的承诺，台湾在美国建造更多的半导体工厂，美国向盟友出售一些顶尖军事技术——且所有交易条款均优于各国给中国的条件——这既符合特朗普的偏好，又能成为未来交易的模板。这种双向能力流动可以获得两党的支持和我们国际伙伴的认可。这条通向同盟规模化的道路或许是可行的。

What won’t work is punishing our friends while courting Beijing. Offering China tariff relief or access to U.S. semiconductors in exchange for hazy promises to buy American goods would offer fleeting benefits but permanent damage to America’s position. It could alienate potential partners and lead them to embrace China, as India appears to be doing.

在讨好北京的同时惩罚我们的朋友是行不通的。对中国减免关税或允许其购买美国半导体，以换取购买美国商品的模糊承诺，这样做能够带来短暂的好处，却会对美国地位造成永久性损害。这可能会疏远潜在的合作伙伴，导致他们投向中国怀抱，就像印度当前似乎正在做的那样。

America’s singular advantage in the global power landscape is its allies and partners. Many of these, fearing abandonment, are prepared to accommodate Mr. Trump in ways few would have expected. Under U.S. pressure, South Korea has offered major investments in shipbuilding, Vietnam announced it would drop all tariffs on U.S. goods, and Europe is increasing military spending. Countries like these are willing to do more than those that Mr. Trump chases after, like Russia and China, ever would.

美国在全球权力格局中的独特优势是它的盟友和伙伴。其中许多国家担心被抛弃，正以超乎预期的方式迎合特朗普。在美国的压力下，韩国承诺对造船业进行重大投资，越南宣布将取消对美国商品的所有关税，欧洲正在增加军事开支。这些国家的配合程度，远远超过特朗普所讨好的俄罗斯和中国等国家。

It’s not too late for Washington to build allied scale, even through Mr. Trump’s coercive style. But unless the president redirects his leverage toward the goal of balancing China’s overwhelming capacity, he will leave America smaller and more isolated.

对华盛顿来说，形成同盟规模还为时不晚，即使是通过特朗普的胁迫方式。但是，除非总统将他的影响力转向制衡中国的压倒性实力这一目标，他将让美国变得更弱小，更孤立。

The next century, then, will be China’s to lose.

这样一来，下个世纪就属于中国了，除非他们自己搞砸。

Since the beginning of the industrial age, the global economy has required more and more fossil fuels — coal, oil and gas — to power growth.

自工业时代开始以来，全球经济一直需要越来越多的化石燃料——煤、石油和天然气——来推动经济增长。

It is increasingly clear, however, that China’s aggressive efforts to sell batteries, solar panels and wind turbines to the world is on course to bring that era to an end, a new report says. The Chinese dominance of clean-energy industries is “creating the conditions for a decline in fossil fuel use,” according to a report by Ember, a research group focused on the prospects for clean-energy technologies.

然而，一份新报告指出，中国大力向全球销售电池、太阳能电池板和风力涡轮机的努力正在终结这样的时代，这个趋势越来越明显。专注清洁能源技术前景的研究机构Ember的一份报告称，中国在清洁能源行业的主导地位正在“为减少化石燃料的使用创造条件”。

The report includes a sprawling set of data to support its claim.

报告引用了大量数据来支撑这一结论。

The scale of Chinese production since 2010 has driven the price of these technologies down by 60 to 90 percent, the researchers found. And last year, more than 90 percent of wind and solar projects commissioned worldwide produced power more cheaply than the cheapest available fossil-fuel alternative, they said. That cost advantage might have seemed laughable before China began pumping billions of dollars of subsidies into the sector.

研究人员发现，自2010年以来，中国的生产规模使这些技术的价格下降了60%至90%。他们指出，去年全球新投产的风能和太阳能项目中，超过90%的发电成本低于最廉价的化石燃料替代方案。在中国开始向该行业注入数十亿美元补贴之前，这种成本优势看起来可能无法想象。

“China is the engine,” said Richard Black, the report’s editor. “And it is changing the energy landscape not just domestically but in countries across the world.”

“中国是推动引擎，”该报告的编辑理查德·布莱克说。“它正在改变的不仅是国内的能源格局，还有世界各国的能源格局。”

If Beijing is trying to wrest the future of energy from anyone, it would be the United States, the world’s biggest oil and gas producer and exporter. The Trump administration has eliminated almost all federal support for renewable energies and has pressured countries to purchase American fossil fuels as part of trade deals.

如果说北京正试图从谁的手中夺取能源领域的未来主导地位，那就是美国——世界上最大的石油和天然气生产国和出口国。特朗普政府几乎取消了所有联邦政府对可再生能源的支持，并逼迫各国购买美国的化石燃料，将其作为贸易协议的一部分。

The falling cost of renewable energy, though, means that many countries, particularly poorer ones, have a strong incentive to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels.

然而，可再生能源成本的持续下降意味着，许多国家——特别是较贫穷的国家——有强烈的动机减少对化石燃料的依赖。

According to Ember’s report, the falling costs of energy produced by Chinese-made wind and solar installations have allowed countries like Mexico, Bangladesh and Malaysia to race past the United States in recent years in terms of using renewably produced electricity (rather than fossil fuels) in everyday activities like heating and cooling buildings or powering vehicles.

根据Ember的报告，中国制造的风能和太阳能设备带来的能源成本不断下降，使得墨西哥、孟加拉国和马来西亚等国近年来在使用可再生能源（而非化石燃料）发电进行日常活动方面超过了美国，比如建筑物的供暖制冷或交通动力。

Across Africa, solar panel imports from China rose 60 percent in the last 12 months, and 20 African countries imported a record amount over that period, Ember said in a separate study recently.

Ember在近期的另一项研究中称，在过去12个月里，整个非洲从中国进口的太阳能电池板增加了60%，20个非洲国家在此期间的进口量创历史新高。

American companies, who do not make solar panels or wind turbines at anywhere near the scale of Chinese ones, are at a major disadvantage. Chinese companies now supply 80 percent of solar panels and 60 percent of wind turbines worldwide, Ember said.

美国企业在太阳能电池板和风力发电机生产规模上远逊于中国，处于明显劣势。Ember指出，中国企业现在供应全球80%的太阳能电池板和60%的风力涡轮机。

China has pushed for dominance in renewable energy partly for economic reasons and also to protect its national security by limiting its reliance on oil imports. But the implications for the planet’s health could scarcely be greater. Scientific consensus has long been that a sharp decline in fossil fuel use is the surest way to lessen the pace of climate change.

中国力图主导可再生能源领域，一方面是出于经济原因，另一方面也是通过减少对石油进口的依赖来保护国家安全。但这对地球健康的积极影响却大到不可估量。长期以来，科学界一致认为，大幅减少化石燃料的使用是减缓气候变化速度的最可靠方法。

“For too long, emerging economies have faced what seemed like a stark trade-off between growth and sustainability,” said Suwit Khunkitti, Thailand’s former deputy prime minister. The Ember report “challenges that assumption,” he said.

泰国前副总理素威·坤吉提表示：“长期以来，新兴经济体似乎一直面临着增长与可持续性之间的两难选择。”他说，Ember的报告“挑战了这种假设”。

To be sure, some countries would not be keen to rely so heavily on Chinese technology for geopolitical reasons. And few developing countries have the spending capacity to install the kinds of energy transmission and storage capacity that has allowed China to transform its own domestic energy grid so quickly.

诚然，出于地缘政治原因，部份国家未必愿意过度依赖中国的技术。而且，几乎没有多少发展中国家具备足够财力来建设像中国那样的能源传输和储存设施，正是此类基础设施让中国得以快速完成国内电网转型。

When the world’s fossil fuel use will peak also comes down to the pace of that change in China itself.

世界化石燃料的使用何时达峰也取决于中国自身的转型速度。

China still burns more coal than the rest of the world combined and emits more climate pollution than the United States and Europe together. The country has not yet seen a decline in coal usage overall, though its total greenhouse gas emissions have reached what looks like a plateau.

中国目前的煤炭消耗量仍然超过世界其他地区总和，排放的气候污染物也比美国和欧洲加起来还要多。该国的温室气体排放总量似乎已经达到了平台期，但煤炭使用量还没有实现下降。

But last year, China met 84 percent of its electricity demand growth with solar and wind power, according to the report. That meant it was able to cut fossil fuel use by 2 percent, despite a growing demand for power.

不过，根据该报告，去年中国利用风能和电能满足了84%的电力需求增长。这意味着，尽管对电力的需求不断增长，但它仍然将化石燃料的使用量减少了2%。

Mr. Black said that decline in fossil fuel use was largely due to burning less coal to produce electricity. He pointed to a number of recent policy directives that have reallocated subsidies and production incentives away from coal and toward solar and wind.

布莱克说，化石燃料使用量的下降主要是由于燃煤发电减少了。他指出，近期出台的一系列政策已将补贴和生产激励从煤炭转向太阳能和风能。

China is still building dozens of new coal-burning power plants, he said, but instead of running constantly like many existing ones, they might be at full capacity only during peaks in energy demand. Meanwhile, the contribution of wind and solar to the grid was quickly growing, he said.

他同时表示，中国仍在建造数十座新的燃煤电厂，但它们不会像许多现有电厂那样持续运转，可能只在能源需求高峰期满负荷运行。他说，与此同时，风能和太阳能对电网的贡献正在迅速增长。

“Coal is increasingly acting like training wheels,” said Yuan Jiahai, a professor at North China Electric Power University. “It provides balance and backup while the clean electricity system gains strength and confidence.”

“煤炭越来越像辅助轮了，”华北电力大学教授袁家海说。“在清洁电力系统增强实力和信心的同时，它提供平衡和后备保障。”

China’s economy as a whole is increasingly reliant on the clean energy sector.

中国整体经济对清洁能源行业的依赖程度日益加深。

Investment and production in clean energy last year contributed nearly $2 trillion to China’s economy, a figure which the report said was around one-tenth of the country’s economy as a whole, or comparable to Australia’s entire economy. The clean energy sector grew at a rate three times that of China’s economy overall, according to the report.

该报告称，去年清洁能源领域的投资与产出为中国经济贡献近2万亿美元，约占中国整体经济的十分之一，相当于澳大利亚的整个经济总量。报告指出，清洁能源产业增速是整体中国经济的三倍。

China has racked up a $60 billion trade surplus with Africa so far in 2025, nearly surpassing last year’s total, as Chinese companies redirect trade to the region while President Trump’s tariffs crimp the flow of goods into the United States.

随着特朗普总统的关税阻碍商品流入美国，中国企业将贸易转向非洲，到目前为止，中国在2025年对非洲的贸易顺差已经达到600亿美元，几乎超过了去年的总额。

Through August, China exported $141 billion worth of goods and services to Africa, while importing $81 billion, according to data released by the Chinese government on Monday. The widening trade imbalance with Africa stems from surging exports of Chinese-made batteries, solar panels, electric vehicles and industrial equipment.

根据中国政府周一公布的数据，截至8月，中国向非洲出口了价值1410亿美元的商品和服务，同时进口了810亿美元。中国对非贸易不平衡的扩大源于中国制造的电池、太阳能电池板、电动汽车和工业设备出口激增。

The swell in exports to Africa, along with record volumes of goods sold to Southeast Asia and Latin America, underscores the resilience of Chinese manufacturers in finding new markets for the products their factories continue to churn out in enormous quantities.

对非洲出口激增、对东南亚和拉丁美洲出口创纪录，这都凸显出中国制造商在为其工厂持续大量生产的产品寻找新市场方面的韧性。

China has long been the biggest trading partner for the region. But the flow of Chinese-made goods has never been more important as the trade war with the United States rages on and the growth of China’s domestic economy slows. In August, China’s exports to the United States plunged 33 percent while those to Africa grew 26 percent.

中国长期以来一直是非洲最大的贸易伙伴。但随着与美国的贸易战愈演愈烈，以及中国国内经济增长放缓，中国制造商品的流动从未像现在这样重要。今年8月，中国对美国的出口下降了33%，而对非洲的出口增长了26%。

The boom in trade to Africa is apparent on the streets of Kampala, Uganda’s capital city.

在乌干达首都坎帕拉的街道上，中国对非洲贸易的蓬勃态势显而易见。

坎帕拉的太阳能电池板。它们铺满了城市店面，反映出人们对经济实惠的能源解决方案的需求日益增长。

In a bustling neighborhood full of electronics shops, most of the solar panels crowding the interior of nearly every storefront had one thing in common. They were made in China.

在一个电子产品商店林立的繁华社区，几乎每家店面里的堆着的太阳能电池板大都有一个共同点。它们都是中国制造的。

One shop owner, Mwiine Joseph, said Chinese solar panels had edged out rival offerings from Europe and India over the last decade. He estimated that nearly 99 percent of the solar brands on offer were made in China. At the end of the day, the products from China could not be beaten on price.

店主姆维内·约瑟夫表示，过去10年，中国的太阳能电池板已经逐步挤掉了来自欧洲和印度的竞品。他估计，市场上近99%的太阳能品牌是中国制造的。归根结底，中国产品在价格方面无可匹敌。

“I only look for cheap solar to sell if I am to compete with others in the market,” said Mr. Mwiine, 38. “This is what the Chinese are giving us.”

“要在市场上和其他人竞争，我只能寻找廉价的太阳能产品来出售，”38岁的姆维内说。“这就是中国人提供给我们的。”

It was not just the solar panels. Nearly everything in the small and crowded electronics shop, from lightbulbs to generators, was also made in China.

不仅仅是太阳能电池板。在这家小而拥挤的电子商店里，从灯泡到发电机，几乎所有的东西都是中国制造的。

For more than a decade, China has invested heavily in building infrastructure throughout the continent as part of its Belt and Road Initiative. The projects have deepened Beijing’s influence across Africa, creating business opportunities for Chinese companies and providing access to valuable raw materials.

十多年来，作为“一带一路”倡议的一部分，中国在整个非洲大陆投入巨资建设基础设施。这些项目加深了中国在非洲的影响力，为中国企业创造了商机，并且令它们有了获得宝贵原材料的途径。

This year, the Trump administration has gutted foreign aid to Africa, leaving a host of health and development initiatives in limbo. It also targeted many African countries with tariffs, including a 30 percent duty on goods from South Africa.

今年，特朗普政府削减了对非洲的援助，使许多卫生和发展计划陷入僵局。它还对许多非洲国家征收关税，其中南非商品面临30%的关税。

去年在北京举行的肯尼亚与中国关于“一带一路”合作会议。

Mr. Trump initially threatened a 50 percent tariff on imports from Lesotho, forcing the textile-dependent country to declare a national state of disaster. The rate was reduced to 15 percent, which is still expected to hurt Lesotho. It was among nearly two dozen African countries that had sent certain products to the United States without any import taxes under a law passed by Congress in 2000.

特朗普最初威胁要对从莱索托进口的商品征收50%的关税，迫使这个依赖纺织品的国家宣布全国进入灾难状态。后来这一税率降至15%，预计仍会对莱索托造成伤害。根据美国国会2000年通过的一项法律，有近20个非洲国家向美国出口特定产品可享受零关税待遇，其中包括莱索托。

As the United States pulls back from Africa, China is presenting itself as an economic counterbalance. In June, Beijing said it would waive nearly all tariffs for 53 African countries. China was sending a message: It was committed to nurturing a fruitful, mutually beneficial relationship with Africa.

随着美国从非洲撤出，中国正以经济平衡力量的姿态出现。今年6月，北京表示将免除53个非洲国家的几乎所有关税。中国在传递这样一个信息：中国致力于与非洲发展富有成果的互利关系。

Xinhua, China’s main state-run news agency, claimed in an editorial in January that China had created more than one million jobs in Africa in the last three years, while helping the region build roads, railways, bridges and ports over the previous quarter-century.

中国主要的官方通讯社新华社在1月的一篇社论中称，过去三年中，中国在非洲创造了超过100万个就业岗位，过去25年里也一直帮助该地区修建公路、铁路、桥梁和港口。

What Beijing portrays as a marriage of convenience is most apparent in the solar energy sector. Although China dominates all aspects of the industry, Chinese solar companies are struggling to survive, plagued by cutthroat competition and overproduction that has driven down prices and eroded profitability. However, plummeting prices have spurred a solar energy boom in Africa, where there is a desperate need for energy.

北京所描绘的“权宜联姻”在太阳能领域最为明显。尽管中国在太阳能行业的各个方面都占据主导地位，但残酷竞争和产能过剩压低了价格，侵蚀了盈利空间，中国太阳能企业仍在苦苦挣扎。然而，急剧下降的价格刺激了非洲的太阳能热潮，当地对能源的需求极为迫切。

乌干达首家手机工厂由中国企业建造，凸显出中国在非洲的长期存在。

As a result, solar is “taking off” in Africa, according to Ember, an energy tracking group. Solar panel imports from China rose 60 percent in the last 12 months, and 20 African countries imported a record amount over that period, Ember said.

因此，根据能源跟踪组织Ember的说法，太阳能在非洲正在“起飞”。该机构称，过去12个月，从中国进口的太阳能电池板增加了60%，20个非洲国家在此期间的进口量创历史新高。

In Uganda, many Chinese solar manufacturers have established distribution offices in Kampala, allowing retailers to obtain products quickly and avoid the hassle of importing them from China.

在乌干达，许多中国太阳能制造商在坎帕拉设立了分销办事处，使零售商能够迅速获得产品，避免了从中国进口产品的繁琐过程。

Walter Cuccu, managing director of W. Water Works, a water and solar energy installation company, said Chinese solar companies were prevalent in Uganda and were setting up branches across the continent. He said more than eight Chinese companies had distribution centers in the city.

供水和太阳能安装公司W. Water Works的董事总经理沃尔特·库库表示，中国太阳能企业在乌干达非常普遍，它们正在非洲大陆各地设立分支机构。他说，超过八家中国公司在坎帕拉设有分销中心。

He said the companies were competing aggressively with one another, driving down prices. He estimated that solar panel prices had fallen 40 percent over the last 12 months.

他说，这些公司相互间竞争激烈，压低了价格。他估计，太阳能电池板的价格在过去12个月里下降了40%。

Mr. Cuccu said European competitors were not investing in the sector in Africa like the Chinese firms.

库库说，欧洲竞争对手并未像中国公司那样在非洲投资该行业。

“They will discover when it’s too late that the Chinese have already taken over,” he said.

他说：“等他们发现的时候已经晚了，那时候中国企业早已经占据主导地位。”

肯尼亚标准轨距铁路由中国路桥工程有限责任公司于2023年承建，并获得了北京的资金支持。

It’s not just clean energy. The surge in Chinese exports to meet Africa’s industrial needs is staggering. In the first five months of the year, steel shipments to Africa rose nearly 30 percent. Deliveries for Chinese agriculture, construction and shipbuilding machinery all rose more than 40 percent. In addition, electric motors and generator exports rose more than 50 percent, according to China’s most recent customs data.

不仅仅是清洁能源。为满足非洲工业需求而激增的中国出口数据令人震惊。今年前5个月，对非洲的钢铁出货量增长了近30%。中国的农业、建筑和造船机械的交付量都增长了40%以上。此外，根据中国最新的海关数据，电机和发电机出口增长了50%以上。

For consumer products, the gains are equally eye-opening. Chinese exports of automobiles rose 67 percent in the first five months of 2025, including a doubling of shipments in May alone. China already dominates other key sectors: Four of Africa’s five biggest smartphone brands are Chinese, with Huawei and Xiaomi tallying the biggest market share gains this year.

在消费产品方面，增长同样令人瞩目。中国汽车出口在2025年的前五个月增长了67%，其中仅5月的出货量就翻了一番。中国已经在其他关键领域占据主导地位：非洲五大智能手机品牌中有四个是中国品牌，其中华为和小米今年的市场份额增幅最大。

For years, African leaders have expressed concern about what they perceive as a lopsided relationship with Beijing, with China devouring Africa’s natural resources while flooding the market with its manufactured goods.

多年来，非洲领导人一直对他们所认为的与北京的不平衡关系表示担忧，他们担心中国吞噬非洲的自然资源，同时用大量制成品淹没非洲市场。

The deluge of Chinese exports puts African countries in a hard spot, threatening to undermine their efforts to develop high-value industries of their own. Yet policymakers feel they must stay in China’s favor, said David Omojomolo, Africa economist for Capital Economics.

中国出口商品的大量涌入有可能破坏非洲国家发展本国高价值产业的努力，使它们陷入一个为难的境地。然而，凯投宏观非洲经济学家戴维·奥莫乔莫洛说，政策制定者们认为他们必须维持与中国的良好关系。

“China is really the only game in town,” he said.

“中国确实是唯一的选择，”他说。

A group of Navy SEALs emerged from the ink-black ocean on a winter night in early 2019 and crept to a rocky shore in North Korea. They were on a top secret mission so complex and consequential that everything had to go exactly right.

2019年初的一个冬夜，一组海豹突击队员从漆黑如墨的海水中浮出，悄悄爬上了朝鲜的一处多石的海滩。他们正在执行一项极其复杂且意义重大的绝密任务，每一个环节都必须精确无误。

The objective was to plant an electronic device that would let the United States intercept the communications of North Korea’s reclusive leader, Kim Jong-un, amid high-level nuclear talks with President Trump.

他们的目标是安装一个电子装置，使美国能够在特朗普总统进行高级别核谈判期间截获行迹隐秘的朝鲜领导人金正恩的通讯。

The mission had the potential to provide the United States with a stream of valuable intelligence. But it meant putting American commandos on North Korean soil — a move that, if detected, not only could sink negotiations but also could lead to a hostage crisis or an escalating conflict with a nuclear-armed foe.

这项任务有可能为美国提供一系列的宝贵情报。但这也意味着必须让美军特种兵踏上朝鲜领土——行动一旦被发现，不仅可能导致谈判破裂，还可能引发人质危机，甚至与这个拥有核武器的敌国冲突升级。

It was so risky that it required the president’s direct approval.

这项行动风险极高，以至于需要得到总统的直接批准。

For the operation, the military chose SEAL Team 6’s Red Squadron — the same unit that killed Osama bin Laden. The SEALs rehearsed for months, aware that every move needed to be perfect. But when they reached what they thought was a deserted shore that night, wearing black wet suits and night-vision goggles, the mission swiftly unraveled.

为执行这次行动，军方选中了海豹突击队第六分队下属的“红色中队”——击毙本·拉登的就是这支部队。队员们深知每一个动作都必须完美无误，因此训练了数月之久。然而，当那个夜晚他们身穿黑色潜水服、佩戴夜视仪，抵达一处以为荒无人烟的海岸时，任务却迅速失控了。

A North Korean boat appeared out of the dark. Flashlights from the bow swept over the water. Fearing that they had been spotted, the SEALs opened fire. Within seconds, everyone on the North Korean boat was dead.

一艘朝鲜船只突然从黑暗中出现，船头的手电筒光束在水面上来回扫动。海豹突击队员担心自己已经暴露，立即开火。几秒钟内，朝鲜船上的所有人都被击毙。

The SEALs retreated into the sea without planting the listening device.

海豹突击队未能安装窃听装置便撤回海中。

The 2019 operation has never been publicly acknowledged, or even hinted at, by the United States or North Korea. The details remain classified and are being reported here for the first time. The Trump administration did not notify key members of Congress who oversee intelligence operations, before or after the mission. The lack of notification may have violated the law.

美国和朝鲜从未公开承认2019年的这次行动，甚至从未暗示过其发生。具体细节至今仍属机密，本文是首次披露。特朗普政府在行动前后都没有通知国会中负责监督情报事务的关键成员。这种未通报行为可能已经违反了法律。

The White House declined to comment.

白宫拒绝了记者的置评请求。

This account is based on interviews with two dozen people, including civilian government officials, members of the first Trump administration and current and former military personnel with knowledge of the mission. All of them spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the mission’s classified status.

这篇报道基于对24人的采访，其中包括政府文职官员、第一届特朗普政府成员，以及知情的现役和退役军人。由于该任务属于机密，他们均以匿名方式接受采访。

Several of those people said they were discussing details about the mission because they were concerned that Special Operations failures are often hidden by government secrecy. If the public and policymakers become aware only of high-profile successes, such as the raid that killed bin Laden in Pakistan, they may underestimate the extreme risks that American forces undertake.

其中几位受访者表示，他们之所以谈论这次任务的细节，是因为担心特种作战的失败常被政府保密掩盖。如果公众和决策者只了解像击毙本·拉登这样引人注目的成功行动，可能会低估美国军队所承担的极端风险。

The military operation on North Korean soil, close to American military bases in South Korea and the Pacific region, also risked setting off a broader conflict with a hostile, nuclear-armed and highly militarized adversary.

该军事行动发生在朝鲜境内，地点靠近美国在韩国和太平洋地区的军事基地，也存在与这个敌对、拥有核武器且高度军事化的对手爆发更大规模冲突的风险。

The New York Times proceeds cautiously when reporting on classified military operations. The Times has withheld some sensitive information on the North Korea mission that could affect future Special Operations and intelligence-gathering missions.

《纽约时报》在报道机密军事行动时采取谨慎态度。针对这次朝鲜任务，时报隐去了部分敏感信息，以免影响未来的特种作战和情报收集行动。

It is unclear how much North Korea was able to discover about the mission. But the SEAL operation is one chapter in a decades-long effort by U.S. administrations to engage North Korea and constrain its nuclear weapons programs. Almost nothing the United States has tried — neither promises of closer relations nor the pressure of sanctions — has worked.

目前尚不清楚朝鲜究竟掌握了多少关于此次行动的情报。但这次海豹突击队的行动只是美国政府数十年来努力接触朝鲜、限制其核武计划的一个片段。无论是承诺改善关系，还是施加制裁压力，美国的几乎所有尝试都未能奏效。

In 2019, Mr. Trump was making a personalized overture to Mr. Kim, in search of a breakthrough that had eluded prior presidents. But those talks collapsed, and North Korea’s nuclear program accelerated. The U.S. government estimates that North Korea now has roughly 50 nuclear weapons and missiles that can reach the West Coast. Mr. Kim has pledged to keep expanding his nuclear program “exponentially” to deter what he calls U.S. provocations.

2019年，特朗普总统向金正恩展开了个人层面的接触，试图取得此前历任总统未能实现的外交突破。但谈判最终破裂，朝鲜的核计划加速推进。美国政府估计，朝鲜目前拥有大约50枚核武器和能够打击美国西海岸的导弹。金正恩誓言将“迅猛扩张”他的核计划，以威慑他所称的美国挑衅行为。

Blind Spots

盲点

The SEAL mission was intended to fix a strategic blind spot. For years, U.S. intelligence agencies had found it nearly impossible to recruit human sources and tap communications in North Korea’s insular authoritarian state.

海豹突击队的这次任务旨在弥补一个战略盲点。多年来，美国情报机构几乎无法在朝鲜这个封闭的威权国家中招募线人或监听通讯。

Gaining insight into Mr. Kim’s thinking became a high priority when Mr. Trump first took office. The North Korean leader seemed increasingly unpredictable and dangerous, and his relationship with Mr. Trump had lurched erratically between letters of friendship and public threats of nuclear war.

特朗普刚上任时，深入了解金正恩的想法成为一项高度优先的任务。因为这位朝鲜领导人看起来越来越难以预测、充满危险，而他与特朗普的关系也极其反复无常——时而是互通友好的信件，时而是公开的核战争威胁。

In 2018, relations seemed to be moving toward peace. North Korea suspended nuclear and missile tests, and the two countries opened negotiations, but the United States still had little insight into Mr. Kim’s intentions.

2018年，朝美关系似乎正朝着和平方向发展。朝鲜暂停了核试验和导弹试射，双方开启了谈判，但美国对金正恩的真实意图仍所知甚少。

Amid the uncertainty, U.S. intelligence agencies revealed to the White House that they had a fix for the intelligence problem: a newly developed electronic device that could intercept Mr. Kim’s communications.

在这种不确定性之下，美国情报机构向白宫透露，他们找到了应对情报难题的办法：一种新研发的电子装置，可以截获金正恩的通讯。

The catch was that someone had to sneak in and plant it.

问题在于，必须有人潜入朝鲜并安装该装置。

2019年2月，特朗普与金正恩在越南河内的梅特罗波酒店会面。

The job was given to SEAL Team 6 in 2018, military officials said.

据军方官员透露，这项任务于2018年被交予海豹突击队第六分队。

Even for Team 6, the mission would be extraordinarily difficult. SEALs who were more used to quick raids in places like Afghanistan and Iraq would have to survive for hours in frigid seas, slip past security forces on land, perform a precise technical installation and then get out undetected.

即便对第六分队来说，这项任务也异常艰难。那些习惯于在阿富汗和伊拉克执行快速突袭的海豹突击队员此次必须在冰冷刺骨的海水中坚持数小时，悄无声息地绕过陆地上的安全部队，完成一次精密的技术性安装，然后在不被发现的情况下安全撤离。

Getting out undetected was vital. In Mr. Trump’s first term, top leaders in the Pentagon believed that even a small military action against North Korea could provoke catastrophic retaliation from an adversary with roughly 8,000 artillery pieces and rocket launchers aimed at the approximately 28,000 American troops in South Korea, and nuclear-capable missiles that could reach the United States.

不被发现地撤离至关重要。在特朗普总统第一任期内，五角大楼的高级官员普遍认为，即使是针对朝鲜的一次小规模军事行动也可能引发灾难性的报复。因为这个对手拥有大约8000门火炮和火箭发射器，瞄准着约28000名驻韩美军士兵，同时还具备可打到美国本土的核导弹能力。

But the SEALs believed they could pull off the mission because they had done something like it before.

但海豹突击队相信他们能够完成这项任务，因为他们有过类似的行动。

In 2005, SEALs used a mini-sub to go ashore in North Korea and leave unnoticed, according to people familiar with the mission. The 2005 operation, carried out during the presidency of George W. Bush, has never before been reported publicly.

据知情人士透露，2005年，海豹突击队曾使用一艘迷你潜艇秘密登陆朝鲜并悄悄撤离。那次行动发生在乔治·W·布什总统任期内，之前从未被公开报道过。

The SEALs were proposing to do it again. In the fall of 2018, while high-level talks with North Korea were underway, Joint Special Operations Command, which oversees Team 6, received approval from Mr. Trump to start preparing, military officials said. It is unclear whether Mr. Trump’s intent was to gain an immediate advantage during negotiations or if the focus was broader.

海豹突击队计划再次执行类似行动。军方官员表示，2018年秋季，在与朝鲜进行高级别会谈期间，负责监督第六分队的联合特种作战司令部获得了特朗普总统的批准，开始准备行动。目前尚不清楚特朗普的意图是为了在谈判中获得即时优势，还是出于更广泛的战略考虑。

Joint Special Operations Command declined to comment.

联合特种作战司令部拒绝置评。

The plan called for the Navy to sneak a nuclear-powered submarine, nearly two football fields long, into the waters off North Korea and then deploy a small team of SEALs in two mini-subs, each about the size of a killer whale, that would motor silently to the shore.

计划要求海军秘密派遣一艘长度接近两个橄榄球场（编注：约220米）的核动力潜艇，潜入朝鲜近海水域，然后派出一支小型海豹突击队，分乘两艘虎鲸大小的迷你潜艇，静静地驶向岸边。

The mini-subs were wet subs, which meant the SEALs would ride immersed in 40-degree ocean water for about two hours to reach the shore, using scuba gear and heated suits to survive.

这些迷你潜艇属于“湿式潜艇”，意味着海豹突击队员将浸泡在约4摄氏度的海水中，行驶约两小时才能抵达岸边，他们需要依靠潜水装备和加热服来维持生命。

一艘美国核动力导弹潜艇2021年在日本冲绳附近参加演习。2019年，一艘类似的潜艇曾将一支海豹突击队运送至朝鲜近海。

Near the beach, the mini-subs would release a group of about eight SEALs who would swim to the target, install the device and then slip back into the sea.

接近海滩时，迷你潜艇将放出大约八名海豹突击队员，他们游向目标地点，安装装置后再悄然潜回海中。

But the team faced a serious limitation: It would be going in almost blind.

但这支队伍面临一个严重的限制：他们几乎是在一无所知的情况下执行任务。

Typically, Special Operations forces have drones overhead during a mission, streaming high-definition video of the target, which SEALs on the ground and senior leaders in far-off command centers can use to direct the strike in real time. Often, they can even listen in on enemy communications.

通常，特种作战部队在执行任务时，头顶会有无人机实时传输目标的高清视频，地面的海豹突击队员和远在指挥中心的长官可以利用这些画面进行实时指挥。他们甚至常常能够监听敌方通讯。

But in North Korea, any drone would be spotted. The mission would have to rely on satellites in orbit and high-altitude spy planes in international airspace miles away that could provide only relatively low-definition still images, officials said.

但在朝鲜，任何无人机都会被发现。官员们表示，这次任务只能依靠轨道卫星和位于国际空域、数英里外的高空侦察机提供的相对低分辨率静态图像。

Those images would arrive not in real time, but after a delay of several minutes at best. Even then, they could not be relayed to the mini-subs because a single encrypted transmission might give the mission away. Everything had to be done under a near blackout of communications.

这些图像不会实时传输，最佳情况也会有几分钟的延迟。即便如此，也无法将图像传送给迷你潜艇，因为一次加密通信就可能暴露整个任务。所有行动必须在几乎完全断绝通讯的情况下完成。

If anything awaited the SEALs on shore, they might not know until it was too late.

如果岸上有任何风险等待着海豹突击队员，他们发觉的时候可能为时已晚。

The Operation Unravels

行动逐渐瓦解

SEAL Team 6 practiced for months in U.S. waters and continued preparations into the first weeks of 2019. That February, Mr. Trump announced that he would meet Mr. Kim for a nuclear summit in Vietnam at the end of the month.

海豹突击队第六分队在美国水域训练了数月，2019年初的几周也在持续进行准备工作。那年2月，特朗普宣布他将在月底于越南与金正恩举行核峰会。

For the mission, SEAL Team 6 partnered with the Navy’s premier underwater team, SEAL Delivery Vehicle Team 1, which had been doing mini-sub espionage for years. The SEALs boarded the nuclear-powered submarine and headed for North Korea. When the submarine was in the open ocean, and about to enter a communications blackout, Mr. Trump gave the final go-ahead.

为了执行这项任务，海豹突击队与海军顶尖的水下小组——长期从事迷你潜艇间谍行动的海豹运送艇第一分队合作。海豹突击队员登上了核动力潜艇，驶向朝鲜。当潜艇进入公海，即将进入通信中断状态时，特朗普总统给予了最终批准。

It is unclear what factors Mr. Trump weighed when approving the SEAL mission. Two of his top national security officials at that time — his national security adviser, John Bolton, and the acting defense secretary, Patrick M. Shanahan — declined to comment for this article.

特朗普批准海豹突击队任务时权衡了哪些因素，目前尚不清楚。当时他的两位高级国家安全官员——国家安全顾问约翰·博尔顿和代理国防部长帕特里克·M·沙纳汉——均拒绝为本篇报道置评。

The submarine neared the North Korean coast and launched two mini-subs, which motored to a spot about 100 yards from shore, in clear shallow water.

那艘潜艇接近朝鲜海岸后发射了两艘迷你潜艇，后者驶向了距海岸约90米的一处清澈的浅水区。

Mission planners had tried to compensate for having no live overhead video by spending months watching how people came and went in the area. They studied fishing patterns and chose a time when boat traffic would be scant. The intelligence suggested that if SEALs arrived silently in the right location in the dead of night in winter, they would be unlikely to encounter anyone.

任务策划人员为了弥补无法获得实时空中视频的不足，花费数月时间观察该地区人员流动情况。他们研究了捕鱼规律，并选择了船只稀少的时机。情报显示，如果海豹突击队在冬季的深夜悄无声息地抵达正确地点，遇到人的可能性极小。

2018年的朝鲜海岸，该区域常有小型渔船出没。

The night was still and the sea was calm. As the mini-subs glided toward the target, their sensors suggested that the intelligence was correct. The shore appeared to be empty.

夜色安宁，海面平静。当迷你潜艇缓缓驶向目标时，传感器显示情报是准确的，岸边似乎无人。

The mini-subs reached the spot where they were supposed to park on the sea floor. There, the team made what may have been the first of three small mistakes that seemed inconsequential at the time but may have doomed the mission.

迷你潜艇抵达了计划中停靠在海底的位置。就在这里，队伍可能犯下了三个小错误中的第一个——当时看似无关紧要，但却可能导致了任务的失败。

In the darkness, the first mini-sub settled on the sea floor as planned, but the second overshot the mark and had to do a U-turn, officials said.

官员们说，在黑暗中，第一艘迷你潜艇按计划在海底着陆，但第二艘潜艇偏离了目标，不得不掉头返回。

The plan called for the mini-subs to park facing the same way, but after the second sub doubled back, they were pointing in opposite directions. Time was limited, so the group decided to release the shore team and correct the parking issue later.

计划要求两艘迷你潜艇面朝同一方向停泊，但在第二艘潜艇调头后，它们的朝向是相反的。由于时间紧迫，行动小组决定放出登陆团队，稍后再纠正停泊问题。

Sliding doors on the subs opened, and the SEALs — all gripping untraceable weapons loaded with untraceable ammunition — swam silently underwater to shore with the listening device.

潜艇上的滑动门打开了，海豹突击队员们携带的弹药和武器都无法被追溯回源头，带着监听装置，悄然在水下游向岸边。

Every few yards, the SEALs peeked above the black water to scan their surroundings. Everything seemed clear.

队员们每隔几米就探出漆黑的水面，扫视一下周围的环境。似乎一切无恙。

That might have been a second mistake. Bobbing in the darkness was a small boat. On board was a crew of North Koreans who were easy to miss because the sensors in the SEALs’ night-vision goggles were designed in part to detect heat, and the wet suits the Koreans wore were chilled by the cold seawater.

这可能是第二个错误。一艘小船在黑暗中摇晃着。船上有一群朝鲜船员，他们极易被忽视，因为海豹突击队夜视镜上的传感器在一定程度上是为了探测热源而设计的，而朝鲜人穿的潜水衣被冰冷的海水浸得冰凉。

The SEALs reached shore thinking they were alone, and started to remove their diving gear. The target was only a few hundred yards away.

队员们上岸时以为无人察觉，于是开始脱下潜水装备。目标只有几百米远。

Back at the mini-subs, the pilots repositioned the sub that was facing the wrong way. With the sliding cockpit doors open for visibility and communication, a pilot revved the electric motor and brought the sub around.

在迷你潜艇那里，驾驶员重新定位了面朝错误方向的潜艇。为了方便观察和交流，驾驶舱的滑动门是开着的，一名驾驶员启动了电动马达，让潜艇调转方向。

That was probably a third mistake. Some SEALs speculated afterward in briefings that the motor’s wake might have caught the attention of the North Korean boat. And if the boat crew heard a splash and turned to look, they might have seen light from the subs’ open cockpits glowing in the dark water.

这可能是第三个错误。一些队员事后在简报中猜测，发动机的尾流可能引起了朝鲜船只的注意。如果艇上的船员听到水花声，转头查看，他们可能会看到潜艇敞开的驾驶舱在黑暗的水中透出的光。

The boat started moving toward the mini-subs. The North Koreans were shining flashlights and talking as if they had noticed something.

朝鲜船只开始向迷你潜艇移动。朝鲜人打着手电筒交谈，好像注意到了什么。

Some of the mini-sub pilots told officials in debriefings afterward that from their vantage point, looking up through the clear water, the boat still seemed to be a safe distance away and they had doubted that the mini-subs had been spotted. But the SEALs at the shore saw it differently. In the dark, featureless sea, the boat to them seemed to be practically on top of the mini-subs.

部分迷你潜艇驾驶员在事后的汇报中告诉官员，从他们的位置透过清澈的海水向上看，那艘船似乎仍然在安全距离之外，他们觉得迷你潜艇可能未被发现。但岸上的队员却有不同的看法。在一片漆黑、毫无参照的海面上，在他们看来，那艘船几乎就位于迷你潜艇的上方。

2007年训练演习中使用的一艘海军迷你潜艇，称为“海豹运送艇”。类似的潜艇也被用于2019年的那次任务。

With communications blacked out, there was no way for the shore team to confer with the mini-subs. Lights from the boat swept over the water. The SEALs didn’t know if they were seeing a security patrol on the hunt for them or a simple fishing crew oblivious to the high-stakes mission unfolding around them.

由于通讯中断，岸上小组无法与迷你潜艇沟通。船上的灯光扫过水面。海豹突击队不知道他们看到的是一支正在追捕他们的安全巡逻队，还是一群对周围展开的高风险任务一无所知的渔民。

A man from the North Korean boat splashed into the sea.

朝鲜船只上的一名男子跳入大海。

If the shore team got into trouble, the nuclear-powered sub had a group of SEAL reinforcements standing by with inflatable speedboats. Farther offshore, stealth rotary aircraft were positioned on U.S. Navy ships with even more Special Operations troops, ready to sweep in if needed.

如果岸上的队伍遇到麻烦，核动力潜艇上有海豹突击队的增援部队和充气快艇待命。在离岸更远的地方，美国海军舰艇搭载的隐形旋翼机载着更多特种部队待命，随时准备投入战斗。

The SEALs faced a critical decision, but there was no way to discuss the next move. The mission commander was miles away on the big submarine. With no drones and a communications blackout, many of the technological advantages that the SEALs normally relied on had been stripped away, leaving a handful of men in wet neoprene, unsure of what to do.

海豹突击队面临关键抉择，但是没有办法讨论下一步的行动。任务指挥官在几公里外的大潜艇上。由于没有无人机和通讯中断，海豹突击队通常依赖的许多技术优势荡然无存，仅剩几名身着湿透了的氯丁橡胶潜水服的队员，茫然不知该如何行动。

As the shore team watched the North Korean in the water, the senior enlisted SEAL at the shore chose a course of action. He wordlessly centered his rifle and fired. The other SEALs instinctively did the same.

当登陆团队注视着水中的朝鲜人时，他们中的那位高级士官做出了一个行动决定。他一言不发地瞄准目标开了火。其他队员本能地做了同样的事。

Compromise and Escape

暴露与撤离

If the SEALs were unsure whether the mission had been compromised before they fired, they had no doubt afterward. The plan required the SEALs to abort immediately if they encountered anyone. North Korean security forces could be coming. There was no time to plant the device.

如果说海豹突击队在开火前还不确定任务是否受到了威胁，那么开火后就不需要怀疑了。该计划要求海豹突击队在遇到任何人时立即中止行动。朝鲜安全部队可能要赶来了。已经没有时间布设装置。

The shore team swam to the boat to make sure that all of the North Koreans were dead. They found no guns or uniforms. Evidence suggested that the crew, which people briefed on the mission said numbered two or three people, had been civilians diving for shellfish. All were dead, including the man in the water.

岸上小组游到船上，以确保所有的朝鲜人都已死亡。他们没有找到枪和制服。据了解这次任务的人说，有证据表明，这些船员是潜水采集贝类的平民。所有人都死了，包括在水里的那个人。

Officials familiar with the mission said the SEALs pulled the bodies into the water to hide them from the North Korean authorities. One added that the SEALs punctured the boat crew’s lungs with knives to make sure their bodies would sink.

熟悉这次行动的官员说，队员们把尸体拖进水里，以躲避朝鲜当局。其中一名官员还说，他们用刀刺穿船员的肺部，以确保他们的尸体沉没。

The SEALs swam back to the mini-subs and sent a distress signal. Believing the SEALs were in imminent danger of capture, the big nuclear submarine maneuvered into shallow water close to the shore, taking a significant risk to pick them up. It then sped toward the open ocean.

队员们游回迷你潜艇，发出求救信号。大型核潜艇认为海豹突击队有被捕获的危险，于是冒着很大的风险驶入靠近海岸的浅水区，把他们接走，然后向公海疾驰而去。

All the U.S. military personnel escaped unharmed.

所有美国军事人员均安全撤离。

Immediately afterward, U.S. spy satellites detected a surge of North Korean military activity in the area, U.S. officials said. North Korea did not make any public statements about the deaths, and U.S. officials said it was unclear whether the North Koreans ever pieced together what had happened and who was responsible.

美国官员说，紧接着，美国间谍卫星发现朝鲜在该地区的军事活动激增。朝鲜没有就死亡事件发表任何公开声明，美国官员表示，目前还不清楚朝鲜人是否推断出了事情的原委，以及谁应该对此负责。

The nuclear summit in Vietnam went ahead as planned at the end of February 2019, but the talks quickly ended with no deal.

2019年2月底在越南举行的核峰会按计划进行，但会谈很快以没有达成协议告终。

By May, North Korea had resumed missile tests.

到5月，朝鲜恢复了导弹试验。

Mr. Trump and Mr. Kim met once more that June in the Demilitarized Zone between North and South Korea. It made for dramatic television, with Mr. Trump even stepping across into North Korea. But the brief meeting yielded little more than a handshake.

那年6月，特朗普和金正恩在朝鲜和韩国之间的非军事区再次会面，成就了戏剧性的电视画面，特朗普甚至走进了朝鲜境内。但这次简短的会面除了一次握手之外没有产生什么成果。

In the months that followed, North Korea fired more missiles than in any previous year, including some capable of reaching the United States. Since then, the United States estimates, North Korea has amassed 50 nuclear warheads and material to produce about 40 more.

在接下来的几个月里，朝鲜发射的导弹比以往任何一年都多，其中一些导弹能够打到美国。据美国估计，自那以来，朝鲜已经积累了50枚核弹头，并储备了可生产约40枚以上核弹头的原料。

Uneven Track Record

良莠不齐的表现

The aborted SEAL mission prompted a series of military reviews during Mr. Trump’s first term. They found that the killing of civilians was justified under the rules of engagement, and that the mission was undone by a collision of unfortunate occurrences that could not have been foreseen or avoided. The findings were classified.

在特朗普的第一个任期内，这起海豹突击队任务的流产引发了一系列军事审查。审查认定，根据交战规则，击杀平民是合理的，该任务是由于无法预见或避免的不幸事件叠加而失败。调查结果被列为机密。

The Trump administration never told leaders of key committees in Congress that oversee military and intelligence activities about the operation or the findings, government officials said. In doing so, the Trump administration may have violated federal law, said Matthew Waxman, a law professor at Columbia University who served in national security positions under former President George W. Bush.

政府官员表示，特朗普政府从未向负责军事和情报活动的国会关键委员会领导人通报过这次行动或调查结果。哥伦比亚大学法学教授马修·韦克斯曼说，特朗普政府这样做可能违反了联邦法律。韦克斯曼曾在前总统乔治·W·布什的政府任国家安全官员。

Mr. Waxman said the law has gray areas that give presidents some leeway on what they tell Congress. But on more consequential missions, the burden leans more toward notification.

韦克斯曼说，相关法律存在灰色地带，赋予总统向国会披露信息的裁量权。但在更重要的任务中，总统的责任更倾向于履行通知义务。

“The point is to ensure that Congress isn’t kept in the dark when major stuff is going on,” Mr. Waxman said. “This is exactly the kind of thing that would normally be briefed to the committees and something the committees would expect to be told about.”

“关键是要确保国会在重大事件发生时不会被蒙在鼓里，”韦克斯曼说。“此类行动是通常会向委员会汇报的事情，也是委员会理应获知的信息。”

Many of the people involved in the mission were later promoted.

参与这项任务的许多人后来都得到了提拔。

But the episode worried some experienced military officials with knowledge of the mission, because the SEALs have an uneven track record that for decades has largely been concealed by secrecy.

但这一事件让一些了解这次任务的资深军事官员感到担忧，因为海豹突击队以往的表现良莠不齐，数十年来，这些记录大多被保密措施所掩盖。

Elite Special Operations units are regularly assigned some of the most difficult and dangerous tasks. Over the years, the SEALs have had a number of major successes, including hits on terrorist leaders, high-profile rescues of hostages and the takedown of bin Laden, that have built an almost superhuman public image.

精英特种作战部队经常被指派执行一些最困难和最危险的任务。多年来，海豹突击队取得了许多重大成功，包括刺杀恐怖主义头目、备受瞩目的人质营救和击毙本·拉登，这些都为他们树立了近乎超人的公众形象。

But among some in the military who have worked with them, the SEALs have a reputation for devising overly bold and complex missions that go badly. Team 6’s debut mission, which was part of the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983, is a case in point.

但在一些与他们共事过的军人中，海豹突击队以策划过于大胆和复杂的任务而闻名，这些任务往往执行得很糟糕。1983年美国入侵格林纳达时，第六分队的首秀任务就是一个很好的例子。

The plan was to parachute into the sea, race to the coast in speedboats and plant beacons to guide assault forces to the island’s airport. But the SEALs’ plane took off late; they jumped at night and landed in stormy conditions, weighed down by heavy gear. Four SEALs drowned, and the rest swamped their speedboats.

行动计划是：队员们先跳伞落入海中，再乘快艇疾驰至海岸，并埋设信标引导突击部队前往岛上机场。但海豹突击队的运输机起飞延误，队员们在夜间跳伞时遭遇暴风雨，沉重的装备使他们难以行动。四人溺水身亡，其余队员的快艇进水。

The airfield was later seized by Army Rangers who parachuted directly onto the airfield.

机场后来被陆军游骑兵占领，他们直接跳伞降落在机场。

1983年美国入侵格林纳达期间，美军在萨林斯角机场警戒。海豹突击队第六分队的首次任务以该岛主要机场为目标，但行动出现严重失误。

Since then, SEALs have mounted other complex and daring missions that unraveled, in Panama, Afghanistan, Yemen and Somalia. During a rescue mission in Afghanistan in 2010, Team 6 SEALs accidentally killed a hostage they were trying to rescue with a grenade and then misled superiors about how she had died.

从那以后，海豹突击队在巴拿马、阿富汗、也门和索马里执行了其他复杂而大胆的任务，但都以失败告终。2010年，在阿富汗的一次救援任务中，第六分队用手榴弹意外杀死了一名他们试图营救的人质，然后在她的死因问题上误导了上级。

In part because of this track record, President Barack Obama curtailed Special Operations missions late in his second term and increased oversight, reserving complex commando raids for extraordinary situations like hostage rescues.

奥巴马总统在第二任期后期削减了特种作战任务，并加强了监督，仅在人质救援等特殊情况下才批准复杂突击行动，一定程度上就是因为这种良莠不齐的表现。

The first Trump administration reversed many of those restrictions and cut the amount of high-level deliberation for sensitive missions. A few days after taking office in 2017, Mr. Trump skipped over much of the established deliberative process to greenlight a Team 6 raid on a village in Yemen. That mission left 30 villagers and a SEAL dead and destroyed a $75 million aircraft.

第一届特朗普政府取消了许多限制，并减少了敏感任务的高层审议程序。2017年上任几天后，特朗普跳过了大部分既定的审议程序，批准了第六分队对也门一个村庄的突袭行动。那次行动导致30名村民和一名海豹突击队队员死亡，损失了一架价值7500万美元的飞机。

When President Joseph R. Biden Jr. succeeded Mr. Trump, the gravity of the North Korea mission attracted renewed scrutiny. Mr. Biden’s defense secretary, Lloyd J. Austin III, ordered an independent investigation, conducted by the lieutenant general in charge of the Army inspector general’s office.

拜登总统接替特朗普后，朝鲜任务的重要性再次引起了关注。拜登的国防部长劳埃德·奥斯汀三世下令进行独立调查，由一名执掌陆军监察长办公室的中将负责。

In 2021, the Biden administration briefed key members of Congress on the findings, a former government official said.

一位前政府官员透露，2021年，拜登政府向国会核心成员通报了调查结果。

Those findings remain classified.

这些发现目前仍属机密。