If the Trump administration succeeds in blocking Harvard from enrolling international students, the hardest-hit group would be students from China, who make up the school’s biggest share of current students from overseas.

如果特朗普政府成功阻止哈佛大学招收国际学生，受冲击最严重的群体将是来自中国的学生，他们是目前该校最大的国际学生群体。

The consequences are likely to extend far beyond those select few who could gain entry to the prestigious university. The move could reshape the broader relationship between the two countries by cutting off one of the few remaining reasons that people in China still admire the United States.

其影响范围将远不仅限于有能力进入这所著名学府的少数人群。它可能会断绝中国民众仍然钦佩美国的为数不多的理由之一，进而重塑两国之间的整体关系。

The flow of students from China to the United States has long been one of the most reliable ballasts in the two countries’ relationship, despite growing geopolitical tensions and China’s superpower ambitions. China until recently was by far the biggest source of international students to the United States, sending hundreds of thousands of people each year. Even as other symbols of the United States — Hollywood, for example, or iPhones — lost their cachet for many Chinese, American universities remained a source of aspiration, even veneration.

尽管地缘政治紧张局势加剧、中国的大国雄心日益增长，从中国赴美留学的人流长期以来一直是维系两国关系的最稳定支柱之一。不久前，中国还一直是美国国际学生的最大来源国，每年向美国输送数十万名学生。即使其他象征美国的事物——比如好莱坞或iPhone——在许多中国人心中的吸引力逐渐减弱，美国的大学依然是他们向往甚至崇拜的对象。

Elite universities like Harvard played a particularly important role in that admiration. In recent years, even student exchanges have started to suffer from the two countries’ frosty ties, as many have worried about anti-Chinese discrimination, difficulty securing visas or crime. But schools like Harvard were an exception: They remained as attractive as ever to Chinese students, who were willing to overlook other concerns for the promise of a best-in-the-world education.

哈佛这样的精英大学在这种崇拜中发挥了尤其重要的作用。近年来，由于中美关系日益冷淡，学生交流项目也开始受到影响，许多人担心反华歧视、签证难办或犯罪问题。但哈佛这样的大学属于例外：它们依旧对中国学生具有强大吸引力，令他们愿意为了接受世界一流教育的机会而忽视其他顾虑。

Now, even that beacon is in question.

现在，连这座灯塔也岌岌可危了。

“Everyone comes here with the ideal of changing the world,” said a current Chinese graduate student at Harvard, who requested anonymity for fear of endangering her visa. “But when I’m trying to understand the world, the world shuts me out.” She said she now wants to return to China after graduation.

“每个人都有改变世界的理想来到这里，”一位目前就读于哈佛的中国研究生说道。出于对签证安全的担忧，她要求匿名。“然后去理解这个世界的同时，这个世界把我拒之门外。”她表示，自己现在希望毕业后回国。

In a sign of how tense the relationship between the two superpowers has become, the reaction among many Chinese on social media — where the Harvard news was a top trending hashtag on Friday — was mixed. There was concern and outrage. But in some quarters, there was also grim acceptance or even glee.

周五，哈佛相关新闻成为热门话题，中国网友在社交媒体上的复杂反应凸显出中美这两个超级大国关系已经变得异常紧张。其中既有担忧和愤怒，也有无奈接受，有的甚至兴高采烈。

Some commentators said Mr. Trump was accelerating China’s ascent. They celebrated that American universities would lose both revenue and talent, some of which might flow to China instead. At least one university in Hong Kong has already said that it is willing to offer unconditional admission to any transfer students from Harvard.

一些网民表示，特朗普正在加速中国的崛起。他们对此表示庆祝，认为美国大学将失去收入和人才，而其中一部分人才可能会转而流向中国。至少有一所香港的大学已经表示，愿意无条件录取任何从哈佛转学的学生。

2023年北京一场高校博览会上，宣传美国大学的展位。中国赴美留学生的人流长期以来一直是维系两国关系最稳固的支柱之一。

Ren Yi, a high-profile blogger who goes by the pen name Chairman Rabbit and is himself a Harvard graduate, wrote that the United States government was “castrating” its own top university.

使用笔名“兔主席”的知名博主、哈佛毕业生任意写道，美国政府正在“阉割”自己的顶尖大学。

“This is a great change unseen in a century,” he wrote, quoting China’s leader, Xi Jinping, who has used the phrase to describe his confidence in China’s rise. (Mr. Xi’s own daughter also graduated from Harvard.)

“百年不遇之大变局，”他写道，这是在引用中国领导人习近平的话，后者曾以此表达他对中国崛起的信心。（习近平的女儿也毕业于哈佛。）

Asked about the decision on Friday, a spokeswoman for China’s foreign ministry said it would “only damage the image and international reputation of the United States.”

在周五被问及这一决定时，一位中国外交部发言人表示，这只会“损害美国的形象和国际声誉”。

Even before the move against Harvard, Chinese students in the United States had plenty of reasons to worry. American state and federal lawmakers have proposed restricting Chinese citizens’ ability to study in the United States, citing national security concerns. Students have reported being turned away at the border despite having valid visas, or having their visas abruptly revoked.

早在针对哈佛采取这一举措之前，在美的中国学生就已经有很多理由感到担忧。出于国家安全考虑，美国联邦和州议员提议限制中国公民赴美留学。有学生反映，尽管持有效签证，他们仍被拒绝入境，或者签证被突然撤销。

China’s education ministry last month issued a formal warning to Chinese students to consider the risks of studying in the United States — its first alert to students going abroad since 2021.

中国教育部上个月向中国学生发出正式警告，提醒他们考虑在美国留学的风险，这是自2021年以来政府首次向出国学生发出警示。

The Trump administration’s cuts to research funding have also weighed heavily on many Chinese scholars, some of whom say they worry about being financially able to do their work. The Harvard student who said she now plans to return to China said that she had an offer for a research position rescinded because of the federal funding freeze.

特朗普政府削减科研经费的举措也让许多中国学者深感压力，其中一些人担心自己无法继续获得足够的资金开展研究。那位表示计划毕业后回国的哈佛学生说，她曾获得的一份研究职位因联邦资金冻结而被撤销。

In China’s flourishing industry of overseas study consultants, many encouraged their clients to apply to other universities, including outside of the United States, as backup. On a live broadcast with hundreds of viewers on Friday, one consultant warned that other schools might soon see similar restrictions.

在中国蓬勃发展的留学咨询行业中，许多顾问鼓励客户申请包括美国以外的其他大学作为备选。周五，在一场有数以百计观众观看的直播中，一位顾问警告说，其他大学很快也可能面临类似的限制。

But for some, Harvard’s exceptional status — its wealth, its prestige — also gave them hope that the university, and American society more broadly, would weather the turmoil.

但对于一些人来说，哈佛的特殊地位——其雄厚的资金和声望——也让他们抱有希望，认为这所大学——乃至更广泛的美国社会——能够渡过这场动荡。

Yu, a Harvard master’s student who asked to be identified by only her given name for fear of retaliation, said that she had been heartened by how people at Harvard had pushed back against the government’s attacks. In addition to the university administration, her fellow students, Chinese and otherwise, had banded together to share international travel plans with each other in case anyone ran into trouble, and to dissect the language of executive orders.

因担心报复而只愿意透露名字的哈佛硕士生瑜（音）表示，她因哈佛师生们抵制政府攻击的态度而备受鼓舞。除了学校管理层，她的同学们——无论是中国学生还是其他国家的学生——也团结起来，互相分享国际出行计划，以防有人遇到麻烦，并一起解读行政命令的措辞。

She had expected that life as an international student would get harder under Mr. Trump, she said, and she had not drastically changed her view of the United States.

她说，她原本就预料到在特朗普执政期间，作为国际学生的生活会变得更加艰难，但她对美国的看法并未发生根本性改变。

“I more look at the values the country holds and how people are trying to defend those values,” she said. “It will be difficult, but there will be a fight, and we do have some hope.”

“我更多地关注这个国家秉持的价值观，以及人们如何努力捍卫这些价值观，”她说。“这将很艰难，但一定会有反抗，我们还是抱有希望的。”

There’s a country in Latin America that’s not even as big as South Carolina, but on which the United States’ economy and national security depend: Panama.

拉丁美洲有一个国家，面积还不及一个南卡罗来纳州，但美国的经济和国家安全却依赖于它，那就是巴拿马。

Every year, 40 percent of all U.S. container traffic, valued at $270 billion, passes through the Panama Canal. So does an estimated 5 percent of all seaborne trade in the world. If conflict were to break out between China and Taiwan, the U.S. Navy would have to move submarines and other warships quickly to the Pacific through the canal.

每年，价值2700亿美元的美国集装箱运输量的40%要通过巴拿马运河。世界上大约5%的海运贸易也是如此。如果中国和台湾之间爆发冲突，美国海军将不得不通过运河迅速将潜艇和其他军舰转移到太平洋。

Since December, President Trump has mentioned Panama numerous times in speeches, interviews and on Truth Social, repeatedly threatening to “take back” the Panama Canal, which the United States controlled from 1914 to 1999. Since these expansionist demands started, he has extracted a growing list of concessions from Panama’s conservative president, José Raúl Mulino, including opening negotiations to compensate U.S. Navy vessels for fees they pay to use the canal and permitting U.S. military personnel to deploy to Panama-controlled bases throughout the country on a rotating basis. (The last permanent U.S. military base closed in 1999, a decade after the U.S. invasion of the country.)

去年12月以来，特朗普总统在演讲、采访和Truth Social中多次提到巴拿马，多次威胁要“收回”1914年至1999年由美国控制的巴拿马运河。自从提出这些扩张主义要求开始以来，他从巴拿马保守派总统何塞·劳尔·穆里诺那里得到了越来越多的让步，包括开始谈判补偿美国海军船只使用运河的费用、允许美国军事人员轮转部署到全国各地由巴拿马控制的基地。（美国最后一个永久性军事基地于1999年关闭，也就是美国入侵巴拿马10年后。）

Some of Mr. Trump’s demands are aimed at deterring China, which has gained commercial influence in Panama since the country broke ties with Taiwan in 2017. When Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Panama in February, he told Mr. Mulino that Chinese influence on the canal was potentially in violation of a U.S.-Panama treaty. After speaking with Mr. Rubio, Mr. Mulino said Panama would exit China’s Belt and Road Initiative — a move that China said stemmed from U.S. “coercion.” Panama also audited two Chinese-controlled canal-side ports, following Mr. Trump’s accusations of Chinese interference in the canal.

特朗普的一些要求旨在威慑中国，自2017年巴拿马与台湾断交以来，中国在巴拿马获得了商业影响力。国务卿鲁比奥今年2月访问巴拿马时对穆利诺说，中国对运河的影响可能违反了美国与巴拿马签订的一项条约。在与鲁比奥交谈后，穆利诺表示巴拿马将退出中国的“一带一路”倡议——中国称此举源于美国的“胁迫”。在特朗普指责中国干涉运河之后，巴拿马还审计了中国控制的两个运河边港口。

Mr. Trump is not unreasonable to be concerned about growing Chinese influence in Panama, which had the Biden administration on high alert, too. But it isn’t clear what, if anything, Panama will receive in return for these concessions. And that’s making many Panamanians, already angry with their government and the country’s political class, even angrier.

特朗普担心中国在巴拿马日益增长的影响力并非没有道理，拜登政府也对巴拿马保持高度警惕。但目前尚不清楚巴拿马将从这些让步中得到什么回报（如果有的话）。这让许多已经对政府和国家政治阶层感到愤怒的巴拿马人更加愤怒。

Mr. Trump’s latest demand — which Mr. Mulino has rebuffed for now — is free passage for U.S. commercial vessels through the canal, an emblem of national pride and the source of roughly 7 to 10 percent of Panama’s annual government budget. Students, labor unions, environmentalists and Indigenous activists have held demonstrations across the nation, rallying against their government’s policies and a general sense, justified or not, that Mr. Mulino is caving to pressure from Mr. Trump, instead of defending Panamanian sovereignty.

特朗普的最新要求——穆利诺目前已经拒绝——是让美国商船免费通过巴拿马运河。巴拿马运河是国家自豪感的象征，也是巴拿马政府每年约7%至10%的财政预算的来源。学生、工会、环保人士和原住民活动人士在全国各地举行示威活动，反对政府的政策，不管合理与否，人们普遍的看法是，穆利诺是在向特朗普的压力屈服，而不是在捍卫巴拿马的主权。

Mr. Trump may not intend or realize it, but by pushing Mr. Mulino for repeated concessions, he is weakening an ally and rolling the dice on what comes next. A politically, economically and socially unstable Panama would be worrying for the United States. If it puts the canal at risk, it could lead to disaster.

通过迫使穆利诺一再让步，特朗普正在削弱一个盟友，导致一个不确定的未来——一个政治、经济和社会不稳定的巴拿马会让美国担忧，特朗普可能并非有意这样做，或者他还没意识到这一点。如果巴拿马运河岌岌可危，可能会导致一场灾难。

巴拿马运河大西洋一侧的阿瓜克拉拉船闸。

As a writer and researcher who has lived throughout Latin America, I never used to include Panama on my shortlist of countries that might erupt. From 1970 to 2019, it was the 16th fastest growing economy in the world in per capita terms. Poverty fell considerably during those years. Over the past decade, Latin America’s economies grew on average at a sluggish 0.9 percent per year; roughly around the same time period, Panama’s average yearly real gross domestic product growth more than quadrupled that rate. This was thanks to a boom in finance, construction, private investment and Panama’s professional management of the canal — which it modernized, expanded and administered apolitically in the years after 1999, when the United States handed over control. Among the beneficiaries were Panamanian and U.S. businesses, especially U.S. energy exporters, which took advantage of the canal’s doubled capacity to ship more liquid natural gas to Asia.

作为一个在拉丁美洲各地生活过的写作和研究者，我从来没有把巴拿马列入可能崩溃的国家名单。从1970年到2019年，按人均计算，巴拿马的经济增长速度位居世界第16位。在那些年里，贫困大大减少了。过去十年中，拉丁美洲的经济年均增长缓慢，仅为0.9%；大约在同一时期，巴拿马的年均实际国内生产总值增长率是这一水平的四倍多。这要归功于金融、建筑、私人投资的繁荣以及巴拿马对运河的专业管理——1999年美国移交控制权后，巴拿马对运河进行了现代化、扩建和去政治化的管理。巴拿马和美国的企业都是受益者，尤其是美国的能源出口商，在运河运力加倍后，他们得以向亚洲输送更多的液化天然气。

But within Panama, the benefits of all this growth were highly unequally distributed. In the 2000s and 2010s, the government routinely spent less on public education, as a percentage of G.D.P., than the Latin American average. Students performed worse on standardized tests than many regional peers, according to 2022 data. And a 2023 census reported that a full quarter of homes still lacked access to drinkable water 24 hours a day during Panama’s dry season. Also in 2023, the top-earning fifth of Panamanians received over half of the income in the country. Meanwhile, the bottom-earning fifth got just 3.5 percent. Within Latin America, Panamanians are among the most dissatisfied with democracy, political parties and public services.

但在巴拿马国内，所有这些增长所带来的利益分配极不均衡。21世纪的前20年，巴拿马政府在公共教育上的支出占GDP的比例通常低于拉丁美洲的平均水平。根据2022年的数据，学生在标准化考试中的表现比许多该地区的同龄人要差。2023年的一项人口普查报告显示，在巴拿马的旱季，整整四分之一的家庭仍然无法获得一天24小时的饮用水供应。同样在2023年，巴拿马收入最高的五分之一的人获得了该国一半以上的收入。与此同时，收入最低的五分之一只得到3.5%。在拉丁美洲，巴拿马人是对民主、政党和公共服务最不满的国家之一。

In October 2023, that frustration boiled over. Unions, public school teachers and protesters shut down major roads for 25 days over a copper mining contract, in the largest mass mobilization in decades. At the heart of the uprising was the widespread perception that the government habitually favored opaque private and foreign interests over ordinary people. During the protests, at least four people died. The demonstrations also cost Panama the equivalent of 2.3 percent of the previous year’s G.D.P.

2023年10月，这种不满情绪爆发了。因为一份铜矿开采合同，工会、公立学校教师和抗议者将主要道路关闭了25天，这是数十年来最大规模的群众动员。抗议活动的核心是人们普遍认为，政府习惯性地偏袒不透明的私人和外国利益，而不是普通民众。抗议活动中至少有四人死亡，给巴拿马造成的损失相当于前一年GDP的2.3%。

Now, that same sense of frustration risks overflowing — this time, inflamed not just by domestic grievances like corruption and inequality, but also by a sense that Mr. Mulino is prioritizing appeasement of Mr. Trump over Panama’s interests. In January, 51 percent of Panamanians thought the Mulino government was doing well, but by March, just 26 percent did. The discontent was palpable when I visited Panama several weeks ago. “Protests like those of 2023 could reignite with one gross act of injustice,” Alonso Illueca, a lawyer and academic, told me.

现在，同样的不满可能会蔓延——这一次，不仅是因为腐败和不平等等国内不满，还因为人们感觉穆里诺把讨好特朗普置于巴拿马利益之上。1月，51%的巴拿马人认为穆里诺政府做得很好，但到3月，只有26%的人这么认为。几周前我访问巴拿马时，不满是显而易见的。“像2023年那样的抗议活动可能会因为一次严重的不公正行为而重新点燃，”律师、学者阿隆索·伊卢利卡告诉我。

In March, Mr. Mulino passed a controversial law to increase employee contributions to the public pension system, which was quickly running out of cash. On April 23, several public school teachers’ unions and a large construction workers’ union started a strike, protesting the pension changes, moves to reopen a controversial copper mine, and the agreement Mr. Mulino made with the U.S. defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, to allow U.S. military personnel to position themselves on bases around the canal on a rotational basis.

3月，穆里诺通过了一项有争议的法律，增加雇员对现金即将枯竭的公共养老金体系的缴款。4月23日，几个公立学校教师工会和一个大型建筑工人工会开始罢工，抗议养老金改革、重开一个有争议的铜矿的举措，以及穆利诺与美国国防部长海格塞斯达成的协议，该协议允许美国军事人员在运河周围的基地轮转驻扎。

Two runners-up for the presidency, once rivals, joined civil society leaders for a press conference denouncing the deal with the United States. Then, in May, after Mr. Mulino implied the country’s largest public university was a den of terrorists, thousands of Panamanians, led by students, took to the streets in what appeared to be this wave of unrest’s biggest demonstration yet.

两位曾是对手的总统候选人同公民社会领袖一起召开新闻发布会，谴责与美国的协议。今年5月，在穆里诺暗示该国最大的公立大学是恐怖分子的巢穴之后，数以千计的巴拿马人在学生的带领下走上街头，这似乎是这波骚乱中规模最大的示威活动。

Now Mr. Mulino is facing calls from the private sector to take control of the streets and clear roadblocks of protesters, which have paralyzed the Bocas del Toro province. He’s pledged, “No matter the cost, this country will not be shut down.” But if the protests escalate and the government weakens further, Mr. Mulino won’t be as successful in addressing U.S. concerns on China or the canal’s water supply, whose susceptibility to climate change and drought have already at times decreased the traffic through the canal and raised costs for U.S. exporters.

现在，穆里诺面临着来自私营部门的呼吁，要求他控制街道，清除抗议者设置的路障，这些路障已使博卡斯德尔托罗省陷入瘫痪。他承诺，“无论付出什么代价，一定不会让这个国家陷入停摆。”但如果抗议活动升级，政府进一步被削弱，穆里诺在解决美国对中国或运河供水的担忧方面就不会那么成功了。气候变化和干旱对运河供水的影响已经导致通过运河的运输量时有下降，并提高了美国出口商的成本。

A weaker Mulino government is the most likely outcome if Mr. Trump and his administration continue to push hard — and publicly — for new concessions. On Wednesday, the U.S. ambassador to Panama visited the canal and posted on X that he would work to ensure the passage of U.S. government vessels for free. A quieter diplomatic approach would advance U.S. interests more effectively and with lower risk.

如果特朗普及其政府继续公开努力争取新的让步，最有可能的结果是削弱穆里诺政府。周三，美国驻巴拿马大使访问了巴拿马运河，并在X上发帖说，他将努力确保美国政府船只免费通行。更低调的外交手段将更有效地推进美国的利益，风险也更低。

Unfortunately, Mr. Trump has already learned that maximalist threats like “retaking the canal,” directed against a small country like Panama instead of Canada or Denmark, can actually work, even as the public’s mistrust of government deepens with each demand.

不幸的是，特朗普已经认识到，“夺回运河”这样的威胁，如果是针对巴拿马这样的小国而非加拿大或丹麦，实际上是可以奏效的——尽管公众对政府的不信任正随着每一次要挟的升级而不断加深。

If Mr. Trump wants to fully retake the canal and engage in a new era of U.S. territorial expansion, a destabilized Panamanian government plays in his favor. A serious bid to take back the canal — using tariffs, imposing sanctions or other tools to pressure the government into a handover — would ignite the country. For Panama, the United States and the world, that may be the ultimate risk.

如果特朗普想要完全夺回运河，进入美国领土扩张的新时代，一个不稳定的巴拿马政府会对他有利。如果真的着手收回运河——使用关税、制裁或其他手段迫使巴拿马政府政府交出运河——将点燃这个国家的怒火。对巴拿马、美国和世界来说，这可能才是最大的风险。

The Trump administration on Thursday said it would halt Harvard University’s ability to enroll international students, taking aim at a crucial funding source for the nation’s oldest and wealthiest college in a major escalation of the administration’s efforts to pressure the elite school to fall in line with the president’s agenda.

特朗普政府周四表示，将终止哈佛大学招收国际学生的资质，此举旨在切断这所美国历史最悠久、财力最雄厚大学的关键资金来源，标志着美国政府为迫使这所精英学府服从总统议程而采取的施压行动大幅升级。

The administration notified Harvard about the decision — which could affect about a quarter of the school’s student body — after a back-and-forth in recent weeks over the legality of a sprawling records request as part of the Department of Homeland Security’s investigation, according to three people with knowledge of the negotiations. The people spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly.

据三名了解谈判情况的人士透露，在最近几周，作为国土安全部调查的一部分，政府就一项庞大的记录调阅请求的合法性进行了反复讨论，之后，政府将这一决定通知了哈佛大学——这可能会影响该校大约四分之一的学生群体。由于无权公开讨论相关事宜，这三人要求在文中匿名。

The latest move intensifies the administration’s attempt to upend the culture of higher education by directly subverting the ability of one of the nation’s premier universities to attract the best and brightest students from all over the world. That capability, across all of academia, has long been one of the greatest sources of academic, economic and scientific strength in America.

这一最新举措将直接削弱美国一流大学吸引全世界最优秀、最聪明的学生的能力，让政府颠覆高等教育文化的企图更进一步。长久以来，这种汇聚天下英才的能力正是美国学术、经济和科学实力的主要来源之一。

It is also likely to prompt a second legal challenge from Harvard, according to another person familiar with the school’s thinking who insisted on anonymity to discuss private deliberations. The university sued the Trump administration last month over the government’s attempt to impose changes to its curriculum, admissions policies and hiring practices.

据另一位熟悉哈佛校方想法的消息人士透露，此举很可能促使哈佛大学再次发起法律诉讼。由于涉及内部讨论，该人士坚持要求匿名。上个月，哈佛大学已就联邦政府试图强制其修改课程设置、招生政策及聘用制度起诉特朗普政府。

“I am writing to inform you that effective immediately, Harvard University’s Student and Exchange Visitor Program certification is revoked,” a letter to the university from Kristi Noem, the homeland security secretary, said. A copy of the letter was obtained by The New York Times.

国土安全部部长克里斯蒂·诺姆在致哈佛的信中写道：“我特此通知，哈佛大学的学生和访问学者项目认证即日起撤销。”《纽约时报》获得了这封信的副本。

The Department of Homeland Security said the action applied to current and future students.

国土安全部表示，这一措施适用于现有和未来的国际学生。

“Harvard can no longer enroll foreign students, and existing foreign students must transfer or lose their legal status,” the department said in a news release after Ms. Noem posted the administration’s letter on social media later on Thursday.

诺姆周四晚些时候在社交媒体上发布了这封信，国土安全部随后在一份新闻稿中说：“哈佛大学不能再招收外国学生，现有的外国学生必须转学，否则将失去合法身份。”

About 6,800 international students attended Harvard in the 2024-25 school year, or roughly 27 percent of the student body, according to university enrollment data. That was up from 19.7 percent in 2010-11.

根据哈佛大学的招生数据，2024–25学年约有6800名国际学生在哈佛就读，约占学生总数的27%。这一比例高于2010–11学年的19.7%。

The administration’s decision is likely to have a significant effect on the university’s bottom line. Tuition at Harvard is $59,320 for the 2025-26 school year, and costs can rise to nearly $87,000 when room and board are included. International students tend to pay larger shares of education costs compared with other students. (Harvard notes it is need-blind for all students, regardless of nationality.)

政府的决定可能对该校的财务状况产生重大影响。哈佛2025–26学年学费为59320美元，加上食宿可能接近87,000美元。与其他学生相比，国际学生通常承担更高比例的教育费用（哈佛校方强调其“免于经济考量”的录取原则适用于所有学生，不考虑国际因素）。

A spokesman for Harvard called the administration’s action “unlawful.”

哈佛大学发言人谴责政府此举“不合法”。

“We are fully committed to maintaining Harvard’s ability to host our international students and scholars, who hail from more than 140 countries and enrich the university — and this nation — immeasurably,” said Jason Newton, the university’s director of media relations. “We are working quickly to provide guidance and support to members of our community. This retaliatory action threatens serious harm to the Harvard community and our country, and undermines Harvard’s academic and research mission.”

哈佛大学媒体关系主任杰森·纽顿表示：“我们坚决捍卫哈佛接纳国际学生与学者的权利。他们来自140多个国家，极大地丰富了哈佛大学和这个国家。我们正迅速采取行动，为受影响群体提供指导与支持。这一报复行动将对哈佛社群乃至整个美国造成严重伤害，更将动摇哈佛的学术和研究使命。”

The federal student visa program is overseen by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which is part of Ms. Noem’s department. The agency is responsible for vetting international students — and certifying universities, community colleges and high schools that participate.

联邦学生签证项目由移民和海关执法局监管，该机构隶属于诺姆领导的国土安全部。该机构负责审核国际学生，并对参与的大学、社区学院和高中进行认证。

Federal regulations stipulate how and why a school’s certification can be revoked. One way is the failure to comply with specific reporting requirements, a rule Ms. Noem’s letter mentioned. Harvard has maintained that what Ms. Noem had asked for exceeded what is required by law.

联邦监管规则规定了撤销学校认证的方式和理由。诺姆的信函提到，其中一条理由是未能遵守特定报告要求。哈佛则坚称，诺姆的要求超出了法律规定的范围。

“This is unprecedented,” said Andrea Flores, who was a D.H.S. official under President Barack Obama and is now the vice president of immigration policy at FWD.us, an immigration advocacy group. “D.H.S. has never tried to reshape the student body of a university by revoking access to its vetting systems, and it is unique to target one institution over hundreds that it certifies every year.”

“此举史无前例，”曾担任奥巴马政府国土安全部官员、现任移民倡导组织FWD.us移民政策副总裁的安德烈亚·弗洛雷斯表示。“国土安全部从未通过将学校逐出其资质认证系统来重塑其学生构成，在每年涉及数百所院校的认证中单独针对某一所高校更是绝无仅有。”

Leo Gerden, a senior at Harvard from Stockholm who has been a staunch advocate on campus for international students, said he was devastated by the news.

来自斯德哥尔摩的哈佛大四学生里奥·格登一直是校园内国际学生权益的坚定倡导者。他表示，这一消息令他感到震惊。

“Without its international students and without its ability to bring in the best people from around the world, Harvard is not going to be Harvard anymore,” said Mr. Gerden, who graduates next week.

“没有了国际学生，失去了从全球吸引最优秀人才的能力，哈佛将不再是哈佛，”将于下周毕业的格登说道。

“The Trump administration is using us as poker chips right now,” he added. “It is extremely dangerous.”

“特朗普政府正在把我们当成牌局里的筹码，”他补充道，“这种做法极其危险。”

Harvard has been praised for fighting back against President Trump and his administration, and legal experts have said the school has a strong case to get back the federal funding for its research that the administration stripped from the school.

哈佛大学因对抗特朗普总统及其政府而广受赞誉，法律专家表示，该校有充分的法律依据拿回被政府剥夺的联邦研究经费。

But the administration’s move is the latest example of why senior Harvard officials have been privately concerned that they are in the midst of an untenable crisis as the administration continues to target the school with onerous investigations and extensive funding cuts.

但政府的举措再次证明哈佛高层私下里所担心的事：随着政府持续以繁重的调查和大规模资金削减为手段针对该校，他们正陷入一场难以承受的危机。

Even if the Trump administration is forced to return research funding to Harvard, the university is contending with additional government-imposed burdens, like a recently opened investigation by the Justice Department into the school’s admission policies that includes a cumbersome records request.

即便特朗普政府最终被迫恢复哈佛的研究经费，这所名校仍面临更多政府强加的负担，譬如司法部最近针对其招生政策启动的调查，其中包含繁冗的档案调阅要求。

The decision from Ms. Noem on Thursday stemmed from a separate investigation her agency opened on April 16. In a letter to the school, she demanded a trove of information on student visa holders, saying that the college had “created a hostile learning environment for Jewish students.”

诺姆周四的决定源于她的机构于4月16日启动的另一项调查。她在致哈佛的信中要求提供大量国际学生签证持有者的信息，称该校“为犹太学生创造了一个充满敌意的学习环境”。

Her request included eight criteria, including the coursework for every international student and information on any student visa holder who had been involved in illegal activity.

她的调阅清单包含八项标准：既要求提供每个国际学生的课程作业，又要求上报涉及非法活动的国际学生签证持有者信息。

News of the investigation unnerved many students and alumni, and raised concerns among the university’s lawyers that the administration’s request went beyond data that the school was legally allowed to share, according to people familiar with the matter.

据知情人士透露，调查的消息令众多学生与校友感到不安，也引发校方法律团队的担忧——政府的要求已超出学校依法可共享的数据范围。

Harvard relayed those concerns to the administration on April 30. On the same day, the university’s executive vice president, Meredith Weenick, issued a public letter that vowed the school would provide the administration only with information “required by law” and urged students to “stay as focused as possible on your academic pursuits.”

4月30日，哈佛大学向政府转达了这些担忧。同一天，该校执行副校长梅雷迪斯·韦尼克发表公开信，誓言学校只会向政府提供“法律要求”的信息，并敦促学生“尽可能专注于学业”。

The administration responded the following week, notifying Harvard that the school’s response did not satisfy Ms. Noem’s request, the people said. In the same message, the administration appeared to narrow its request by asking for information on international students who met any one of four criteria.

知情人士称，政府在接下来的一周作出回应，告知哈佛，校方的回复未能满足诺姆的要求。在同一封信中，政府似乎缩小了信息调取范围，只要求提供符合四项条件中任何一项的国际学生的信息。

Last week, Harvard told the administration that only a few students met those qualifications and asked the government for additional clarification on one of the requests.

上周，哈佛告诉政府，只有极少数学生符合这些标准，并要求政府进一步澄清其中一项要求。

Then, on Thursday, Ms. Noem disqualified Harvard from the student visa program, explaining that her decision was because of the university’s “failure to comply with simple reporting requirements.”

随后，诺姆于本周四取消了哈佛大学的国际学生签证项目资格，并解释称，她的决定是因为该校“未能遵守简单的上报要求”。

She then expanded the list of criteria for student records to six, and gave Harvard 72 hours to comply.

随后，她将学生档案的调阅标准从四项增至六项，并勒令哈佛大学在72小时内完成。

BYD of China sold more electric cars than Tesla in Europe for the first time last month, reflecting an aggressive push by the Chinese automaker on the continent as well as the continuing travails of Elon Musk’s company among European buyers.

上个月，中国的比亚迪在欧洲的电动汽车销量首次超过了特斯拉，反映出这家中国汽车制造商在欧洲大陆的积极推进，以及埃隆·马斯克的公司在欧洲买家中持续面临的困境。

BYD edged out Tesla by fewer than 100 vehicles, according to data for 28 European countries released on Thursday by JATO Dynamics, a research firm. BYD sold 7,231 fully battery-powered cars in Europe last month, versus Tesla’s 7,165.

根据研究公司JATO Dynamics周四发布的28个欧洲国家的数据，比亚迪以不到100辆车的优势击败了特斯拉。上个月，比亚迪在欧洲销售了7231辆全电池驱动汽车，特斯拉的销量为7165辆。

Despite the small margin, it is “a watershed moment for Europe’s car market,” Felipe Munoz, an analyst at JATO, said in a statement. European car buyers appear willing to embrace Chinese electric cars, which remain cheaper than locally made alternatives despite tariffs imposed by the European Union last year aimed at protecting domestic producers.

尽管差距很小，但这是“欧洲汽车市场的一个分水岭”，JATO分析师费利佩·穆尼奥斯在一份声明中表示。欧洲购车者似乎愿意接受中国电动汽车，尽管欧盟去年为保护国内生产商而征收关税，但中国电动汽车仍比当地生产的替代品便宜。

BYD’s battery-powered car sales jumped nearly 170 percent in April, versus the same month last year. That far surpassed the pace of sales for all electric cars, which grew 17 percent over that period.

与去年同期相比，比亚迪4月份的电动汽车销量跃升了近170%。这远远超过了所有电动汽车的销售速度，后者同期增长了17%。

At the same time, Europeans are shunning Tesla, which for years was the most popular brand of electric cars in Europe. Its sales plunged 49 percent year over year in April, dropping Tesla to 11th in the rankings for the month. In the first quarter of the year, it ranked second in electric vehicle sales, behind Germany’s Volkswagen.

与此同时，欧洲人正在冷落多年来一直是欧洲最受欢迎电动汽车品牌的特斯拉。今年4月，特斯拉的销量同比下降了49%，当月排名降至第11位。今年第一季度，它在电动汽车销量上排名第二，仅次于德国大众。

In Europe, Tesla’s cars first became available in Norway in 2014. It began production at a factory outside Berlin in 2022 — the same year that BYD started selling cars in Norway and the Netherlands.

在欧洲，特斯拉汽车于2014年首次在挪威上市。2022年，公司在柏林郊外的一家工厂开始生产，同年比亚迪开始在挪威和荷兰销售汽车。

The Chinese automaker is building a factory in Hungary, as well as one in Turkey, which can export cars to the European Union without having to pay tariffs. This week, BYD announced that it would establish its European headquarters in Hungary, which it said would create 2,000 jobs, including in research and development.

这家中国汽车制造商正在匈牙利和土耳其各建设一家工厂，可以向欧盟出口汽车而不必支付关税。本周，比亚迪宣布将在匈牙利设立欧洲总部，并表示将创造包括研发在内的2000个工作岗位。

Over the past year, BYD has expanded rapidly throughout Europe. If its plug-in hybrid models are also included, it increased sales by well over 300 percent in April, compared with the previous year. By this measure, it also outsold established European brands like Fiat, Dacia and Seat in some big European countries.

在过去的一年里，比亚迪在整个欧洲迅速扩张。如果将插电式混合动力车型也算在内，其4月的销量同比增长了300%以上。按照这个标准，它在一些欧洲大国的销量也超过了菲亚特、达契亚和西雅特等老牌欧洲品牌。

Volkswagen, which has struggled for years to compete against Chinese automakers as well as Tesla, topped the list of electric car sales in April, with more than 23,500 new registrations, up roughly 60 percent.

大众汽车多年来一直在努力与中国汽车制造商和特斯拉竞争，该公司在4月份的电动汽车销量排行榜上名列榜首，新注册的汽车数量超过2.35万辆，增长了约60%。

Tesla’s sales in Europe had been slowing even before Mr. Musk, the company’s chief executive, began spending millions to back President Trump last year. But the backlash grew after he took up a role at the White House slashing thousands of jobs and making deep cuts to spending, including in foreign aid. Last month, the carmaker’s sales in Germany and Britain fell to their lowest point in more than two years.

早在特斯拉首席执行官马斯克去年开始斥资上亿美元支持特朗普总统之前，该公司在欧洲的销量就已经在放缓。但是，开始在白宫任职后，马斯克裁撤了数以千计的工作岗位，并大幅削减了包括对外援助在内的开支，从而引起越来越多的反弹。上个月，这家汽车制造商在德国和英国的销量跌至两年多来的最低点。

Taiwan is confident that the United States will remain a formidable power in Asia and can deter China from attempting an invasion of the island, Taiwan’s defense minister said, while recognizing the urgency of strengthening the island’s own defenses.

台湾国防部长表示，台湾对美国维持在亚洲的强大军事存在、威慑中国侵犯台湾企图的能力抱有信心，但同时也认识到加强自身防御的紧迫性。

Some of President Trump’s words and actions on Taiwan — raising tariffs, demanding that it drastically raise military spending, and accusing Taiwan of stealing the U.S. lead in making semiconductors — have magnified doubts in Taiwan about whether the United States would step in if China attacked the island. Beijing claims the island democracy is its territory and has said unification is inevitable, by force if necessary.

特朗普总统在台湾问题上的一些言行——提高关税、要求台湾大幅增加军费开支，以及指责台湾窃取美国在半导体制造领域的领先地位——已加剧了岛内对美国军事协防的疑虑。中国政府声称民主自治的台湾是其领土，并说统一是大势所趋，必要时将动用武力。

But China can be held in check by the United States’ forces and alliances across Asia, and by reminding Beijing of the terrible economic cost that a war would exact, Wellington Koo, Taiwan’s defense minister, said in his most extensive interview since taking the job a year ago.

但美国在亚洲的军事力量和联盟能遏制中国，并让其认识到战争将带来惨重的经济代价，台湾国防部长顾立雄在上任一年来接受的一次最全面的采访中说。

“If China can be made to understand that the potential costs would be extremely, extremely high, then that will make it extremely hard for it to make a decision” for war, Mr. Koo said in the 80-minute interview on Wednesday with news outlets including The New York Times.

 “让中国理解它犯台要付出的代价非常非常高，那么就会让它的要攻台的想法变得非常非常难以決定，”顾立雄在周三接受包括《纽约时报》在内的多家新闻媒体长达80分钟的采访时说。

“That’s what the United States also thinks — that preserving the security of the Indo-Pacific, especially the stability of the Taiwan Strait, by using deterrence to avoid war, is in our shared interest,” Mr. Koo said, referring to the region where Taiwan is. He later added: “Of course, the Trump administration emphasizes ‘America first.’ But we believe that on security issues, it also emphasizes Indo-Pacific first.”

 “美国也是这样的想法，也就是维持印太的安全，特別是台海的和平与稳定，以吓阻的手段来避免战争的发生，这是我们共同的利益，”顾立雄在谈到台湾所在的地区时说。他还表示：“特朗普政府当然强调美国优先，但是我们是认为在安全的议题上面，他同時也强调印太优先。”

2023年，台湾在港口城市八里举行的年度军演中的反登陆演习。台湾已经提高了国防开支。

Taiwan would be deeply vulnerable without U.S. arms sales and security backing. When Washington switched diplomatic relations from Taiwan to Beijing in 1979, American lawmakers pushed through legislation that says the United States should provide defensive arms to Taiwan and should have the forces to intervene if Taiwan is attacked. (The law does not say the United States must intervene.)

如果没有美国的武器销售和安全支持，台湾将极易受到攻击。美国1979年把外交关系从台湾转到北京后，美国国会曾通过了一项立法，要求美国向台湾提供防御性武器，并在台湾受攻击时有进行干预的军事力量。 （该法律并没有规定美国必须干预。）

Mr. Koo, 66, a former national security adviser whose Chinese name is Koo Li-Hsiung, is overseeing the Taiwanese government’s efforts to upgrade its relatively small military into a force strong and nimble enough to fend off threats from China, partly by deploying more drones, unmanned sea vessels and highly mobile missiles.

顾立雄现年66岁，曾任国家安全会议秘书长。他正在负责台湾政府将规模有限的武装力量升级为足够强大、灵活以抵御中国威胁的努力，措施包括部署更多的无人机、无人驾驶海上船只，以及高机动性导弹。

Many officials and experts in Taiwan and abroad say that the island needs to move faster to counter Beijing’s relentless military expansion.

岛内外的众多官员和专家表示，台湾需要加快行动步伐，以应对中国政府持续扩张的军力。

China’s leader, Xi Jinping, has ordered the People’s Liberation Army to be strong enough to take Taiwan by 2027, senior U.S. officials have said. Observers say Mr. Xi does not have a timetable for invasion and would prefer to absorb Taiwan without a war. Asked how he assessed the threat, Mr. Koo said the dangers were rising, but had not reached the level that meant invasion could be imminent.

美国高级官员透露，中国领导人习近平已下令中国人民解放军在2027年前具备武力夺取台湾的实力。但观察人士指出，习近平并未制定入侵时间表，他更想在不发动战争的情况下将台湾统一。顾立雄被问及如何评估威胁时说，危险正在上升，但尚未达到即将发生入侵的程度。

“We believe that it falls between medium intensity and high intensity at this point,“ Mr. Koo said, citing the Taiwanese military’s threat-level index, “but the indicators aren’t sufficient yet to conclude that there is an intent to attack Taiwan.”

“我们认为，（目前的威胁程度）介于中强度跟高强度中间的部分，”顾立雄引用台湾军方的威胁指数说，“但是它症候上面还不足以能够显示它是有这种攻台的举动。”

“让中国理解它犯台要付出的代价非常非常高，那么就会让它的要攻台的想法变得非常非常难以決定，”顾立雄说。

Partly prodded by demands from Mr. Trump, Taiwan has promised to increase military spending to more than 3 percent of GDP, after initially setting it at 2.45 percent of economic worth earlier this year. Some experts say Taiwan’s military is becoming more effective.

部分受特朗普的施压推动，台湾已承诺将军费开支增至GDP的3%以上，台湾在今年早些时候曾把军费开支初步定为GDP的2.45%。一些专家说，台湾军队的作战效能正在提升。

“The trajectory is in the right direction. It’s now a question of being able to move fast enough,” Ely Ratner, a former U.S. assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs under President Biden, said of Taiwan’s military changes during a recent visit to the island.

“轨迹正朝着正确的方向发展。现在的问题是如何行动得足够快，”伊莱·拉特纳在最近访台期间谈到台湾的军事改革时说，他曾在拜登政府担任负责印太安全事务的国防部助理部长。

Taiwan legislators are set to debate the bigger increase in military spending in the next session of the legislature, which is dominated by lawmakers from the opposition. They are generally are less confrontational toward China, and skeptical of some of the government’s military projects, such as a Taiwanese-built submarine.

台湾的立法者们将在下届立法院会议上就进一步增加军费开支展开辩论，来自反对党的立法者目前在立法院占多数。他们通常对中国采取减少对抗的态度，并对政府的一些军事项目持怀疑态度，例如台湾制造的潜艇。

Even with the extra funds, Taiwan faces bottlenecks in buying the right weapons and keeping enough troops with the skills to operate them. Taiwan has paid billions of dollars for U.S. weapons that have not been delivered, sometimes for years, because of a backlog. This month, Taiwan staged its first live-fire test of the high mobility artillery rocket system, or HIMARS, bought from the United States. Taiwan placed its first orders for them in 2020.

即使有更多的军费，台湾仍在采购合适的武器、维持足够具备操作技能的士兵方面面临瓶颈。由于订单积压，台湾花费数十亿美元采购的武器迟迟不能交付，部分甚至拖延数年时间。本月，台湾首次实弹测试了从美国购买的“海马斯”火箭炮系统。台湾采购该系统的首批订单是在2020年。

“Part of the challenge now is the United States’ defense industrial base, whether it can cope with the multiple demands being made on it,” Mr. Ratner said in an interview. “Whereas a few years ago the United States was pushing hard for Taiwan to do more, now they are fully committed, and the United States needs to be able to match that in support.”

“现在的部分挑战是美国的国防工业基础，它能否满足多重需求，”拉特纳在接受采访时说。“然而几年前，美国还在极力推动台湾做更多的努力，现在，他们已经全力投入了，美国的相应支持也需要跟进。”

本月，台湾在屏东首次实弹测试了从美国购买的“海马斯”火箭炮系统。

Last year, Mr. Koo put an end to bayonet training and goose-step marching for Taiwanese soldiers and promised that Taiwan’s annual military exercises would be made more realistic.

去年，顾立雄取消了台湾士兵的刺枪训练和正步操，并承诺让年度军演向实战化转型。

“The national military is at a crucial time of both challenges and transformation, responding to the trends in Taiwan’s security and changes in the way of modern warfare,” Mr. Koo said, referring to Taiwan’s forces. “Practical training is the foundation for forming combat capabilities.”

 “因应台海安全局势、现代战争形态的变化，国军正处于转型与挑战并存的关键时刻，那务实训练是战力形成的基础，”顾立雄在谈到台湾军队时说。

Mr. Koo has critics who say that Taiwan’s efforts to upgrade military preparations are too superficial and lag China’s. Many U.S. officials and experts have urged Taiwan to shift more decisively to newer weapons, such as drones, which are less expensive and more mobile, possibly offering a way to stymie China’s bigger forces.

顾立雄的批评者指出，他们认为台湾提升军事准备的努力流于表面，落在中国后面。许多美国官员和专家已敦促台湾更果断地转向更新型武器，例如无人机，这些武器成本更低、机动性更强，或可为阻挠中国大陆更强大的军力提供一种方法。

“You have to enhance your skills, professionalism, and your mind-set. Also, equally important, those drones, unmanned boats and so on, they require effective, efficient, precision communication,” said Andrew Nien-Dzu Yang, who served as a senior defense ministry official over a decade ago when the opposition Nationalist Party was in power. “They have this kind of concept, but the problem is how to implement it. How can it be realized?”

“必须加强自身的技能、专业素养，以及思维方式。同样重要的是，那些无人机、无人艇等等，它们需要有效、高效、精准的通信支持，”杨念祖说道，他曾在反对党国民党于十多年前执政时期担任国防部高级官员。“他们已经有了相关理念，但问题是如何落实。怎样才能实现？”

Mr. Koo, who started his career as a lawyer, made the case that Taiwan was on the way to mastering “asymmetric” warfare strengths that could ward off China. His ministry has established an innovation agency focused on drones and anti-drone warfare, artificial intelligence applications and improved communications and cybersecurity, he said.

顾立雄的职业生涯始于律师，他提出了支持台湾正在逐步掌握足以抵御中国的“不对称”作战优势的论据。他说，台湾国防部已成立了一个创新机构，重点攻关无人机和反无人机作战、人工智能应用，以及改进通信和网络安全。

President Lai Ching-te has said that a big proportion of Taiwan’s increased military spending would go to buying American weapons — a promise that may please Mr. Trump, who wants Taiwan to ease its trade surplus with the United States.

赖清德总统表示，台湾军费开支增加的很大一部分将用于购买美国武器，这个承诺可能会让特朗普高兴，因为他希望台湾减少对美国的贸易顺差。

“Of course, we also hope that the United States can speed up delivery,” Mr. Koo said.

“当然也是期待美国交运的速度能夠加快，”顾立雄说。

When four police officers arrived at Yiyun Li’s home in Princeton, N.J., late on a Friday afternoon last February, she didn’t wait for instructions to sit down. As soon as the detective spoke — “There is no good way to say this” — she sank into a chair in her living room, gesturing for her husband to join her.

去年2月的一个周五下午，当四名警察来到李翊云位于新泽西州普林斯顿的家时，她没等有人提示就自己坐了下来。听到警官说到“这件事不知该如何开口”，她身子一沉，坐在起居室的椅子上，示意让丈夫过来。

Li already sensed the devastating news they had come to deliver, even though she couldn’t fathom it. The detective confirmed the worst. Her son James, a freshman at Princeton University, had died, struck by a train near the campus.

李翊云已经感觉到他们带来的消息将是个晴天霹雳，尽管她无法想象是什么。警官证实了最坏的情况。她的儿子詹姆斯，普林斯顿大学的大一新生，在校园附近被火车撞死。

The policemen said they were investigating the circumstances surrounding his death and avoided calling it a suicide. But Li and her husband knew it wasn’t an accident — that James had chosen to end his life, in the same way his older brother had.

警察说正在调查他的死因，并避免称其为自杀。但李翊云和丈夫知道这不是意外——詹姆斯选择结束自己的生命，用了和他哥哥一样的方式。

A little more than six years earlier, James’s brother Vincent died by suicide at age 16, also killed by an oncoming train nearby. That night in 2017, Li had arrived home to find two detectives waiting for her. The police suggested she sit down before they told her about Vincent, which is why she did so instinctively when they came to deliver the news about James.

六年多前，詹姆斯的哥哥文森特自杀身亡，年仅16岁，同样死于附近一列迎面而来的火车。2017年的那个晚上，李翊云回到家，发现两名警官在等她。警察建议她先坐下来，然后再告诉她文森特的事，所以，当他们来告知詹姆斯的消息时，她本能地坐了下来。

After the officers left, Li and her husband, Dapeng Li, sat in their living room, stunned. She felt like time was collapsing around her, as though she was stuck in an eternal present.

警察离开后，李翊云和丈夫李大鹏（音）坐在客厅里，目瞪口呆。她觉得时间在她身边崩塌，仿佛她被困在永恒的此刻。

The detective’s statement — “There is no good way to say this” — struck Li, an acclaimed novelist, as both a cliché and undeniably true. No words could capture the devastation she felt, losing both of her sons. Shattering, wrenching, aching: Words that came close felt meaningless. But Li knew that words were the only way to anchor her thoughts to reality.

警官的这句话——“这件事不知该如何开口”——对李翊云这位广受赞誉的小说家来说，既是陈词滥调，又是无可否认的事实。失去两个儿子给她带来的悲痛无法用言语表达。震惊、痛苦、疼痛：任何接近的词语都感觉毫无意义。但李翊云知道，只有文字才能将她的思想与现实连接起来。

李翊云2007年拍的一张家庭照，照片中她的丈夫抱着他们的儿子——文森特（左）和詹姆斯。

Three months after James’s death, Li started writing “Things in Nature Merely Grow,” a memoir about James, Vincent and how their lives and deaths intertwined. In direct and unsparing reflections, Li confronts not only the loss of her children but the limits of language, as she tries to convey anguish that defies description. The closest she can come to relaying her loss is to say she lives in an abyss, a murky place where no light can penetrate.

詹姆斯去世三个月后，李翊云开始写《自然万物只是生长》(Things in Nature Merely Grow)，这是一本关于詹姆斯、文森特，以及他们的生与死如何交织在一起的回忆录。在直接而无情的反思中，李翊云面对的不仅是失去孩子，还有语言的局限，因为她试图表达无法描述的痛苦。关于她所失去的，她能说出的最接近的语言是：她生活在一个深渊，一个黑暗的地方，没有光亮可以穿透。

“All the words that have come to me: Many of them fall short; some are kept because they are needed to hold a place for James,” she writes. “Words may fall short, but they cast long shadows that sometimes can reach the unspeakable.”

“我想到的所有词语：其中许多不尽人意；有些被保留了下来，因为需要用这些词语为詹姆斯保留一个位置，”她写道。“言语或许是乏力的，但它们投下的长长阴影，有时却能抵达无法言说的地方。”

In some ways, Li’s memoir is a radical rebuke of the conventions surrounding grieving. Early on, she warns those who expect a narrative of healing or solace to stop reading: This is not a story about overcoming loss or moving on.

在某些方面，李翊云的回忆录是对有关悲伤的传统观念的激烈抨击。一开始，她就警告那些期待治愈或安慰叙事的人不要再读了：这不是一个关于克服痛失所爱或继续前行的故事。

“I don’t ever want to be free from the pain of missing my children,” Li told me when we met on a sunny day in April at her home near the university, where she teaches creative writing. “This pain is in my life for ever and ever, and I don’t want to do anything to mitigate the pain, because to mitigate it means that’s something bad, it’s an illness or affliction.”

“我永远都不想摆脱思念孩子的痛苦，”4月一个阳光明媚的日子，我们在她教授创意写作的那所大学附近的家中见面时，李翊云这样对我说。“这种痛苦永远在我的生活中，我不想做任何事情来减轻痛苦，因为减轻痛苦意味着这是一件坏事，是一种疾病或折磨。”

Li was at home with her husband, a software engineer, and their dog Quintus, a white cockapoo with cloudy cataract-filled eyes, who bounded into the living room, still exuberant at 13. Quintus joined the family when the boys were 7 and 10; Vincent chose his name, Latin for “fifth,” because he was the fifth family member.

李翊云和她的丈夫——一名软件工程师——以及他们的狗昆图斯在家里。昆图斯是一只白色的贵宾犬，患有白内障，眼睛浑浊。他在孩子们分别七岁和10岁时加入了这个家庭；是文森特给他起的名字，在拉丁语中是“第五”的意思，因为他是第五个家庭成员。

Li made me a cup of green tea and led me to the sunny sitting room off her garden, where she spends endless hours tending to plants and flowers. She had just planted some Japanese anemones that wouldn’t bloom until the fall, and the yard teemed with vibrant daffodils, hyacinths and tulips. With a hint of pride, Li said she had planted 1,600 bulbs and was pleased that around half of them had sprouted. She fretted about the fate of hatchlings in a wren’s nest nestled low in a rose bush. “You just worry about those little birds,” she said.

李翊云给我泡了一杯绿茶，把我带到她家花园旁边那间阳光明媚的起居室，她在花园里花了无数的时间照料花草。她刚种下了一些秋天才开花的日本海葵，院子里到处都是生机勃勃的水仙花、风信子和郁金香。带着一丝自豪，李翊云说她已经种下了1600个球茎，令人欣慰的是其中大约一半已经发芽。她为低矮的玫瑰丛中鹪鹩窝里的雏鸟的命运担忧。“你就是会担心那些小鸟，”她说。

Li, who was born in Beijing in 1972, has a round, youthful face and speaks softly and deliberately. Though she comes across as serious and cerebral at first, she frequently broke into smiles and laughter. She joked about what a bad swimmer and mediocre piano player she is, and gently mocked people she calls “silver liners,” well meaning acquaintances and strangers who have tried to assure her there’s life beyond grief.

1972年出生于北京的李翊云有着一张圆圆的、显年轻的脸，说话温柔从容。虽然一上来会给人一种严肃理智的印象，但她经常会突然露出笑容，发出笑声。她开玩笑说自己游泳技术很差，钢琴也很弹得平庸，还温和地嘲笑那些她所谓的“银边人”——这些好心的熟人和陌生人试图向她保证，悲伤过后人生还会另有一片天地。

“People always say, you’re going to overcome this,” she said. “No, I’m not.”

“人们总是说，你会克服这一切的，”她说。“不，我不会。”

Li told me she often senses that her circumstances make people uncomfortable, especially other parents. She’s also keenly aware that her easy, quiet demeanor and her way of coping by sticking to her schedule — she went straight back to teaching and writing in the days after the deaths of her children — fails to match most people’s assumptions about the devastating aftermath of losing a child.

李翊云告诉我，她经常感觉自己的处境使别人感到不舒服，尤其是其他父母。她也敏锐地意识到，她从容、安静的举止，以及她坚持自己日程安排的应对方式——在孩子死后的日子里，她直接回去教书和写作——这不是多数人心目中一个刚刚经历丧子之痛的人应有的样子。

“People expect a grieving mother to behave a certain way, and I never think I can live according to other people’s narrative,” she said. “There is the expectation you will open yourself up, show your vulnerability, show your progress, all these things I don’t do.”

“人们期望一个悲伤的母亲以某种方式行事，我从不认为我可以按照别人的说法生活，”她说。“人们期望你敞开心扉，展示你的脆弱，展示你的进步，这些都是我不会做的。”

What’s perhaps most surprising about talking to Li is witnessing her ability to exist in two realities that seem incompatible: one where she’s living in a desolate state she calls the abyss, and another where she finds fulfillment, amusement and even joy in her work, her friendships and her marriage, in little moments and memories.

与李翊云交谈时，最令人惊讶的也许是目睹她在两个似乎不相容的现实中生存的能力：一个是她生活在被她称为深渊的荒凉状态中，另一个是她在工作、友谊和婚姻中，在一些细微的瞬间和回忆中找到满足、娱乐甚至快乐。

“To live with pain is possible, you do things in everyday life, you garden, you listen to music, but you’re thinking about,” she said, trailing off, leaving the unspeakable unsaid.

“带着痛苦生活是可能的，你在日常生活中做一些事情，你在做园艺，你在听音乐，但你还在思考，”她说，她的声音越来越小，没有说出那些难以言说的东西。

Vincent and James remain a tangible presence throughout Li’s quiet, spacious home. The walls of her light-filled office off the living room are lined with Vincent’s bright, whimsical artwork. Above the mantel is a large painting he made as a young boy, of a child standing in a field with three brown barns and an emerald green pond, against a golden sky. She discovered it after his death, and figured he hid it in a closet because he misspelled his name in his signature.

在李翊云安静宽敞的家中，文森特和詹姆斯的身影无处不在。她那间光线充足的办公室离客厅较远，墙上挂着文森特色调明亮、异想天开的艺术品。壁炉架上挂着一幅他小时候画的巨幅画作，画中一个孩子站在田野里，有三个棕色的谷仓和一个翠绿色的池塘，映衬着金色的天空。她在他去世后发现了这幅画，并认为他把它藏在壁橱里，是因为他在签名时拼错了自己的名字。

Elsewhere around the house are family photos, school portraits and knickknacks that reflect the boys’ quirks and obsessions. She keeps James’s collection of pocket watches, the origami animals he folded and the stuffed lamb, named Marmalade, that he got during a vacation to Ireland. She has Vincent’s collection of 47 stuffed penguins.

房子里的其他地方还摆放着家庭照片、学生肖像和小摆设，反映了男孩们独特的个性和兴趣。她保存着詹姆斯收藏的怀表、他叠的折纸动物，以及他去爱尔兰度假时得到的名叫橘子酱的毛绒小羊。她保留着文森特收藏的47只企鹅毛绒玩具。

Li and her husband have held onto all of their sons’ possessions, among them items that were returned by the police — Vincent’s phone, fractured at the corner, and James’s backpack, which held a pencil that had snapped in half. Even mundane objects have become treasures. James’s retainers are in a box on his desk; Vincent’s are on his shelf.

李翊云和丈夫一直保留着儿子们的所有物品，其中包括警方归还的东西——文森特的那部碎了一角的手机，詹姆斯的背包，里面装着一支断成两段的铅笔。即使是平凡的物品也变成了珍宝。詹姆斯的牙套在他桌上的一个盒子里；文森特的牙套在他的书架上。

“I cannot do anything about them,” Li said of her sons’ belongings. “It’s quite painful even to move an object. We have our human limits.”

“我不能去动这些东西，”李翊云说到儿子的遗物。“即使是移动一个物体都是很痛苦的。我们有我们凡人的极限。”

When James was born in 2005, Li’s literary career was taking off. She had abandoned a Ph.D. in immunology to pursue writing, and after enrolling in the Iowa Writers’ Workshop, she’d published some short stories. In 2005, she released her debut story collection, “A Thousand Years of Good Prayers.” She followed with highly praised novels like “Kinder than Solitude” and “The Vagrants,” which explored the oppression and paranoia of life in Communist China, and went on to accumulate a string of prestigious awards, including a Whiting Award and Guggenheim and MacArthur fellowships.

2005年詹姆斯出生时，李翊云的文学事业正处于起步阶段。她放弃了免疫学博士学位，转而追求写作，在加入艾奥瓦作家工作室后，她发表了一些短篇小说。2005年，她出版了首部小说集《千年祈祷》(A Thousand Years of Good Prayers)。随后，她创作了《比孤独更善良》(Kinder than Solitude)和《流浪者》(The Vagrants)等备受赞誉的小说，探索共产主义中国生活中的压迫和偏执，并获得了一系列著名奖项，包括怀廷奖、古根海姆奖和麦克阿瑟奖。

Even as she won accolades for her work and had a fulfilling home life with two bright, curious children, Li fought the pull of depression. During a breakdown in 2012, she felt herself “slipping into unreality” and attempted suicide twice, a bewildering experience she describes in her memoir, “Dear Friend, from My Life I Write to You in Your Life.”

即使她在工作上获得了荣誉，有两个聪明、好奇的孩子，家庭生活也很充实，但李翊云还是备受抑郁症困扰。在2012年的一次精神崩溃中，她觉得自己“陷入了不现实的境地”，两次试图自杀，她在回忆录《亲爱的朋友，在我的生活中给你的生活写信》(Dear Friend, from My Life I Write to You in Your Life)中描述了这段令人困惑的经历。

She has wondered if her near suicide influenced Vincent, and how Vincent’s death influenced James, but she refuses to dwell on those questions; the only people who could answer them are gone.

她曾经想过她的自杀是否影响了文森特，以及文森特的死如何影响了詹姆斯，但她拒绝细想这些问题；能回答这些问题的人都已经不在了。

In a devastating coincidence, Li was working on her novel, “Must I Go,” which centers on a woman who lost a daughter to suicide, when Vincent took his life in September 2017.

2017年9月文森特自杀身亡时，李翊云正在写她的小说《我该走了吗》(Must I Go)，故事的中心人物是一个自杀身亡的女人的母亲。这是一个令人心碎的巧合。

After Vincent’s death, Li immediately began writing down imagined conversations with her son, telling him about the cheesecake she baked, her clumsy attempt to knit a scarf from the yellow yarn he left behind. The dialogue became Li’s novel “Where Reasons End,” a spare, intimate conversation between a mother and her brilliant, funny, eccentric son who has died by suicide and speaks to her from a vague afterlife. Vincent’s voice came so readily, it felt like he was speaking to her, Li said. “I wanted to have him around for a little bit,” Li said.

文森特去世后，李翊云立即开始写下想象中与儿子的对话，给他讲她烤的芝士蛋糕，她笨拙地试图用他留下的黄色纱线织一条围巾。这段对话后来成为李翊云的小说《理由的尽头》(Where Reasons End)，讲述了一位母亲与她聪明、有趣、古怪的儿子之间零星且亲密的对话。儿子自杀身亡，从朦胧的阴世与她交谈。李翊云说，文森特的声音如此自然地出现在小说中，感觉像是他在与她交谈。“我想他在我身边多待一会，”李翊云说。

But after James died, Li found it impossible to conjure him at first. Unlike Vincent, who was artistic, expressive and outgoing, James was introverted, governed by logic rather than feelings.

但詹姆斯去世后，李翊云起初发现自己无法让他在文字中浮现。与文森特不同，詹姆斯性格内向，支配他的是逻辑，不是情感。

Li felt any attempt to capture James in writing was doomed to be “a partial failure,” she said. Still, she decided she would rather fail than not try.

李翊云曾觉得，任何用文字刻画詹姆斯的尝试都注定是“一种不完全的失败”，她说。尽管如此，她还是决定宁可失败也不能放弃尝试。

“I had all these thoughts after James died, but those thoughts are nothing unless I think them through in writing,” Li said.

“詹姆斯死后，我脑子里全是这些想法，但除非我把它们通过写作记录下来，否则这些想法就什么都不是了，”李翊云说。

It took her several months before she found the right language to write about him, but once she started, the words came quickly.

她花了几个月时间才找到了描述詹姆斯的适当语言，但一旦她开始下笔，句子就很快形成了。

“By the time I started writing, I knew it was going to come out all right,” she said, then quickly corrected herself with a quiet laugh that caught in her throat. “I keep saying all right, as though everything is going to be all right, nothing is all right.”

“开始动笔的时候，我就知道一切都会很顺利，”她说，然后她很快用不出声的轻笑纠正了自己。“我老是说一切顺利，好像一切都会好起来，没有什么会好起来。”

Vincent’s death was shocking, but not entirely unexpected. Even as a young child, he was prone to depression and despair. His fourth grade teacher sent a concerned email to Li about poems he wrote, painful verses reflecting on life and death. A therapist treating him warned Li that he might act on his suicidal thoughts and told her she should be prepared.

文森特的死令人震惊，但并非完全出乎意料。即使在孩提时代，他就容易陷入抑郁和绝望。上四年级时，文森特的老师给李翊云发了一封充满担忧的电子邮件，是关于他写的诗的，他写了一些反思生与死的痛苦诗句。一名为他治疗的心理专家曾警告李翊云，文森特可能会把自杀的想法付诸行动，并告诉她应该有思想准备。

There were no similar warning signs from James, who was also in therapy and came across as stoic and resilient, and didn’t exhibit his brother’s emotional extremes or crippling perfectionism.

詹姆斯没有类似令人警惕的表现，他也曾接受心理治疗，给人以能默默承受、适应能力强的印象，没有表现出哥哥那样的极端情绪，或令他自己崩溃的完美主义。

James loved philosophy, linguistics and science. He sometimes stunned his family as a young child, when he would offhandedly explain mysterious quantum particles or the behavior of obscure deep sea invertebrates at the dinner table. He excelled at languages — he studied Spanish, Italian and Japanese, and taught himself Welsh, German, Romanian and Russian — but often kept his thoughts to himself. In kindergarten, James came home one day wearing a sign he’d written that said, “IM NOt TaLKING Becuase I DON’t WaNT TO!”

詹姆斯热爱哲学、语言学和科学。小时候，他有时会在餐桌上漫不经心地解释神秘的量子粒子、或鲜为人知的深海无脊椎动物的行为，让家人大吃一惊。虽然他的语言能力出类拔萃——在学校学了西班牙语、意大利语和日语，并自学了威尔士语、德语、罗马尼亚语和俄语，但他总是把想法藏在心里。上幼儿园时，有一天他身上戴着一个自己写的牌子回了家，牌子上写着：“我不说话因为我不想说！”

Sometimes Li wonders if she failed to notice a downward spiral because James was so self-contained.

有时候李翊云会想，她没注意到詹姆斯陷入不幸的漩涡，是否就因为他如此地自持。

A few weeks before his death, James told his mother that he was reading “The Myth of Sisyphus,” by the French philosopher Albert Camus, which opens with the question of whether life is worth living. Li recalled a conversation she and James had around that time, when she told him that most people endure the monotonous or painful parts of life for moments of pure joy. The last time Li and her husband saw James, when they dropped him off at his dorm after dinner the weekend before he died, Li asked what he was reading. James said that he was rereading “The Myth of Sisyphus.”

詹姆斯在去世几周前曾告诉母亲，他正在读法国哲学家阿尔贝·加缪的《西西弗斯神话》(The Myth of Sisyphus)。这本书在开篇处提出一个问题：人生是否值得活下去。李翊云回忆起当时和詹姆斯的一次对话，她告诉儿子，大多数人忍受人生中单调或痛苦的部分，为的是享受由衷快乐的时刻。李翊云和丈夫最后一次看到詹姆斯是他去世前的那个周末。他们晚饭后送他回宿舍，李翊云问儿子在读什么书。詹姆斯说，他当时正在重读《西西弗斯神话》。

Looking back, Li wonders if she sensed something then. But she doesn’t allow herself to dwell on whether his death could have been prevented, a trap she fell into when Vincent died, she said.

回过头来看，李翊云在想自己当时是否感觉到了什么。但她不允许自己老去想詹姆斯的死是否可以避免的问题，她说，文森特去世后，她曾掉进那个陷阱。

“When people die from suicide, family who are left behind usually ask, what if? Why?” Li said. “This time I thought, we don’t want to start with those questions, we want to start somewhere else, which was just to accept this is a fact. This was his decision, he died, and there was a reason for him to make this decision.”

“有人自杀身亡后，身后的家人通常会问，‘要是……会怎么样？是因为什么？’”李翊云说。“这一次，我觉得我们不要从这些问题开始，我们要从别的地方开始，那就是接受这是事实。这是他的决定，他死了，他做这个决定是有原因的。”

One thought kept resurfacing: Li was certain that James trusted in his parents’ ability to survive his death. That unshakable certainty is one of the things that keeps Li grounded and able to go on living.

一个不断浮出的想法是：李翊云确信詹姆斯相信父母在他死后有能力活下去。这个坚定的信念让李翊云保持了理智和活下去的能力。

“He was aware that we would endure this, because we endured it once,” she said. “I thought, we must respect his understanding and we must respect his choice.”

“他知道我们会承受这件事，因为我们曾经承受过，”李翊云说。“我觉得，我们必须尊重他的领悟，我们必须尊重他的选择。”

Experiencing a devastating loss for a second time, Li knew she needed to ground herself in routine, she said.

李翊云说，再次经历痛苦的失去，她知道自己需要过有规律的生活。

She knew she needed to sleep, stay hydrated, get exercise every day, and to stick to her schedule, continuing with her lap swimming, her weekly piano lessons, her classes at Princeton. She threw herself back into writing, which she does for two or three hours every morning, and recently finished a draft of a new book, a historical novel about a group of musicians, set in early-19th-century Europe.

她知道自己需要睡眠、喝水、每天锻炼，并坚持自己的时间表，继续去游泳池游泳，继续每周上钢琴课，继续在普林斯顿大学教书。她把自己重新投入写作，每天早上写作两三个小时，最近完成了一部新小说的初稿。这是一部关于一群音乐家的历史小说，故事背景设定在19世纪早期的欧洲。

Li and her husband have continued to travel, something they loved to do with the boys, and to celebrate their sons’ birthdays with homemade cakes. “There’s only one person who knows how I feel — it’s him,” Li said of Dapeng, who prefers to remain private and doesn’t give interviews.

李翊云和丈夫已在继续旅行，那是他们喜欢和儿子们一起做的事情，他们还自己做蛋糕庆祝儿子的生日。“只有一个人知道我的感受——那就是他，”李翊云指的是大鹏，注重隐私的他没有接受采访。

Li has found support from her closest friends, among them the writers Elizabeth McCracken and Mona Simpson, who organized meals for her and her husband for several months, and the editor Brigid Hughes, who came to stay with Li the weekend after James died and helped with the task of alerting Li’s friends and colleagues. A friend later told Hughes that she couldn’t make sense of the message at first, and thought a draft of an old email about Vincent’s death had been sent by accident.

李翊云得到了来自她最亲密朋友的支持，他们中包括作家伊丽莎白·麦克拉肯和莫娜·辛普森，她们为李翊云和丈夫安排了几个月的餐食；还有编辑布里吉德·休斯，她在詹姆斯去世后的那个周末到李家住了几天，帮忙将这个噩耗告知李翊云的朋友和同事。一名朋友后来对休斯说，她收到消息后一开始觉得一头雾水，以为是意外错发了关于文森特去世的旧邮件草稿。

That weekend, Li asked Hughes a painful question: Wasn’t she the worst mother in the world? Hughes quickly replied that they both knew the question was outlandish. One thing Li doesn’t doubt is the depth of her love for her sons, who she always encouraged to be fully themselves. She’s tried to extend that acceptance to not only their lives but their deaths.

那个周末，李翊云问了休斯一个痛苦的问题：难道自己不是世界上最糟糕的母亲吗？休斯很快回答说，他们两人都知道这个问题太荒谬了。李翊云毫不怀疑的是她爱儿子的程度之深，她总是鼓励他们做真实的自己。她尽力将这种接纳扩展到不仅是他们的生命，也包括他们的死亡。

“As their mother, I always respected them and tried very hard to understand them,” she said.

“作为他们的母亲，我总是尊重他们，并努力去了解他们，”她说。

While writing “Things in Nature Merely Grow,” Li had doubts about whether she should finish it.

在写作《自然万物只是生长》时，李翊云曾犹豫要不要完成这本书。

At one point, she asked McCracken to read an early draft and tell her if it was worth publishing. McCracken assured her it was.

她一度请麦克拉肯读了初稿，并告诉她书是否值得出版。麦克拉肯向她保证值得出版。

“I was astonished by what a work of clear thinking it was, about things that seem impossible to think about,” McCracken said. “To have lost two astonishing children, it’s a life sentence.”

“令我惊讶的是，这是一部思路如此清晰的作品，探讨了一些似乎不可能去思考的东西，”麦克拉肯说。“失去两个如此出色的孩子，这等于被判处了无期徒刑。”

Sitting in her sunroom, Li told me that there’s something she wishes she’d known earlier in her life, so that she could have shared it with her children: that it’s possible “to suffer better,” to be both sad and happy. It’s a place she’s arrived at in recent months. When she’s gardening, when she’s reading, or writing, or listening to music, or taking a walk in the woods with her husband, she feels happy, she said.

李翊云坐在家中的阳光房里对我说，她宁愿自己能早点明白一些事情，这样她就能和孩子们分享：“更好地受苦”是有可能的，既感受悲哀、也感受快乐。这是她近几个月逐渐得出的看法。当她做园艺、阅读、写作、听音乐，或与丈夫在林间散步时，她会感到快乐。

“We’re sad, we’re very sad, but we’re not unhappy,” she said. “So long as we live, we carry our love for the children, even though they’re not here.”

“我们悲伤，非常悲伤，但我们并非不快乐，”她说。“只要我们活着，我们就怀抱着对孩子们的爱，即使他们已经不在人世。”

If you are having thoughts of suicide, call or text 988 to reach the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline, or go to SpeakingOfSuicide.com/resources for a list of additional resources.

如果你有自杀的想法，请拨打988或发短信，与988自杀与危机生命线联系，或访问SpeakingOfSuicide.com/resources，以获取更多资源。

Diplomatic appointments do not usually excite the world’s metalheads. But when Taiwan on Monday named the frontman for a band known as “the Black Sabbath of Asia” as its envoy to the heavy metal mecca of Finland, rockers on multiple continents rejoiced.

外交任命通常不会引起全球金属乐迷的兴趣。但在周一，一支被誉为“亚洲黑色安息日”的乐队的主唱将作为台湾政府代表派驻金属音乐圣地芬兰，世界各地的摇滚乐迷为之欢呼。

“Because if you’re gonna be an ambassador to any Scandinavian country, you better be in a metal band,” the Brooklyn-based publication Metal Injection wrote.

“因为如果你要成为北欧国家的大使，你最好是金属乐队成员，”布鲁克林刊物《金属注射》(Metal Injection)写道。

The choice of Freddy Lim, founder and lead singer of Chthonic, by President Lai Ching-te of Taiwan appears apt: Finland has the most metal bands per capita, with about 80 for every 100,000 citizens — a data point often cited by metal fans. And Mr. Lim already has an affinity for the country, where his band has played in major cities and performed with Finnish musicians.

台湾总统赖清德选择闪灵乐团创办人兼主唱林昶佐担任代表，可谓恰如其分：芬兰是世界上人均金属乐队最多的国家——每10万人中大约就有80支金属乐队，这一数据常为金属乐迷津津乐道。而林昶佐本就对这个国家情有独钟，闪灵乐团曾在芬兰多个主要城市演出，并与芬兰音乐人同台表演。

“Working with my partners in the Finnish music industry for a long time has made me have a special feeling for this country,” Mr. Lim said in a social media post on Monday, noting that his band had released four albums with the Finnish-founded label Spinefarm Records.

林昶佐在周一的一则社交媒体帖文中表示：“与芬兰音乐产业伙伴们长期一同打拼的日子，让我一直对这个国家有着特殊的感情。”他指出，闪灵乐团与芬兰人创立的厂牌Spinefarm Records合作发行了四张专辑。

His selection as Taiwan’s envoy is not based on musical fame alone. Taiwan’s foreign minister, Lin Chia-lung, said on Monday that Mr. Lim was chosen for his human rights work and international exchange experience: He served as a national legislator from 2016 to 2024 and was chairman of Amnesty International in Taiwan from 2010 to 2014.

他之所以被选为台湾驻外代表，并不仅仅是因为音乐上的知名度。台湾外交部长林佳龙周一表示，之所以选择林昶佐，是因为他在人权事务上的投入以及丰富的国际交流经验：他曾于2016年至2024年担任立法委员，并于2010年至2014年担任国际特赦组织台湾分会会长。

Mr. Lim, 49, formed Chthonic (pronounced THON-ik) around 1995, creating a heavy metal mythology for the band using elements of Taiwan’s local lore instead of the pagan and satanic imagery of some Western bands. The band’s 2005 album, “Seediq Bale” (Real Person), which was released in the United States in 2006 and worldwide the next year, brought the band international attention. It got Chthonic a spot in Ozzfest — on a tour founded and headlined by the British heavy metal legend Ozzy Osbourne — playing 24 major American cities. The band also toured Europe that year.

现年49岁的林昶佐在1995年前后组建了闪灵乐团，与一些西方乐团所采用的异端或撒旦意象不同，他为乐团创造出一种融合台湾本土传说的重金属神话体系。乐团于2005年推出的专辑《赛德克巴莱》（“真正的人”）于2006年在美国发行，次年在全球发行，为闪灵赢得了国际关注。该专辑让闪灵登上了Ozzfest的舞台——这是由英国重金属传奇人物奥兹·奥斯本创办并领衔的巡演，闪灵在其中巡演了美国24个主要城市。同年，乐团还进行了欧洲巡演。

Chthonic used its music and performances to call attention to the struggles of Taiwan, a democratically governed island of 23 million about 100 miles off China’s mainland. Beijing considers the island a renegade province and pressures other countries to keep it out of international bodies.

闪灵乐团通过音乐和演出呼吁外界关注台湾的处境。这座拥有2300万人口、实行民主治理的岛屿距离中国大陆约160公里。北京将台湾视为一个叛乱的省份，并施压其他国家将其排除在国际组织之外。

In 2007, The International Herald Tribune wrote that Chthonic used “loud music and diabolical face paint to bring attention to its home government’s exclusion from the United Nations.”

2007年，《国际先驱论坛报》曾撰文指出，闪灵乐团用“震耳欲聋的音乐和魔鬼般的面部彩绘来引起人们对其政府被排除在联合国之外的关注”。

Mr. Lim explained at the time how he presents the issue onstage to audiences. “I usually say: ‘The U.N. considers themselves to represent all nations of the world. But Taiwan is limited from its membership, so Taiwan represents the underworld, like you guys!’ When I say, ‘Underworld,’ they go crazy.”

林昶佐当时解释了他如何在舞台上向观众呈现这一议题：“我通常会说：‘联合国自认为代表全世界的国家，但台湾却被限制加入，所以台湾代表的是冥界，就像你们一样！’当我说出‘冥界’的时候，观众都会疯狂欢呼。”

Mr. Lim highlighted his varied experiences in his statement about his new role, saying they had given him “a sense of mission in Taiwan’s international affairs.”

林昶佐在谈到自己新职务的声明中强调了他多样的经历，并表示这些经历赋予他“对台湾国际事务的一种使命感”。

His official turn to politics began in 2014, when hundreds of students occupied Taiwan’s Parliament to protest a trade deal with China that they feared would make Taiwan more vulnerable to Beijing’s influence. Students took to the streets in what became known as the Sunflower Movement, and Mr. Lim was among the best-known participants.

林昶佐正式涉足政治是在2014年，当时数百名学生占领了台湾立法院，抗议一项与中国的贸易协议，他们担心该协议会使台湾更容易受到北京的影响。这场抗议演变为“太阳花运动”，学生走上街头，而林昶佐则是最知名的参与者之一。

By then, the musician had already established himself as a vocal advocate, someone who had literally been screaming about Taiwan for years.

那时，这位音乐人早已是台湾议题上直言不讳的倡议者，他多年来几乎是在用呐喊的方式为台湾发声。

In 2015, Mr. Lim founded the New Power Party and secured a parliamentary seat the next year. But in 2019, he ran as an independent and in later joined the governing Democratic Progressive Party.

2015年，林昶佐成立了时代力量党，并在次年成功获得了立法院席位。但在2019年，他以独立候选人身份参选，随后加入了执政的民进党。

As a legislator, he has been involved in foreign affairs and often held late-night meetings online to discuss issues of “democracy, human rights and security” with counterparts abroad, he said in his statement. At Amnesty International, he added, he worked “hand in hand” with branches in Finland and beyond on human rights issues. Mr. Lim did not respond to a request for comment.

他在声明中表示，作为立法委员，他参与了外交事务，并经常举行深夜的在线会议，与国外官员讨论“民主、人权和安全”问题。他还说，在国际特赦组织任职期间，自己与芬兰及其他地区的分支机构在推动人权问题上“携手合作”。林昶佐并未回应置评请求。

Though heavy metal fans may be onboard with his appointment, several legislators from opposition parties in Taiwan expressed doubts. They note that Mr. Lim said he did not serve compulsory military service because of an anxiety disorder, and they question whether he was suitable for the position.

虽然重金属乐迷可能支持他的任命，但台湾一些在野党立法委员表达了疑虑。他们指出，林昶佐曾表示自己因焦虑症未履行兵役，并质疑他是否适合担任这一职务。

His appointment comes as Taiwan’s president has taken a tougher stance on China, raising criticism from some who say it’s a risky position since a geopolitically fickle President Trump may not offer steadfast support for the island.

他的任命正值台湾总统对中国采取更强硬立场之际，这引起了一些人的批评，认为这是一个冒险的立场，因为地缘政治上善变的特朗普总统可能不会坚定地支持台湾。

And China’s global squeeze on the government in Taipei is still in effect. On the day Mr. Lim’s new role was announced, member states in the World Health Organization rejected a proposal to invite Taiwan to an annual meeting in Geneva after China opposed it.

中国在全球范围内对台北政府的挤压仍在继续。在林昶佐新职务宣布的当天，世界卫生组织成员国在中国的反对下拒绝了邀请台湾参加在日内瓦举行的年度会议的提议。

In his statement about the new role, Mr. Lim said that Taiwan and Finland had made advances in economic and trade cooperation and other areas in recent years, and that he would continue to build “on this solid foundation” and “strive for stronger support from Finland for Taiwan.”

在关于新职务的声明中，林昶佐表示，近年来台湾与芬兰在经济、贸易合作及其他领域取得了进展，他将继续“在这一坚实基础上”努力，并“争取芬兰对台湾更坚定的支持”。

The metalhead turned politician — who has returned to making music — signed off with the Finnish word for cheers: “Kippis!”

从金属人转变为政治人的林昶佐——他已重新开始创作音乐——以芬兰语“Kippis！”（“干杯”）一词结束了他的声明。

Journalists in Hong Kong have increasingly complained about having to self-censor and the fear of arrest since a national security crackdown began five years ago.

自五年前的一场国家安全打压行动以来，香港记者越来越多地抱怨不得不进行自我审查，担心遭受牢狱之灾。

Now, they say, they have another worry to add to the list: tax inspections.

他们说，现在又多了一个担忧：查税。

The Hong Kong Journalists Association said on Wednesday that the union itself and six independent news outlets — as well as their founders — are among those who have been subject to tax investigations, saying it added to the pressures being placed on journalists as press freedom dwindles in the Chinese territory.

香港记者协会周三表示，该协会和六家独立新闻机构——以及它们的创始人——均遭到查税，并称随着这个中国领土的新闻自由减少，记者们面临的压力也在增加。

The investigations also extended to the personal taxes of the spouses or parents of some of the journalists who are being investigated, the group said. Most of those being investigated by the department have been issued additional tax demands, and a few said they were asked to provide up to seven years of financial information.

该组织表示，部分被调查记者的配偶或父母也面临个人所得税调查。多数被查对象已收到补税通知，少数人更是被要求提交长达七年的财务信息。

Selina Cheng, the chair of the association, said that there was not sufficient evidence to prompt most of the tax investigations, and that, in some cases, the authorities had overestimated income without taking into account business expenses.

香港记者协会主席郑嘉如指出，多数税务调查缺乏充分依据，部分案例中当局在未扣除经营成本的情况下高估了收入。

“Journalists in Hong Kong do not have a very high income. Other than having to pay these claims of taxes, they also need to spend money, time and energy to prove in reverse that they were innocent,” Ms. Cheng said.

“香港记者收入本就不高，除被迫缴纳这些存疑税款外，还需耗费金钱、时间和精力自证清白，”郑嘉如说。

The number of tax investigations in Hong Kong is relatively low: The Inland Revenue Department said it completed about 1,800 field audit and investigations between 2023 and 2024. The department said in a statement that the investigations followed standard procedures. “The industry or background of a taxpayer has no bearing on such reviews,” it said.

香港的税务稽查相对少见。税务局数据显示，2023至2024年度共完成约1800宗实地审计及调查。该局在声明中强调，所有稽查均依标准程序进行，“纳税人的行业或背景不会影响稽查决定。”

Some independent media outlets in Hong Kong have faced great scrutiny since a national security law was imposed by Beijing in 2020 and criminalized some forms of dissent. The authorities have sent police officers to raid newsrooms, arrested media executives and convicted news editors.

自北京于2020年实施国家安全法并将某些异见行为入刑以来，香港的一些独立媒体面临着严格的审查。当局派警察搜查新闻编辑部，逮捕媒体高管，并将新闻编辑定罪。

The authorities have also used subtler ways to try to silence opposing voices of journalists, activists and even bookstore owners, political analysts say. Groups that are critical of the government have faced problems finding private venues for events, inspections of their premises and even inquiries into their pet licenses.

政治分析人士表示，当局还使用更隐蔽的方式试图压制记者、活动人士乃至书店经营者的反对声音。批评政府的团体面临活动场地租借困难、场所突检，甚至连宠物饲养许可证都遭到质询。

Thomas Kellogg, the executive director of the Georgetown Center for Asian Law, said that administrative harassment can be an effective way to control the remaining outlets that have managed not to cross red lines that could put them at risk for prosecution under national security or sedition laws. Such reviews “serve as a reminder to media outlets that they have to watch what they say, and that the government has ways to hit back at them over reporting it doesn’t like,” he said.

乔治敦大学亚洲法律中心执行主任托马斯·凯洛格表示，对于尚存的那些尚未逾越红线，因而不必担心遭到国家安全或煽动叛乱法律检控的媒体而言，行政骚扰是一种行之有效的管控手段。他说，这类审查“意在提醒媒体机构谨言慎行，政府总有办法对其不喜欢的报道实施报复”。

Damon Wong, the director and editor in chief of InMedia, said that a tax investigation into the independent news outlet had caused it to use up significant time and resources. Last year he appeared in court and paid a fine of about $1,250 for failing to keep a physical copy of the company registry in its office.

《独立媒体》(InMedia)的主编黄俊邦表示，对这家独立新闻机构的税务稽查占用了它的大量时间和资源。去年，他因没有在办公室保留公司注册表的实体副本而出庭，并缴纳了1万港币罚款。

Tom Grundy, the founder of the Hong Kong Free Press, an English-language online outlet, also said that it has had to redirect time, resources and money away from covering the news as it faced scrutiny from the tax and other departments.

英文网络媒体《香港自由新闻》(Hong Kong Free Press)的创始人汤姆·格伦迪亦证实，税务和其他部门的审查占用了原本用于新闻报道的时间、资源和资金。

Last year, the authorities investigated what the outlet described as “false complaints,” including claims that a hot sauce it sold as a fund-raiser had come from an unlicensed food factory and that Mr. Grundy’s pet dog lacked a license and rabies shot. Both cases were closed after he submitted evidence to the contrary, Mr. Grundy said.

去年，香港当局针对该媒体发起多项被后者称为“不实控诉”的调查，包括指控其为筹款而售卖的辣椒酱产自一家无证食品厂，以及创办人格伦迪的宠物犬未办理许可证且未接种狂犬疫苗。格伦迪表示，在提交反驳证据后，两起案件均已撤销。

This year, Hong Kong’s press freedom ranking fell to 140th out of 180 countries and territories, according to an index compiled by the advocacy group Reporters Without Borders. About 20 independent outlets in Hong Kong have closed since 2020, according to a study published last year by the Georgetown Center of Asian Law.

根据倡导组织“无国界记者”发布的年度指数，香港今年在全球180个国家和地区的新闻自由排名跌至第140位。乔治敦大学亚洲法律中心去年发布的研究显示，自2020年以来，香港约有20家独立媒体关闭。

A press freedom survey conducted this year by the Foreign Correspondents Club showed that more than half of the respondents were concerned about the risks of arrest or prosecution, and that 65 percent had self-censored in their coverage.

香港的外国记者俱乐部今年进行的一项新闻自由调查显示，超过一半的受访者担心被逮捕或起诉的风险，65%的受访者在报道中进行过自我审查。

Mr. Grundy said that his outlet has always paid its taxes on time and had cooperated fully with the review. But that approach also came at a cost.

格伦迪说，他的媒体机构始终按时纳税，并全力配合稽查工作。但这种做法也是有代价的。

“I’m having to act as a one-man compliance department instead of a journalist,” he said. “It’s just not what I expected from the world’s freest economy when I chose to set up a business here a decade ago.”

“我不得不放下记者的工作，一个人担负起一个合规部的职责，”他说。“这与我十年前选择在这里创业时，对这个世界上最自由的经济体的期望大相径庭。”

Lawmakers in Washington have worked for years to limit China’s access to the cutting-edge computer chips needed for advanced artificial intelligence, particularly those made by Nvidia, America’s leading chipmaker.

华盛顿的立法者们多年来一直在制定法规，限制中国获取先进人工智能技术所需的尖端计算机芯片，尤其是美国主要制造商英伟达的产品。

But according to Nvidia’s chief executive, Jensen Huang, those regulations, driven by economic and security concerns, have only made Chinese tech companies stronger.

但英伟达首席执行官黄仁勋指出，这些出于经济和国家安全考虑制定的管制措施反而让中国的科技公司变得更强大。

The export controls on chips forced Nvidia to forfeit its dominant position in China while domestic companies like Huawei, the telecommunications giant, filled the gap, Mr. Huang said at a news conference in Taipei, Taiwan’s capital, on Wednesday.

黄仁勋周三在台北一个记者会上说，对芯片的出口管制迫使英伟达在中国市场失去了主导地位，而电信设备巨头华为这样的本土企业填补了空白。

Washington’s efforts gave Chinese companies “the spirit, the energy and the government support to accelerate their development,” said Mr. Huang, who attended a tech conference in Taipei this week. “All in all, the export control was a failure.”

华盛顿的努力给了中国企业“加速自身发展的精神、活力，以及政府的支持”，黄仁勋本周在台北出席一个科技会议时这样说。“总而言之，出口管制是失败的。”

Beginning in 2022, under former President Joseph R. Biden Jr., the U.S. government imposed rules to curb the export of Nvidia’s most powerful chips to China. Nvidia responded by modifying one type of chip, making it less powerful so it would fall below the government’s performance thresholds. Last month, Nvidia disclosed that U.S. officials were requiring a license for future sales of those chips to China, forcing the company to take a $5.5 billion hit on inventory it had already planned to sell.

在前总统拜登领导下，美国政府从2022年起对英伟达实施新规，限制它向中国出口最强大的芯片。作为应对，英伟达对某款芯片进行了修改，降低它的性能，使其符合政府的出口标准。英伟达上个月披露，美国官员正在要求公司申请未来向中国销售这种芯片的许可，迫使公司冲销了价值55亿美元原计划卖给中国的库存。

Although Huawei’s chips cannot do everything that Nvidia’s can, they work well enough to help Chinese companies provide A.I. services to people and businesses. In recent months, the government in Beijing has been pushing companies to stock their data centers with mostly Chinese-made chips.

尽管华为的芯片尚不具有英伟达芯片的所有功能，但足以帮助中国公司向个人和企业提供人工智能服务。近几个月来，中国政府一直在推动企业在数据中心主要采用国产芯片。

“A.I. researchers are still doing A.I. research in China,” Mr. Huang said on Wednesday. “If they don’t have enough Nvidia, they will use their own,” he said.

“中国的人工智能研究人员仍在推进人工智能的研发，”黄仁勋周三说。“如果他们没有足够多的英伟达芯片，就会使用自己的芯片，”他说。

Mr. Huang has vowed that Nvidia will do everything it can to keep selling A.I. chips in China. The day after the U.S. government opened an investigation into whether Nvidia’s previous sales to China had violated its rules, Mr. Huang met with top economic and trade officials in Beijing.

黄仁勋承诺，英伟达将竭尽全力维持在华人工智能芯片的销售。就在美国政府对英伟达此前对华销售是否违规展开调查的第二天，黄仁勋在北京与中国高级经贸官员见了面。

Nvidia says it is concerned that any advantage gained by Huawei in China could eventually spread into other markets, helping Huawei build a stronger foundation from which to compete around the world.

英伟达表示，该公司担心华为在中国市场取得的任何优势可能最终扩散到世界其他市场，从而帮助华为建立更强大的基础，以开展全球竞争。

Washington’s controls on chip exports have made it increasingly difficult for Nvidia to do business in China. The country accounted for $17 billion of Nvidia’s revenue during its last fiscal year, by percentage the least in over a decade, according to Bernstein Research. Nvidia reported $130 billion in global revenue during its last fiscal year, an increase of 114 percent over the year before.

华盛顿的芯片出口管制使得英伟达在华开展业务变得越来越困难。据伯恩斯坦研究公司的数据，英伟达上一财年来自中国的营收为170亿美元，占总收入的比例创下十余年来的新低。英伟达上一财年全球营收录得1300亿美元，同比增长了114%。

“Four years ago, at the beginning of the Biden administration, Nvidia’s market share in China was nearly 95 percent,” Mr. Huang said. “Today it is only 50 percent.”

“四年前，在拜登政府上台初期，英伟达在中国的市场份额接近95%，”黄仁勋说。“如今仅为50%。”

This month, the U.S. Commerce Department said that any person or company using Huawei A.I. chips could be in violation of U.S. export controls.

美国商务部本月说，任何使用华为人工智能芯片的个人或公司都可能违反了美国的出口管制。

Countries around the world have been lining up to buy Nvidia chips, and the Trump administration has positioned itself as a deal broker.

世界各国正在排队购买英伟达的芯片，特朗普政府已将自己定位为交易掮客。

Mr. Huang was in the Gulf region last week during President Trump’s visit there, as the administration struck multibillion-dollar agreements to sell advanced chips from Nvidia to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

特朗普总统上周访问海湾地区时，黄仁勋也在那里。美国政府签署了把英伟达的先进芯片卖给沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋价值数十亿美元的协议。

Officials in the administration believe these deals will boost business for American A.I. companies like Nvidia and widen the nation’s lead in artificial intelligence. Mr. Huang criticized the approach taken by the Biden administration.

美国政府官员认为，这些交易将推动英伟达等美国人工智能公司的业务，扩大美国在人工智能领域的领先地位。黄仁勋对此前拜登政府的做法提出了批评。

“President Trump said very publicly he would like Nvidia to sell as many GPUs as possible all around the world,” Mr. Huang said, referring to an Nvidia product needed for A.I. systems.

“特朗普总统非常公开地说，他想让英伟达将尽可能多的GPU卖给全球各地的买家，”黄仁勋说，他指的是英伟达生产的人工智能系统芯片。

He said it was important that China’s artificial intelligence developers work on systems made by Nvidia, “or at least on American technology.”

他指出，让中国的人工智能研发人员使用英伟达制造的芯片，“或至少使用美国的技术”很重要。

The inland city of Chengdu in southwestern China is often ridiculed for its slow-paced and leisurely lifestyle. It’s portrayed as a haven for slackers, lacking the unrelenting, hardworking culture found in wealthy coastal trade centers like Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen.

中国西南部的内陆城市成都常因其慢节奏和悠闲的生活方式被调侃。这座城市被描绘成懒人的避风港，缺乏上海、广州和深圳等富裕沿海贸易中心那种不断进取、勤奋工作的文化氛围。

For decades, industrious young people left Chengdu, and other landlocked urban centers, to pursue opportunities near the coast, where money poured in as China opened its factories and exported its goods to the rest of the world.

几十年来，勤奋的年轻人离开成都及其他内陆城市，前往沿海地区追寻机会——随着中国建设工厂并向全球出口商品，财富不断涌入这些地区。

Even before China’s trade war with the United States, more young people were turning away from the hypercompetitive work culture found in the country’s megacities, opting for a more chill life in Chengdu, which has earned the reputation of being “China’s happiest city.”

甚至在中国与美国的贸易战前，就已经有更多的年轻人开始远离一线城市高度竞争性的工作文化，选择在成都过上更放松的生活，这座城市也因此赢得了“中国最具幸福感城市”的美誉。

Chengdu is one of the fastest-growing cities in China. Its population has surged 30 percent in the last five years to 21.5 million, and its real estate market is booming — a rare bright spot amid the country’s property crisis.

如今，成都是中国发展最快的城市之一。过去五年里，该市人口激增30%，达到2150万，房地产市场蓬勃发展，成为中国房地产危机中罕见的亮点。

The appeal of Chengdu, an ancient city with a history dating back more than 2,300 years, reflects a budding disillusionment among young people who see an economy that is no longer creating the opportunities it once did for their parents.

这座拥有2300多年历史的古城的吸引力反映出年轻人中逐渐萌芽的幻灭感：他们看到中国经济已经无法像父辈时代那样创造大量机会。

As its exports have surged, drawing tariffs from President Trump, China’s domestic economy has struggled. Consumers have been wary of spending, a continuing trend shown again in new monthly government data released on Monday.

在出口激增招致特朗普政府关税同时，中国国内经济陷入困境。消费者一直不敢消费，周一发布的最新月度政府数据再次印证了这一持续趋势。

Better pay and a successful career are not a guaranteed trade-off for endless workdays and the grind of living in crowded and unaffordable cities. Wuhan, another inland city and the capital of Hubei Province, has also experienced a significant increase in residents over the past four years.

无休止的工作日和在拥挤、生活成本高昂的城市中挣扎已经不能保证可以换来更高的薪水和成功的事业。过去四年，另一个内陆城市、湖北省会武汉的人口也显著增长。

成都的房价上涨是中国所有大城市中最快的，没有受到该国持续已久的房地产颓势影响。

Jobs in Chengdu generally pay less than those in other major cities, and the opportunities for career advancement are more limited, but it is a less stressful place to live.

成都的薪资水平普遍低于其他主要城市，职业晋升机会也更有限，但这里的生活压力较小。

“Chengdu is more friendly to young people in every aspect,” said Wang Di, a history professor at the University of Macau who has written extensively about the city. He compared Chengdu to Austin, Texas — another city known for its embrace of art and counterculture.

“成都在各个方面都对年轻人更友好，”澳门大学历史教授王笛说，他撰写过大量关于这座城市的著作。他将成都比作美国得克萨斯州的奥斯汀——另一座以拥抱艺术和反主流文化著称的城市。

While the Chinese government is growing increasingly repressive, Chengdu has a vibrant L.G.B.T.Q. community, a thriving hip-hop scene and a plethora of teahouses.

尽管中国政府的管控日益严格，成都仍拥有活跃的LGBTQ群体、繁荣的嘻哈文化和许许多多的茶馆。

And, of course, there are the pandas. Chengdu is home to hundreds of giant pandas.

当然，还有大熊猫。成都生活着数以百计大熊猫。

The Chengdu Research Base of Giant Panda Breeding attracted more than 12.2 million visitors last year, according to Chinese state media.

据中国官方媒体报道，成都大熊猫繁育研究基地去年吸引了超过1220万游客。

With an influx of transplants and returnees, housing prices in Chengdu have increased at a faster rate than in any other major city in China.

随着外来人口和返乡者的涌入，成都房价的涨幅超过中国其他所有主要城市。

Since 2021, the average home price per square meter rose 16.8 percent, compared with a 5.4 percent increase on average for 10 major Chinese cities, according to statistics from China Index Academy, a real estate research firm.

房地产研究机构中国指数研究院的数据显示，自2021年以来，成都住宅每平方米均价上涨16.8%，而中国10个主要城市的平均涨幅为5.4%。

成都的人口在过去五年里增长了30%，达到2150万。

Hu Sheng, 36, moved to Chengdu from a smaller nearby city in Sichuan Province to work in the construction and renovation industry. He has been looking for a three-bedroom apartment, but prime properties go off the market quickly, he said.

36岁的胡胜（音）从四川省内一个较小的城市搬到成都，从事建筑和装修行业。他一直在寻找一套三居室公寓，但他说，优质房源很快就会售罄。

“There are a lot of people buying homes now,” Mr. Hu said. “Everyone is scrambling for those apartments.”

“现在买房的人很多，”胡胜说，“大家都在抢着买房子。”

As China’s westernmost major city, Chengdu has long played a role in national security. Starting in the 1960s, the government invested heavily to move military defense and transport manufacturing inland as a way to protect these critical industries from potential foreign invaders.

作为中国西部的主要城市，成都长期在国家安全方面扮演重要角色。从20世纪60年代开始，政府大力投资，将国防和运输制造业转移到内陆，以保护这些关键产业免受潜在外国侵略者的威胁。

Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, has pledged to bolster the country’s industries for cutting-edge technology such as semiconductors and reduce its reliance on foreign firms. Economists have speculated that a similar focus on strategic domestic industries may bring more companies to Chengdu and its inland cities.

中国最高领导人习近平承诺要加强半导体等尖端技术产业，并减少对外国公司的依赖。经济学家推测，对国内战略产业的类似关注可能会将更多企业带到成都及其他内陆城市。

Currently, about 70 percent of Chengdu’s economy derives from the service sector, which includes spending from tourism and dining at the city’s popular spicy hot pot restaurants. It is not as reliant on manufacturing as other locations are, insulating it from the most devastating impact of the tariff battle with the United States.

目前，成都约70%的经济来源于服务业，包括旅游业和在生意火爆的麻辣火锅店的消费。它不像其他地区那样依赖制造业，这使其在与美国的关税战中免受最具破坏性的影响。

There is also a thriving entertainment sector in Chengdu. The animated film “Ne Zha 2,” which became China’s highest-grossing movie ever upon its release this year, was produced by a studio in Chengdu. The city has also become a hub for video game development, driven in part by Chengdu’s emergence as a center for the e-sports industry.

成都的娱乐产业也十分繁荣。今年上映后成为中国有史以来票房最高电影的动画片《哪吒 2》就是由成都一家工作室制作的。随着成都成为电子竞技产业的中心，它也成为了电子游戏开发的枢纽。

成都大熊猫繁育研究基地去年吸引了超过1220万游客。

Huang Xue, a general manager at the Chengdu branch of China Index Academy, a property market data provider, said housing prices in the city were more in line with wages than in other cities.

房地产市场数据提供商中国指数研究院成都分院总经理黄雪（音）表示，相比其他城市，成都的房价与工资水平的匹配更合理。

Ultimately, though, people are turning to Chengdu because at a time of economic uncertainty across China, she said, “people should enjoy life when they can.”

不过，她指出，归根结底，人们选择成都的原因在于：在中国经济充满不确定性的当下，“人们应该及时行乐。”

Three years ago, Emma Ma, 30, left Beijing to move to Chengdu, where she is running a studio producing music videos with her partner.

三年前，30岁的艾玛·马（音）从北京搬到成都，与合伙人经营一家制作音乐视频的工作室。

She said she was renting a two-bedroom apartment for about $400 a month, which would barely cover the cost of a bedroom in a shared apartment in Beijing. She and her partner also hired a helper to do chores and make dinners for them.

她说，她租了一套两居室，每月租金约2900元人民币，这笔钱在北京租合租房里的一间卧室都勉强。她和合伙人还雇了一个人帮忙做一些杂事，并给他们做晚饭。

“I feel it doesn’t cost a lot to be happy here,” Ms. Ma said.

“我觉得在这里，获得快乐不需要花很多钱，”艾玛·马说。

Professor Wang said the negative perception of a slower lifestyle had changed in China after the Covid-19 pandemic, when cities like Shanghai were locked down for months. The relative stability of daily life in Chengdu, once considered dull, became more appealing, he said.

王笛表示，在新冠疫情期间上海等城市被封锁数月后，中国人对慢生活的负面看法已发生改变。他说，成都的日常生活相对稳定，曾经被认为是枯燥的，如今却越来越有吸引力。

Treasure Wu left Chengdu in 2018 to work as a computer programmer in Shanghai. Mr. Wu said he did not enjoy his life there. His rent was expensive, he could not understand the Shanghai dialect and he quickly grew bored of visiting local landmarks.

特雷热·吴（音）2018年离开成都，去上海做计算机程序员。他说在那里的生活并不愉快：房租昂贵，听不懂上海话，而那些著名景点他很快就厌倦了。

成都的一处街边市场。

Two years later, he moved back to Chengdu. His company was expanding, and he was offered the chance to transfer.

两年后，他搬回了成都。当时公司正在扩张，他获得了调职机会。

Mr. Wu said he bought an apartment in Chengdu in 2022 for around $300,000. A similar size apartment would cost three times as much in Shanghai, he said.

特雷热·吴说，2022年，他在成都买了一套公寓，花费约220万元人民币。他说，同样大小的公寓在上海的价格是这里的三倍。

“My salary here is enough to support me in buying whatever I want,” Mr. Wu said. “I have a great sense of well-being in Chengdu.”

“我在这里的工资足够我想买什么就买什么，”特雷热·吴说，“我在成都的生活幸福满满。”

Top finance officials from the world’s wealthiest economies began gathering in Canada on Tuesday for meetings that are expected to be consumed by renewed fears of a global downturn set off by President Trump’s trade war.

世界最富有经济体的高级财政官员于周二齐聚加拿大，预计此次会议将主要围绕因特朗普总统发动的贸易战而再次引发的全球经济下行担忧。

The summit of the Group of 7 finance ministers, a traditionally friendly gathering, is likely to be more fraught this year. The tariffs that Mr. Trump has imposed on American allies and adversaries have threatened to blunt global growth and inflame inflation. Europe, Japan and Canada have all been bearing the brunt of the Trump administration’s “America First” economic agenda.

七国集团财长峰会历来是一个友好的聚会，但今年气氛可能会更加紧张。特朗普对美国盟友和对手加征的关税已对全球经济增长构成威胁，并可能加剧通货膨胀。欧洲、日本和加拿大都深受特朗普政府“美国优先”经济议程的影响。

The tenor of the discussions could also be complicated by recent tension between the United States and Canada, the country hosting this year’s meetings and one that Mr. Trump has said he wants to annex.

美国和加拿大之间最近的紧张局势也可能使讨论的氛围复杂化，加拿大是今年会议的东道国，而特朗普曾表示希望将其吞并。

“I think it’s going to be awkward,” said Charles Lichfield, deputy director of the Atlantic Council’s GeoEconomics Center.

“我觉得场面大概会有些尴尬，”大西洋理事会地缘经济中心副主任查尔斯·利奇菲尔德说。

The three days of meetings will include many of the recent topics of discussion, including support for Ukraine, concerns about China’s economic practices and headwinds facing the global economy. However, Mr. Trump’s trade tactics, which many economists view as the biggest threat to global economic stability, will dominate the discussions between Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and his counterparts.

为期三天的会议将涵盖许多近期讨论的议题，包括对乌克兰的支持、对中国经济行为的担忧，以及全球经济面临的逆风。但特朗普的贸易策略——许多经济学家认为这是对全球经济稳定的最大威胁——将成为财政部长斯科特·贝森特与各国官员讨论的核心内容。

“We always talk about the issues that are front and center,” François-Philippe Champagne, Canada’s finance minister, said at an opening news conference on Tuesday, noting that during recent meetings with American officials in Washington, “there was always tension around tariffs.”

“我们总是讨论最核心、最紧迫的问题，”加拿大财政部长弗朗索瓦-菲利普·尚帕涅在周二的开幕新闻发布会上表示，他还指出，在最近与美国官员在华盛顿的会谈中，“关税问题始终是一个紧张的焦点。”

Making the case that economic stability is important for consumers, investors and businesses, Mr. Champagne added: “A free and fair and a rules-based multilateral trading system is a system in which we all win.”

尚帕涅强调经济稳定对消费者、投资者和企业都至关重要，并补充道：“一个自由、公平、以规则为基础的多边贸易体系，是一个让我们所有人都能受益的体系。”

Mr. Bessent, who skipped a gathering of the Group of 20 finance ministers in February, will appear at the international forum for the first time and at a particularly tenuous moment.

贝森特缺席了今年2月的二十国集团财政部长会议，这将是他首次出席这一国际论坛，而且是在一个尤其微妙的时刻。

Mr. Bessent plans to make the case that countries need to get “back to basics” and take steps to address “imbalances and nonmarket practices,” according to a Treasury Department spokesman. Mr. Bessent is also expected to prioritize expressing the Trump administration’s concerns, which are widely shared among the Group of 7 nations, about China’s excess industrial capacity, according to a person briefed on the U.S. position. The Group of 7 is made up of the United States, Canada, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

据美国财政部发言人表示，贝森特计划阐明，各国需要“回归基本原则”，并采取措施应对“失衡与非市场行为”。据一位了解美方立场的人士透露，贝森特还预计将优先表达特朗普政府对中国产能过剩的担忧，而这一担忧在七国集团国家中也被广泛认同。七国集团成员包括：美国、加拿大、英国、法国、德国、意大利和日本。

Since taking office, Mr. Trump has upended the global trading system with a blizzard of tariffs. He imposed a 10 percent universal tax on almost every trading partner, in addition to 25 percent tariffs on imported steel, aluminum, cars and car parts. He raised tariffs on China to a punishing 145 percent in April before reducing them to 30 percent this month in order to allow Beijing and Washington to negotiate a trade deal.

自上任以来，特朗普通过一系列关税政策颠覆了全球贸易体系。他对几乎所有贸易伙伴征收了10%的普遍税率，并对进口钢铁、铝、汽车及汽车零部件加征了25%的关税。4月，他将对中国的关税提高到了惊人的145%，但在本月将其降至30%，以便让北京和华盛顿能够进行贸易谈判。

In April, Mr. Trump hit dozens of countries with “reciprocal” tariffs before pausing those levies for 90 days to allow for trade negotiations. Mr. Bessent and other Trump officials have said the administration is working to strike deals by July 8 with 18 to 24 trading partners, including Argentina, Malaysia, Israel, Switzerland, India, Japan, Vietnam, South Korea and Thailand.

4月，特朗普对几十个国家征收了“对等”关税，随后暂停了这些关税90天，以进行贸易谈判。贝森特和其他特朗普政府官员表示，政府正努力在7月8日之前与18到24个贸易伙伴达成协议，其中包括阿根廷、马来西亚、以色列、瑞士、印度、日本、越南、韩国和泰国。

The United States and the European Union have also been negotiating over trade terms, though tensions between the governments remain high.

美国和欧盟也一直在就贸易条款进行谈判，尽管双方政府之间的关系仍然十分紧张。

On Sunday, Mr. Bessent warned that higher tariffs could kick in if negotiations with those nations faltered during the 90-day pause.

周日，贝森特警告称，如果在90天关税暂停期内与这些国家的谈判失败，可能会恢复更高的关税。

“I would expect that everyone would come and negotiate in good faith,” Mr. Bessent said on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” warning that countries that do not will get letters with new U.S. tariff rates.

贝森特在NBC《会见媒体》节目中表示：“我希望每个国家都能本着诚意来进行谈判，”并警告说，不这样做的国家将收到美国新的关税率通知函。

通过加征关税，特朗普总统颠覆了全球贸易体系。

The compacted time frame could result in trade deals that are quite modest, with countries perhaps agreeing to reduce tariffs on a few products and promising to collaborate in the future in other areas.

由于时间紧迫，最终产生的贸易协议可能相对较为简单，各国或许会同意减少某些产品的关税，并承诺未来在其他领域展开合作。

One model may be the agreement with Britain that the administration announced with great fanfare this month. The deal was quite limited compared with traditional trade pacts. It opened British markets for American beef and ethanol and rolled back American tariffs on British steel and cars. The governments also pledged to discuss digital trade, economic security and other trade matters in the future. But the governments declined to say when the pact would go into effect, and it is not legally binding.

一个可能的模式是本月美国政府大肆宣扬的与英国达成的协议。与传统的贸易协定相比，那项协议相当有限。它为美国牛肉和乙醇打开了英国市场，并取消了美国对英国钢铁和汽车的关税。两国政府还承诺未来将讨论数字贸易、经济安全以及其他贸易事务。但两国政府未透露该协议何时生效，并且该协议没有法律约束力。

While these deals are being hammered out, trade with the United States feels deeply uncertain for many parts of the globe. Mr. Bessent said on CNN on Sunday that the United States was focused on completing agreements with a short list of partners, and that other parts of the world, like Central America or Africa, could see their tariff rates set through regional deals instead.

虽然这些协议正在敲定之中，但对全球许多地区来说，与美国的贸易却充满了不确定性。贝森特周日在CNN上表示，美国的重点是完成与一小部分合作伙伴的协议，而世界其他地区，如中美洲或非洲，可能会通过地区协议来确定关税税率。

A person briefed on the U.S. preparations for the Group of 7 summit said it was unlikely that any additional deals would be announced this week.

一位了解美国为七国集团峰会所做准备的知情人士表示，本周不太可能宣布任何新的协议。

After a meeting between American and Chinese officials in Geneva this month that both sides proclaimed a success, the U.S. and Chinese governments are also starting to communicate more frequently in an effort to make progress on their trade spats. But the countries have significant issues to surmount before higher tariffs are set to snap back into effect between them in early August.

在本月美国和中国官员在日内瓦举行一次会议后，双方都宣称会议取得了成功，美中两国政府也开始更频繁地沟通，力图在贸易争端上取得进展。但两国之间仍然存在重大问题需要克服，否则高额关税将在8月初恢复生效。

Mr. Bessent has tried to strike a pragmatic tone when dealing with foreign counterparts. In a speech last month on the sidelines of the spring meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, Mr. Bessent maintained that the United States was not retreating from the global stage.

贝森特在与外国官员打交道时试图保持务实的态度。在上个月国际货币基金组织和世界银行春季会议期间的一个演讲中，贝森特表示，美国并没有从全球舞台上撤退。

“America First does not mean America alone,” Mr. Bessent said. “To the contrary, it is a call for deeper collaboration and mutual respect among trade partners.”

“美国优先并不意味着美国要孤立行事，”贝森特说。“相反，这是呼吁贸易伙伴之间更深层次的合作和相互尊重。”

However, many of America’s traditional allies and its largest trading partners remain on edge. Although Mr. Trump has demonstrated a willingness to walk back some of his trade measures, the scale and scope of the tariffs that he has already announced have dwarfed those from his first term.

然而，美国的许多传统盟友及其最大的贸易伙伴仍然感到不安。尽管特朗普表现出在某些贸易措施上做出让步的意愿，但他目前已宣布的关税，在规模和范围上已经远远超过了他第一任期时的水平。

“The big question facing the global economy is effectively a self-inflicted wound,” said Jay C. Shambaugh, who served as the Treasury under secretary for international affairs in the Biden administration. “The biggest thing everyone is worried about is to what extent is a tariff fight that we started going to disrupt the global economy.”

“全球经济面临的最大问题实际上是一次自我造成的伤害，”曾任拜登政府财政部国际事务副部长的杰伊·C·香博表示。“大家最担心的，就是我们发起的这场关税战将在多大程度上扰乱全球经济。”

When Pakistan said it had shot down multiple Indian fighter jets earlier this month, ripples from that claim stretched all the way to the South China Sea, to Taiwan.

巴基斯坦本月初宣称击落了多架印度战斗机，这一说法的涟漪效应一直延伸到南海，波及台湾。

The Pakistani forces were flying Chinese-made J-10C fighters during the four-day conflict with India, and officials said Chinese missiles had brought down Indian planes.

在与印度发生的四天冲突中，巴基斯坦空军驾驶中国制造的歼-10C战斗机，而且巴方官员称，巴基斯坦用中国的导弹击落了印度战机。

The J-10 jets, which Chinese media have dubbed the “fighter of national pride,” have often been used in Chinese military exercises to menace Taiwan, the self-governing democracy that Beijing claims as its own. But they had not been battle-tested, leaving open the question of how well they would perform in actual combat.

被中国媒体称为“大国重器”的歼-10战斗机经常出现在中国威胁台湾的军事演习中（中国政府称自己对这个民主自治的地区拥有主权）。但该战机此前没有经受过实战检验，它在实战中表现如何曾是个无法回答的问题。

In China, commentators declared that question now answered.

中国的军事评论员宣称，这个问题现在有了答案。

“Taiwanese experts say the Taiwanese military has no chance against the J-10C,” The Global Times, a nationalist tabloid, crowed on Monday.

“台湾专家称台军在歼-10C面前难以抗衡，”民族主义小报《环球时报》周一扬扬自得地写道。

The Chinese government has not directly confirmed the Pakistani claims, and India has not publicly confirmed losing any aircraft. But on Saturday, China’s state broadcaster declared on social media that J-10C jets had recently “achieved combat results for the first time,” with the post including a hashtag related to the India-Pakistan conflict.

中国政府尚未直接证实巴基斯坦的说法，印度也没有公开承认损失了任何战机。但中国国家电视台上周六在社交媒体上发帖称，“近期，我国外销型战机歼-10CE首次取得实战战果。”帖子还给了一个与印巴冲突有关的标签。

Zhou Bo, a retired senior colonel in the Chinese military, wrote in an op-ed article that the jets’ success would boost Chinese confidence in future territorial disputes over Taiwan and the South China Sea.

从中国军队退役的周波大校在一篇专栏文章中写道，歼-10C战机的成功将增强中国在未来的台海、以及南海领土争端中作战的信心。

“The real effect is actually for the world, including Taiwanese authorities, to see how China’s defense industry has developed by leaps and bounds,” Mr. Zhou said in an interview. “This is for them to think about.”

“真正的效果实际上是让包括台湾当局在内的世界看到中国国防工业的突飞猛进，”周波在一次采访中说。“这是要让他们考虑的东西。”

中国领导人习近平今年2月在北京与巴基斯坦总统阿西夫·阿里·扎尔达里举行了会晤。

Further stoking Chinese pride were reports that some of the Indian jets that Pakistan said it had downed were manufactured by France. Some analysts have cast the conflict as a proxy showdown between Western and Chinese arms capabilities, since India has been stepping up its purchases from the West, while Pakistan has drastically increased its military purchases from China.

进一步激发中国人自豪感的是，有报道称，巴基斯坦声称击落的一些印度战机是法国制造的。有些分析人士将印巴冲突看作是西方与中国军力的代理决战，因为印度一直在增加从西方的军火采购，而巴基斯坦则极大地增加了从中国的军火采购。

In addition to jets, Pakistan also used Chinese-made air-defense systems and long-range air-to-air PL-15 missiles in the clash with India, according to security officials and Syed Muhammad Ali, a senior Pakistani defense analyst. Pakistan claimed that the PL-15 missiles hit their targets, though India has said that they did not.

除战机外，巴基斯坦在与印度的冲突中还使用了中国制造的防空系统和远程空对空霹雳-15导弹，据巴基斯坦安全官员、以及高级国防分析师赛义德·穆罕默德·阿里的说法。巴基斯坦称霹雳-15导弹击中了目标，但印度则说导弹没有击中目标。

The Chinese military’s lack of real-world combat experience — it has not fought a war in more than 40 years — is a longstanding source of concern for some in Beijing. But China’s leader, Xi Jinping, has made modernizing the military a priority. China has increased its defense spending even as economic growth has slowed, and it is now the fourth-largest arms exporter globally.

中国军队缺乏实战经验，40多年来没打过仗，长期以来，这是中国政府的一项担忧。但中国领导人习近平已将军队现代化作为优先事项。即使在经济增长放缓的情况下，中国的国防开支仍在增加，中国现在已是全球第四大武器出口国。

Chinese and Taiwanese analysts alike said the recent conflict suggested that Chinese weapons were now on par with Western ones.

中国和台湾的分析人士都表示，最近这场冲突表明，中国的武器现在已和西方的不相上下。

“This is the most convincing appearance of the Chinese weapon system on the world stage ” Hu Xijin, former editor in chief of The Global Times, wrote in a blog post.

“这是中国武器系统在世界舞台最有说服力的亮相，”《环球时报》前总编辑胡锡进在一篇博客文章中写道。

Mr. Hu added that the United States, having seen proof of China’s prowess, would be less likely to intervene on Taiwan’s behalf.

胡锡进还表示，美国看到中国实力的证明后，在台海冲突中帮助台湾的可能性会减少。

Some in Taiwan have expressed similar concerns. Li Cheng-chieh, a retired major general in the Taiwanese military, said in an interview that the Pakistani air force’s experience suggested that Taiwanese planes would have “little chance of survival” against Chinese ones.

台湾也有一些人士表示了类似的担忧。从台湾军队退役的栗正杰少将在接受采访时说，巴基斯坦空军的表现说明，台军战机在中国战机面前几乎“是死路一条”。

“Whether our fighter jets would even have the opportunity to take off is a question mark,” he said.

“我们的战斗机是否甚至有机会起飞，都还是个问号，”他说。

中国军用飞机在去年的中国珠海展览会上。中国战斗机在最近的印度和巴基斯坦的冲突中接受了实战检验。

Notably, amid the online nationalism, the Chinese government itself has been more reserved, focusing more on touting Chinese military advances in general. State media did not confirm the use of the Chinese jets in the conflict until more than a week after Pakistan said it had successfully deployed them.

值得注意的是，在网络民族主义情绪高涨的情况下，中国政府本身的态度一直更为谨慎，更多聚焦于宣传中国军力的整体进步。巴基斯坦宣布中国战机在冲突中取得成功一周多后，中国官媒才证实中国战机参与了冲突。

Beijing’s restraint may stem partly from wanting to avoid imperiling a recent diplomatic thaw with India. The two giants have in recent months agreed to resume direct flights and cooperate on trade issues, after their relations fell apart with a deadly clash over a disputed land border in 2020.

中国政府克制的部分原因也许是不想危及近期与印度在外交上的缓和。2020年，中印两国因陆地边界争议发生致命冲突后关系破裂，最近几个月才同意恢复直航和在贸易问题上合作。

This month’s conflict may also have raised questions about other Chinese equipment even as it seemed to show off the strength of its fighter jets. The Indian government said in a statement last week that its air force had “bypassed and jammed Pakistan’s Chinese-supplied air defense systems” in “just 23 minutes, demonstrating India’s technological edge.”

本月的印巴冲突在看似展示中国战机实力的同时，可能也引发了人们对其他中国装备的质疑。印度政府上周在一份声明中说，印度空军“仅用了23分钟就绕过并干扰了巴基斯坦由中国提供的防空系统，展示了印度在技术上的优势”。

On Monday, a spokeswoman for China’s foreign ministry declined to address Indian claims that China had also provided Pakistan with active air-defense and satellite support during the clash.

印度称中国在冲突期间还向巴基斯坦提供了主动防空和卫星支持，中国外交部发言人周一拒绝对这个说法发表评论。

“Both India and Pakistan are important neighbors of China,” the spokeswoman, Mao Ning, said.

“印度和巴基斯坦都是中国的重要邻国，”发言人毛宁说。

Ou Si-fu, a research fellow at Taiwan’s Institute for National Defense and Security Research, said that Taiwan should not overreact to the recent incident. He noted that it was not yet verified that Chinese-made PL-15 missiles had actually shot down the planes.

台湾国防安全研究院的研究员欧锡富表示，台湾不应对最近的事件反应过度。他指出，目前尚未证实大陆制造的霹雳-15导弹是否真的击落了战机。

Still, he acknowledged that the recent developments should be closely studied.

尽管如此，他承认近期的事态发展值得认真研究。

“It’s like an alarm clock, reminding everyone not to be careless,” he said. “Taiwan has no capital to be careless.”

“它像是一个警钟，提醒大家不要漫不经心，”他说。“台湾没有漫不经心的资本。”

It is the world’s biggest maker of batteries for electric cars. It has plans to expand its business globally. And it is one of China’s most strategically important technology companies.

宁德时代是世界上最大的电动汽车电池制造商，它计划在全球范围内拓展业务。它也是中国最具战略意义的科技企业之一。

But when Contemporary Amperex Technology Ltd., or CATL, started selling shares for the first time in Hong Kong on Tuesday, surging 16 percent, American investors were largely shut out. It was the world’s biggest stock listing so far this year, according to the data provider Dealogic.

宁德时代新能源科技有限公司（简称“宁德时代”）周二在香港首次公开发行股票后，股价飙升了16%，但美国投资者们却基本上不能参股。据数据提供商Dealogic，宁德时代在香港上市是今年全球到目前为止最大一笔首次公开募股。

Tensions between China and the United States pushed CATL to ban U.S. onshore investors from its share sale, the first outside of the Chinese mainland, where it is listed in the city of Shenzhen.

中美紧张关系迫使宁德时代禁止美国境内投资者参与公司在中国大陆以外的首次公开募股，该公司此前已在深圳上市。

The fact that some of the world’s most active investors were absent from one of the most anticipated trading debuts so far this year underscored the deepening rift between the United States and China.

世界上一些最活跃的投资者缺席今年到目前为止最受期盼的首次公开募股之一，这凸显了美国与中国之间日益加深的分歧。

CATL has found itself caught in the crossfire as Washington and Beijing have lobbed sanctions, blacklists and tariffs at each other. It was labeled a Chinese military company by the Pentagon. U.S. lawmakers called on its Wall Street bankers to back out of the Hong Kong listing. And it has been hit with tariffs on the batteries it makes.

随着美国政府和中国政府相互制裁、将对方国家的公司列入黑名单，并向对方的产品征收关税，宁德时代发现自己受到连累。宁德时代被五角大楼贴上中国军工企业的标签。美国的国会议员公开要求华尔街银行家不参与宁德时代在香港的股票发行。宁德时代生产的电池也被征收了关税。

The CATL Hong Kong stock sale marks a dramatic reversal from a decade ago when Alibaba, the Chinese e-commerce giant, elicited cheers from traders as it went public on the New York Stock Exchange in 2014. The company raised $21.8 billion, delivering a big payday for Wall Street banks and minting mom-and-pop investors.

与十年前相比，宁德时代在香港发行股票标志着一种剧烈转变。中国电商巨头阿里巴巴2014年在纽约证券交易所上市时曾博得了交易员们的热烈欢迎。阿里巴巴在纽约上市筹集了218亿美元，为华尔街的银行带来了巨额收益，为一些散户投资者创造了财富。

“We are headed toward full financial decoupling with China,” said Stephen Roach, an economist and a former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia based in Hong Kong. “Congress is driving the process of disengagement,” he said. The shares of Chinese companies that are traded in the United States could be the next thing to come under fire, he added.

“我们正走向与中国的彻底金融脱钩，”经济学家斯蒂芬·罗奇说，他曾在香港担任摩根士丹利亚洲区主管。“国会正在推动脱离的进程，”他说。他还说，在美国上市的中国公司的股票可能是下一个打击目标。

The U.S. government has targeted Chinese companies as it moves to limit China from accessing American markets out of national security concerns, a policy that President Trump began in his first term and which President Joseph R. Biden Jr. continued.

随着美国政府出于国家安全考虑把中国企业作为打击目标，政府已采取措施限制中国公司进入美国股市。这项政策是特朗普在其第一任期内开始的，拜登总统延续了这一政策。

Mr. Trump has accused China of exploiting American investors to finance its military, attempting to isolate China with colossal tariffs that were only suspended after global markets convulsed.

特朗普指责中国把美国投资者提供的资金用在发展军力方面。他试图用征收巨额关税的方法来孤立中国，但在全球股市出现动荡后暂停了这个做法。

A Ford Motor battery project in Michigan that licenses CATL’s technology has drawn local and national political fire. Lawmakers in Congress have introduced legislation that would withdraw subsidies from U.S. companies that manufacture batteries using Chinese expertise.

福特汽车获得宁德时代的技术许可，在密歇根州建了一个电池厂，这在当地和全美引发了政治上的抨击。已有国会议员将一项法案提交讨论，如果通过，将对使用中国技术生产电池的美国公司取消补贴。

Yet even as the battle between the two superpowers creates financial collateral damage, CATL raised $4.6 billion ahead of its secondary listing in Hong Kong, more than any other public listing this year. The stock was sold for $263 Hong Kong dollars a share, or about $33.62 U.S. dollars. Its biggest investors include Kuwait’s sovereign wealth fund, the Chinese firm Hillhouse Capital Management Group and Oaktree Capital Management, the American asset management firm.

尽管这两个超级大国之间的较量已造成了附带金融损失，但宁德时代在香港二次上市前仍筹集了46亿美元，超过了今年其他的所有全球公开募股。宁德时代的股票发行价为每股263港元，约合33.62美元。最大的投资者包括科威特主权财富基金、中国高瓴资本管理集团，以及美国资产管理公司橡树资本管理。

CATL moved to hive off American investors ahead of the listing as tensions between the United States and China spiked. It said last week that it had changed the share sale to what is known as a Reg S offering, which prevents the sale of stock to onshore U.S. investors and exempts it from having to make certain regulatory filings in the United States.

由于中美关系紧张，宁德时代在上市前就已把美国投资者隔离在外。公司上周表示，已改为使用所谓的“S规则”在香港发行股票，这意味着不得向美国境内的投资者出售股票，也让公司不必在上市前向美国提交某些监管文件。

The company did not explain why it changed the structure of its listing, but it has said that geopolitical tensions are among the risk factors to its business. “We face risks associated with changes in trade policies or tariff regulations,” it said in a regulatory filing.

虽然宁德时代没有解释改变上市结构的原因，但表示地缘政治紧张局面是开展业务面临的风险因素之一。“我们面临与贸易政策或关税法规变化相关的风险，”公司在一份监管​​文件中写道。

In response to the Pentagon’s designation of the company as having both military and commercial technology, CATL said that it had “never engaged in any military-related businesses or activities” and had “proactively engaged with the Department of Defense to address the false designation.”

针对五角大楼认定该公司同时拥有军事和商业技术，宁德时代称自己“从未从事任何与军事相关的业务或活动”，并“已主动与美国国防部交涉，以澄清这一错误的定性”。

Most large American institutions will still be able to trade in CATL shares if they invest through offshore accounts. But that would still leave a hole. Some 10 percent of American investors would have probably invested in its stock if not prevented from doing so, said Victor Shih, a specialist in Chinese finance at the University of California, San Diego.

大多数美国的大型投资机构仍可通过离岸账户交易宁德时代的股票。但这仍会造成市场缺口。加州大学圣地亚哥分校的中国金融专家史宗瀚说，如果不被禁止参股的话，约有10%的美国投资者可能会投资宁德时代的股票。

“I think that this is a major milestone,” said Mr. Shih, adding that it was likely the start of a broader trend. “This will apply to many Chinese hardware and even some software producers, thus cutting out U.S. investors from some potentially profitable opportunities.”

“我认为这是一个重要的里程碑，”史宗瀚说，并表示这可能是一个更广泛趋势的开始。“这种做法会用在许多中国硬件甚至一些软件生产商上，让美国投资者无法参与一些潜在的盈利机会。”

President Vladimir V. Putin revealed no breakthroughs after a two-hour call with President Trump on Monday, telling reporters that he was ready to negotiate a peace deal with Ukraine but repeating his demand for broad concessions before Russia stops fighting.

周一，在与特朗普总统进行了两个小时的通话后，俄罗斯总统普京没有透露任何突破性进展。他告诉记者，他准备与乌克兰谈判达成和平协议，但再次要求对方做出广泛让步，否则俄罗斯不会停止战斗。

Mr. Putin said he had told Mr. Trump that Russia was “ready to work with the Ukrainian side on a memorandum on a possible future peace agreement.” Mr. Putin said the conversation, the third known call between the presidents since Mr. Trump returned to the White House in January, was “very meaningful and quite frank.”

普京表示，他告诉特朗普，俄罗斯“准备与乌克兰方面就未来可能达成的和平协议达成备忘录”。普京说，这是特朗普今年1月重返白宫以来两国总统之间已知的第三次通话，“非常有意义，也非常坦率。”

But the Russian president made it clear that he was not budging from his basic resistance to an immediate cease-fire if it is not accompanied by concessions to Russia. At the end of his three-minute statement, Putin repeated his mantra that a peace deal needs to “remove the root causes of this crisis,” a reference to Russia’s demand for wide-ranging influence over Ukraine.

但是，俄罗斯总统明确表示，除非对俄方做出让步，否则他不会改变反对立即停火的基本立场。在三分钟的声明结束时，普京重申了他的的原则，即和平协议需要“消除这场危机的根源”，指的是俄罗斯要求对乌克兰施加广泛影响。

“Russia is also in favor of a peaceful resolution to the Ukraine crisis,” Mr. Putin said in his brief statement to reporters in Sochi, Russia. “We just need to identify the most effective ways of moving toward peace.”

“俄罗斯也支持和平解决乌克兰危机，”普京在俄罗斯索契向记者发表简短声明时说。“我们只需要找到通往和平的最有效途径。”

Shortly after Mr. Putin’s statement, Mr. Trump offered a more optimistic take on the call in a social media post, saying it “went very well,” and that Russia and Ukraine would “immediately start negotiations toward a Ceasefire and, more importantly, an END to the War.”

在普京发表声明后不久，特朗普在社交媒体上发表了一篇更乐观的帖子，称通话“进行得非常顺利”，俄罗斯和乌克兰将“立即开始谈判，实现停火，更重要的是，结束战争”。

Mr. Putin said his aides might disclose more details of the call later in the day. The Russian president spoke to reporters at a center for gifted children that he was visiting on Monday and where he held the call with Mr. Trump.

普京说，他的助手可能会在当天晚些时候透露更多的电话细节。周一，俄罗斯总统在他访问的一个天才儿童中心对记者发表了讲话，他与特朗普就是在那里进行了通话。

The call was highly anticipated, coming amid growing impatience in the Trump administration with Mr. Putin’s refusal to agree to an immediate cease-fire, despite Ukraine’s readiness to do so.

这次通话备受期待，因为普京在乌克兰已经准备停火的情况下拒绝同意立即停火已经让特朗普政府愈发感到不耐烦。

Mr. Trump took office in January promising to bring a swift end to fighting in Ukraine, but soon encountered the deep and seemingly irreconcilable differences between the warring countries. Mr. Trump has turned to a combination of threats and inducements — most of them unfulfilled — to get Russia and Ukraine stop fighting. But both sides believe that time is on their side.

特朗普今年1月上任时承诺迅速结束乌克兰的战斗，但很快就遭遇了两个交战国之间深刻且看似不可调和的分歧。为了让俄罗斯和乌克兰停止战斗，特朗普采取了威胁和引诱相结合的方式——其中大部分引诱都没有实现。但双方都认为时间站在他们这一边。

In his dealings with Mr. Trump, Mr. Putin has tried to appease the U.S. president by appearing to negotiate peace, but without offering any meaningful concessions to Kyiv. Given his repeated claims that Russia has the means to obtain all its goals in the war, making concessions might risk making Mr. Putin look weak.

在与特朗普的往来中，普京试图安抚这位美国总统，表现出和平谈判的意向，但没有向基辅做出任何有意义的让步。鉴于普京一再声称，俄罗斯有能力实现其在战争中的所有目标，做出让步可能会让普京显得软弱。

On Monday, Vice President JD Vance questioned Mr. Putin’s position.

周一，副总统万斯对普京的立场提出质疑。

“I’m not sure that Vladimir Putin has a strategy himself for how to unwind the war,” Mr. Vance told reporters on Air Force Two. “He’s got a million men under arms; he’s re-engineered his entire economy. What used to be manufacturing facilities making products for people to use in their civilian life, they’re now making tank shells and artillery shells and drones.”

“我不确定弗拉基米尔·普京本人是否有一个如何结束战争的战略，”万斯在空军二号上对记者说。“他手下有100万人；他重新设计了整个经济。过去制造民用产品生产设施，现在成了制造坦克和火炮弹药和无人机的生产设施。”

The inherent contradictions of Mr. Putin’s strategy were on display over the weekend. In an apparent show of strength, Russia unleashed deadly drone strikes on civilian targets in Ukraine on Saturday and Sunday, even though Mr. Trump has criticized such attacks as counterproductive.

普京战略的内在矛盾在周末得到了体现。上周六和上周日，俄罗斯对乌克兰的民用目标发动了致命的无人机袭击，显然是为了展示实力，尽管特朗普批评这种袭击适得其反。

周日，基辅郊外一栋在俄罗斯无人机袭击中受损的建筑。

On Saturday, Russian attacks killed at least 14 Ukrainian civilians. On Sunday, at least one civilian died after Russia targeted Kyiv with one of the largest drone attacks of the war.

上周六，俄罗斯的袭击造成至少14名乌克兰平民死亡。周日，俄罗斯对基辅发动了开战以来最大规模的无人机袭击，造成至少一名平民死亡。

Mr. Trump has not commented on the latest attacks. In late April, however, he issued a rare rebuke of Mr. Putin for launching a similar attack.

特朗普没有对最近的袭击发表评论。然而，在4月下旬，他罕见地谴责了普京发起的类似攻击。

“I am not happy with the Russian strikes on KYIV. Not necessary, and very bad timing,” Mr. Trump wrote. “Vladimir, STOP!”

“我对俄罗斯对基辅的空袭感到不满。没有必要，而且时机非常糟糕，”特朗普写道。“弗拉基米尔，住手！”

Mr. Trump said in his post on Truth social that after speaking to Mr. Putin on Monday he subsequently spoke to President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine and his European allies.

特朗普在Truth social上发表的帖子中表示，在周一与普京通话后，他随后与乌克兰总统泽连斯基及其欧洲盟友进行了通话。

Prime Minister Keir Starmer of Britain said in a statement that he spoke with leaders of the United States, Italy, France and Germany on Sunday night to discuss forcing Russia to accept an unconditional ceasefire, and the use of new sanctions “if Russia failed to engage seriously.”

英国首相斯塔默在一份声明中表示，他在上周日晚上与美国、意大利、法国和德国的领导人进行了交谈，讨论了迫使俄罗斯接受无条件停火的问题，以及“如果俄罗斯不认真参与”，将采取新的制裁措施。

The phone calls come amid a series of high-wire diplomatic maneuvers by Ukraine and Russia that have raised hopes for a negotiated solution to a conflict that has killed or maimed more than a million soldiers. These efforts, however, have also exposed just how far apart the two sides remain.

在这些通话的同时，乌克兰和俄罗斯完成了一系列微妙且高风险的外交活动，这给通过谈判解决这场已造成100多万士兵伤亡的冲突带来了希望。然而，这些努力也暴露出双方的分歧仍然很大。

On Friday in Istanbul, representatives from Russia and Ukraine met for the first direct talks in three years. In the brief meeting, the sides agreed to the largest prisoner exchange of the war, and to detail their conditions for a cease-fire.

上周五，俄罗斯和乌克兰的代表在伊斯坦布尔举行了三年来的首次直接会谈。在这次简短的会谈中，双方同意进行开战以来规模最大的一次战俘交换，并详细说明了停火的条件。

泽连斯基总统在良十四世教宗的就职弥撒上与美国副总统万斯打招呼。

On Sunday, Mr. Zelensky met in Rome with Mr. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, after the three attended Pope Leo XIV’s inaugural Mass. The meeting was a win for Mr. Zelensky, who appeared to improve his relations with Mr. Vance after a contentious White House meeting in February.

上周日，泽连斯基在罗马会见了万斯和国务卿鲁比奥，此前三人参加了良十四教宗的就职弥撒。这次会面对泽连斯基来说是一次胜利，在2月那次爆发争吵的白宫会面后，他似乎改善了与万斯的关系。

Mr. Putin, has been flexing his own diplomatic muscle this month, in an apparent attempt to show Russia’s growing alliances. He has hosted more than 20 heads of state, including the leaders of China and Brazil, for a military parade in Moscow. Since then, he has had a high number of meetings and phone calls with leaders of developing countries.

普京本月一直在展示自己的外交实力，显然是为了展示俄罗斯日益壮大的联盟。他接待了20多位国家元首参加莫斯科的阅兵式，包括中国和巴西领导人。此后，他与发展中国家领导人进行了多次会晤和通话。

Ukraine and its European allies have been demanding that Russia accept an unconditional 30-day cease-fire before beginning peace negotiations. Mr. Putin has demanded the opposite, saying that negotiations over what he calls the “root causes” of the war must take place before his forces, who are on the offensive in Ukraine, lay down arms.

乌克兰及其欧洲盟国一直要求俄罗斯在开始和平谈判之前接受30天的无条件停火。普京的要求正好相反，他说，必须就他所说的战争的“根本原因”进行谈判，然后他在乌克兰处于攻势的部队才能放下武器。

Mr. Trump in effect had sided with Mr. Putin. Last week he publicly told Mr. Zelensky to start talks with Russia, precipitating a series of events that led to the meeting in Istanbul.

特朗普实际上站在了普京一边。上周，他公开要求泽连斯基开始与俄罗斯谈判，引发了一系列事件，最终促成了在伊斯坦布尔的会晤。

The Kremlin doubled down on its insistence for negotiations before any cease-fire, hours before the call on Monday, tempering expectations of a breakthrough.

在周一的电话会议召开前几个小时，克里姆林宫再次重申在谈判前不会停火，从而降低了取得突破性进展的可能性。

“There’s meticulous and perhaps, in some areas, prolonged work ahead,” Mr. Peskov told reporters, referring to a diplomatic solution to the war.

佩斯科夫在谈及用外交途径解决这场战争时对记者说，“未来还有细致的工作要做，在某些领域可能是长期的。”

本月早些时候，俄罗斯总统普京与中国领导人习近平在莫斯科。

Mr. Vance suggested that Mr. Trump on Monday may offer Mr. Putin economic incentives to accept some concessions on Ukraine, and move the peace talks forward.

万斯表示，特朗普周一可能会向普京提供经济上的激励，让他接受在乌克兰问题上的一些让步，从而推动和平谈判。

Mr. Trump also focused on trade after the call. “Russia wants to do largescale TRADE with the United States when this catastrophic ‘bloodbath’ is over, and I agree,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There is a tremendous opportunity for Russia to create massive amounts of jobs and wealth. Its potential is UNLIMITED.”

特朗普在通话后还重点谈到了贸易问题。“当这场灾难性的‘大屠杀’结束后，俄罗斯希望与美国进行大规模贸易，我同意，”他在Truth Social上写道。他说：“俄罗斯有很大的机会创造大量就业和财富。它的潜力是无限的。”

Mr. Putin has dangled potential business deals, including on energy and rare earths metals, as an enticement for dropping sanctions and normalizing the relationship between Russia and the United States. But the Trump administration has said that peace in Ukraine needs to come first.

普京以包括能源和稀土金属在内的潜在商业交易作为解除制裁和俄美关系正常化的诱饵。但特朗普政府表示，乌克兰的和平需要放在首位。

“We realize there’s a bit of an impasse here, and I think the president’s going to say to President Putin, look, are you serious? Are you real about this?” Mr. Vance said on Air Force Two, on his way back to Washington from Rome. “Look, there are a lot of economic benefits to thawing relations between Russia and the rest of the world, but you’re not going to get those benefits if you keep on killing a lot of innocent people.”

“我们意识到这里有点僵局，我认为总统会对普京总统说，你是认真的吗？这件事上你是真心的吗？”万斯在从罗马返回华盛顿的途中在“空军二号”上说。“你看，解冻俄罗斯与世界其他国家之间的关系会带来很多经济利益，但如果你继续杀害大量无辜的人，你就不会得到这些好处。”

Hassan Kamal Wattoo, 25, had received threatening calls for months from Pakistani authorities angry about critical articles he wrote. When he earned a scholarship to study law at the University of California, Berkeley, he jumped at the opportunity to leave Pakistan, and thought he might work in the United States after that.

25岁的哈桑·卡迈勒·瓦图曾在数月不断接到巴基斯坦当局的恐吓电话，他撰写的批评性文章惹怒了他们。在获得加州大学伯克利分校的法律专业奖学金后，他迫不及待地抓住了这个离开巴基斯坦的机会，并考虑毕业后留美工作。

Then came the detentions in the United States of noncitizen students for participating in pro-Palestinian protests, the arrest of a woman who had criticized Israel’s war in Gaza, the cancellations of hundreds of student visas with little or no explanation and what many have described as an assault by the Trump administration on science and academia.

后来，美国发生了一系列事件：非公民学生因参加亲巴勒斯坦抗议活动被拘留、一名批评以色列的加沙战争的女性被捕、数以百计学生签证被取消且基本没有给出解释，这一切被许多人视为特朗普政府攻击科学和学术界的行动。

Now, Mr. Wattoo said, he plans to return to Pakistan next week, after he receives his degree. His parents, worried about being harassed at the border, decided against traveling to Berkeley to attend his graduation on Friday, he said.

瓦图表示，他计划在获得学位后于下周返回巴基斯坦。他说，父母担心在边境遭到骚扰，决定不前往伯克利参加他周五的毕业典礼。

“That respect in the American system has kind of faded away and been replaced with this bitter animosity,” Mr. Wattoo said. He described the Trump administration’s tactics as “shockingly similar to what I’ve seen all my life and what I wanted to run away from.”

“美国体制中的那种尊重已逐渐消失，取而代之的是强烈的敌意，”瓦图说。他认为特朗普政府的策略“与我一生所见、一心想逃离的东西惊人地相似”。

The New York Times asked international students at U.S. colleges and universities to share how the administration’s immigration policies had affected them, and 150 readers responded. The Times interviewed 20 of them, many from countries where the State Department has said that free speech is restricted.

《纽约时报》邀请美国高校的国际学生分享政府移民政策对他们的影响，150名读者回应，其中20人接受了采访，许多人来自被国务院认定言论自由受限的国家。

Some said they had canceled spring break or summer travel plans over fears that they might not be allowed back into the United States. Others said they now avoid speaking in public about divisive issues or participating in protests that they think could attract the attention of the authorities, such as those in support of Palestinians, labor rights or disability rights.

一些学生表示，因担心无法重返美国，他们已取消春假或暑期旅行计划；还有一些人则避免公开讨论争议性话题或参与可能吸引当局注意的抗议活动，如支持巴勒斯坦、劳工权益或残障权益的活动。

Many said that they had deleted social media profiles or unfollowed accounts belonging to activists. And several said they had applied to transfer to universities in Canada or Europe or were considering it.

许多人删除了社交媒体账号或取消关注活动人士的账户，还有人称已申请转学到加拿大或欧洲的大学，或正在考虑中。

Of course, there are about 1.1 million international students in the United States, and those interviewed by The Times do not necessarily reflect a representative sample. Nearly all of them said they were committed to staying to complete their degrees. Still, most of those The Times spoke to made clear that, for them, the idea of America as a pillar of free expression and intellectual openness had faded.

当然，美国约有110万名国际学生，接受采访的学生未必具有代表性。几乎所有人都表示会坚持完成学业，但多数人坦言，美国作为言论自由和学术开放支柱的形象，已在他们心中褪色。

Anton Dolmatov, a Ph.D. student at Rice University in Texas, said that it was jarring to see echoes of the fears he had grown up around in Russia emerge in the United States.

得克萨斯州莱斯大学博士生安东·多尔马托夫表示，他在美国看到了与自己在俄罗斯成长过程中经历的类似恐惧情绪，这令人不安。

As soon as Mr. Trump was elected in November, Mr. Dolmatov, 28, said, he started applying to transfer to schools in Britain because of concerns about what could happen to his student visa.

28岁的多尔马托夫称，自去年11月特朗普当选后，他因担心学生签证出现问题，开始申请转学到英国的学校。

He canceled plans to meet his parents in Turkey and a trip to a conference in London because he was concerned about not being allowed back into the United States.

他取消了在土耳其与父母会面和去伦敦参加学术会议的计划，唯恐无法返回美国。

“Just think: essentially to escape Russia, to find oneself in a situation where you also have to be concerned about lawlessness and not having your rights respected, for there not to be due process and arbitrary arrests,” Mr. Dolmatov said. “I wouldn’t believe it would happen if I was told it 10 years ago.”

“试想一下，原本是为了逃离俄罗斯，却发现自己身处一个同样要担心无法无天、权利不受尊重、缺乏正当程序和任意逮捕的境地，”多尔马托夫说，“若10年前有人告诉我会发生这种事，我绝不会相信。”

He said he had been accepted by three universities in Britain but was waiting to hear how much research funding they could offer.

他表示已被英国三所大学录取，目前在等待各校能提供多少研究经费的信息。

International students said recent detentions had stoked doubts about whether they could depend on constitutional free speech protections.

国际学生称，近期的拘留事件让他们怀疑是否还能依赖宪法对言论自由的保护。

In March, Mahmoud Khalil, a leader of pro-Palestinian demonstrations at Columbia University, was detained by federal agents and remains in custody in Louisiana. The same month, Rumeysa Ozturk, a Tufts University student who had written an article criticizing Israel’s military offensive in Gaza, was handcuffed by federal agents in plain clothes in front of her apartment building and held for six weeks.

3月，哥伦比亚大学亲巴勒斯坦示威活动领导人马哈茂德·哈利勒被联邦特工拘留，目前仍被关押在路易斯安那州；同月，塔夫茨大学学生鲁梅萨·厄兹图尔克因撰写批评以色列加沙军事行动的文章，在公寓楼前被便衣联邦特工戴上手铐，关押了六周。

One graduate student from Lebanon said that when she first arrived on her campus in Florida last year, she felt freer to speak out than she had in her home country, where she had received threats for criticizing Hezbollah, the Iran-backed militia. But since Mr. Trump took office, she said, she no longer feels comfortable publicly discussing potentially sensitive issues.

一名来自黎巴嫩的研究生表示，去年刚到佛罗里达的校园时，她觉得比在祖国更能自由发声——在黎巴嫩，她曾因批评伊朗支持的真主党民兵组织而受到威胁。但她说，自特朗普执政以来，她不再敢公开讨论潜在敏感话题。

“It’s made me feel stuck in a way, constantly stressed and unsure about what’s safe to say or do,” said the student, 23, who like others interviewed for this story requested anonymity because she feared being deported.

“这让我感到被困住了，一直处于压力中，不确定什么话能说、什么事能做，”这位23岁的学生说（与其他接受采访者一样，她因担心被驱逐而要求匿名）。

A recent graduate who earned a film degree from a university in the western United States said the current climate reminded him of his home country, Singapore, where protests are illegal unless preapproved by the authorities.

一名刚从美国西部某大学获得电影学位的毕业生称，当前的氛围让他想起自己的祖国新加坡——未经当局批准的抗议活动在那里属于非法。

In recent weeks, he said, he avoided walking past two anti-Trump protests on campus for fear of even being photographed near them. The biggest draw of studying in the United States, for him, had been the freedom it offered to learn about making films without self-censoring. He no longer feels he can do that and is considering returning to Singapore, he said.

他说，最近几周，他甚至不敢走过校园里两场反特朗普抗议活动的附近区域，唯恐被拍到。对他而言，赴美留学的最大吸引力在于能自由学习电影制作而无需自我审查，如今他觉得无法再这样做，正考虑返回新加坡。

Changes implemented by the Trump administration have resulted in the cancellation of more than 1,800 visas for students at 238 universities as of May 12, according to an analysis by The Times. The administration reinstated more than 1,100 of the visas but has said it is working on a new system, which could result in some international students losing their legal status again.

《纽约时报》分析显示，截至5月12日，特朗普政府的政策已导致238所大学的1800多名学生签证被取消，其中1100多份签证得到重新签发，但政府称正在制定新系统，可能导致部分国际学生再次失去合法身份。

In response to questions from The Times about its crackdown on student visas, a White House spokeswoman, Anna Kelly, said that it was a privilege, not a right, to study in the United States.

针对《纽约时报》关于打击学生签证的提问，白宫发言人安娜·凯利表示，赴美留学是一种特权，而非权利。

Apparently referring to students who had been penalized for participating in pro-Palestinian protests, Ms. Kelly said that Secretary of State Marco Rubio “has the right to revoke visas for noncitizens pushing the propaganda of Hamas terrorists who have held Americans hostage.”

凯利显然指的是因参加亲巴勒斯坦抗议活动而受罚的学生，她说，国务卿马克·鲁比奥“有权撤销那些推动哈马斯恐怖分子宣传的非公民的签证，那些恐怖分子将美国人扣为人质”。

Despite the uncertainty over visas, many students said they still wanted to get jobs in America after graduation, and that they valued the diversity of U.S. campuses and the economic opportunities the country offered.

尽管签证存在不确定性，许多学生仍希望毕业后留美工作，并珍视美国校园的多元性和这个国家提供的经济机会。

Students who travel far from home in hopes of improving their career prospects and having a positive impact on the world “should be prepared to take on this risk, and that’s something I decided well before I even came here,” said Ryan Li, an 18-year-old Canadian studying at Georgetown University. He was not going to let the shifting political climate dissuade him from studying in the United States, he said.

18岁的加拿大留学生瑞安·李就读于乔治城大学，他说，为改善职业前景、希望对世界产生积极影响而远离家乡的学生“应该做好承担这种风险的准备，这是我来这里之前就决定的”。他表示，不会让不断变化的政治气候阻止自己在美国学习。

A telegenic young woman called Luna is standing on the floor of a warehouse stacked with shipping boxes and sacks the color of sun-washed jade. When the video opens, she does a jumping half twist to face the camera and says, in smooth British-accented English, “There’s nothing a Chinese factory can’t make.” Garment factories in Guangdong, she explains, are vital production partners for American brands like Brooks Brothers and Tommy Hilfiger. “The scale of the factories in this region specifically, they’re not massive,” she says, doing a practiced walk-and-talk. “But all of them are willing to invest heavily in research and development.”

一名自称露娜（音）的上镜年轻女子站在仓库里，周围堆满运输箱和翡翠色麻袋。视频开始时，她做了个半圈旋转跳，面对镜头，用流利的英式英语说：“没有中国工厂不能造的东西。”她解释说，广东的服装厂是布克兄弟和汤米·希尔费格等美国品牌的重要生产合作伙伴，。“就这个具体地区而言，工厂规模并不大，”她以娴熟的边走边说方式说道，“但它们都愿意在研发上投入巨资。”

I started seeing videos like this one as I scrolled social media from my couch in the days after President Trump announced his sweeping new tariffs — Liberation Day, if you must — in early April. TikTok, in particular, was flooded with videos of young Chinese people, speaking from warehouses and factories in Guangdong and Shenzhen, in footage that reminded me of low-budget TV ads for local businesses. In one, a woman called Rosie — looking worried, as if trying to stop someone from making a huge mistake — struck poses while telling viewers which websites they could use to buy sportswear or appliances directly from Chinese manufacturers.

今年4月初，特朗普总统宣布了范围广泛的新关税——如果非得用他的说法，也就是所谓解放日——随后，我在沙发上浏览社交媒体时开始看到这种视频。具体地说，TikTok上充斥着中国年轻人在广东、深圳等地的仓库和工厂里对着镜头讲话的视频，让我想起那些为本地企业拍摄的低成本电视广告。在一段视频里，一个自称罗西的女子面带忧容，仿佛在试图阻止某人犯下一个大错。她一边摆出各种姿势，一边告诉观众可以通过哪些网站直接从中国制造商那里购买运动服或家电。

Americans had already been doing that for years. There are enormous communities on Reddit dedicated to connecting with Chinese proxy buyers, where WhatsApp numbers are traded like samizdat: You can text a stranger somewhere in China, get a menu of goods and order with a few clicks on PayPal. There are drop-shippers, too, a cottage industry of people who take orders through e-commerce sites, then have foreign manufacturers send the items directly to customers. You could even cut out the middlemen and contact a factory yourself. All this was enabled, in part, by a de minimis tariff exemption, in which goods worth less than $800 could be shipped from China or Hong Kong directly to the consumer without paying duties. But Trump ended that exception this year — and, of course, he also slapped almost all Chinese imports with a tariff of at least 145 percent.

美国人早就已经这样做了。Reddit上有专门帮找中国代购的巨大社区，在那里，WhatsApp账号像地下出版物一样被交易，它让人能给中国某个地方的陌生人发短信，获取商品清单，然后点几下PayPal付款下单。还有代发货商，这是一种家庭小作坊，他们通过电商网站接单，然后让外国的制造商直接把商品发给客户。人们甚至可以省掉中间商，自己去联系工厂。所有这些交易都一定程度上得益于“小额豁免”——价值低于800美元的商品能从中国或香港直接寄送到消费者手中，无需缴纳关税。但特朗普在今年取消了这一政策，当然，他还对几乎所有的中国进口商品加征了至少145%的关税。（根据两国后来达成的协议，目前美国已将对中国商品的关税从145%下调至30%，中国则将对美国商品的关税从125%降至10%。——编注）

Now Chinese manufacturers and American consumers both face tariff-induced anxieties — and so the flow of communication between them seems to be deepening. The videos I saw last month seemed to want to negotiate new trade arrangements directly with American consumers, peer to peer, outside official channels. They pitched factory-direct savings that might defray some of the rising costs of goods. Americans, they wagered, had found it easier to change their politics than their Amazon wish lists.

中国的制造商和美国的消费者们现在都面临着关税引发的焦虑，双方之间的沟通似乎也因此加深。我上个月看到的这些视频似乎是想绕过官方渠道，建立点对点的关系，来与美国消费者直接谈判达成一种新的贸易方式。这些视频的卖点是工厂直销的优惠，这也许能部分缓解商品涨价的影响。它们押注，对美国人来说，改变政治立场比起改变亚马逊愿望清单更容易。

That these videos might find a receptive audience among young Americans isn’t surprising. In this year’s edition of the Harvard Youth Poll, 42 percent of some 2,000 respondents said they were struggling financially, up from 29 percent in 2019. I see the same feelings and preoccupations when I talk to my own friends: crumbling infrastructure, unaffordable health care, wealth disparities so deep that even people with jobs end up sleeping in their cars. All of this is paired with a shifting image of China among young Americans, who are about half as likely as their parents, and around one-fifth as likely as their grandparents, to see China as an “enemy” of the United States.

这些视频可能会受到一些美国年轻人欢迎，这并不令人意外。今年的哈佛大学春季青年民意调查显示，约2000名受访者中，有42%的人表示他们面临经济困难，高于2019年的29%。我在与朋友谈话时也听到了同样的感受和担忧：美国的基础设施正在崩溃，医疗费用高到负担不起，贫富差距如此巨大，就连有工作的人也会落入睡在车里的境地。伴随所有这一切的是美国年轻人对中国看法的改变。他们把中国视为美国的“敌人”的可能性大约是他们父母辈的一半，大约是他们祖父母辈的20%。

You could sense this in March, when the American YouTuber Darren Jason Watkins Jr. (a.k.a. IShowSpeed) began traveling through China, livestreaming lengthy videos — the Beijing entry stretches to six hours — that have been viewed tens of millions of times. Both Watkins and a share of his audience were clearly excited by what they saw. On his visit to Shenzhen, he rode in an amphibious car made by the Chinese manufacturer BYD, amazing viewers with the sight of a street-legal S.U.V. wading easily into a body of water. “China is legit the future,” one commenter wrote.

今年3月，这种变化可见一斑，YouTube上的美国网红小达伦·杰森·沃特金斯（网名IShowSpeed）开始了他中国旅行的长视频直播——北京的那段长达六小时——观看次数超过几千万。沃特金斯和他的部分观众显然对他们看到的东西感到兴奋。他在深圳旅行时乘坐了一辆由中国制造商比亚迪制造的水陆两用车，这辆符合上路法规的SUV轻松开进一片水里的画面令观众惊叹不已。“中国的确是未来，”一名评论者写道。

Watkins has close to 40 million subscribers on YouTube, many of whom must still be in their teens, living in an American car market where what passes for innovation is a modular tailgate. (BYD and other Chinese auto companies are effectively banned from the American market by protectionist policies that long predate Trump’s.) In those streams, they may well have found a more optimistic, imaginative view of the future than their own country has lately conjured — the China that has built thousands of miles of high-speed rail while California struggles to lay down short stretches, or made its wind- and solar-power generation eclipse its fossil-fuel power capacity while Trump cancels federal grants for renewable energy.

沃特金斯在YouTube上有近4000万订阅者，其中许多人肯定还是只有十几岁的青少年，在他们在生活中看到的美国汽车市场，所谓创新只不过是多功能的卡车箱后挡板。（美国的贸易保护政策在特朗普上台前就已基本上禁止了比亚迪和其他中国汽车公司进入美国市场。）在TikTok上的这些直播中，美国年轻人也许看到了另一种未来，比他们自己国家这些日子里能让人想象出来的更乐观：中国修建了几万公里的高速铁路，而加州建设短距离高铁仍困难重重；中国的风能和太阳能发电量已超过了化石燃料发电量，而特朗普却在取消联邦政府对可再生能源的拨款。

This intoxicating portrait is, of course, an exercise in image-building on the part of China. Watkins’s streams can be entertaining, but they certainly aren’t an objective exploration of Chinese life; they are a kind of glossy tourist video, made with the apparent blessing of a Chinese government that wouldn’t have given him latitude to document, say, the blanket surveillance, political repression or forced labor that make it possible for the nation to complete those ambitious infrastructure projects. (Or the massive “ghost cities” and excess rail lines that sit unused.) In that sense, the streams are not so different from the videos in which telegenic young people crow about their factories’ making garments for Lululemon or Lacoste, as if they might sell you those items without the retail markup. What we are seeing online tends to be China’s very best face.

这个令人神往的画面当然是中国打造自身形象的一个组成部分。虽然沃特金斯的直播能娱乐观众，但它们当然不是对中国人生活的客观探索；它们更像是光鲜亮丽的旅游宣传视频，似乎得到了中国政府的默许。中国政府不会允许他记录无所不在的监控、政治迫害，或强迫劳动，那些东西让中国得以修建雄心勃勃的基础设施项目。（还有大量“鬼城”和闲置过剩的铁路）。在这个意义上，这些直播与那些上镜的中国年轻人制作的视频没有太大区别，他们号称自己的工厂为露露乐蒙或Lacoste生产服装，好像他们能够不经零售商加价就把这些产品直接卖给你。我们在网上看到的往往是中国最好的一面。

Still, the accelerating flow of video between the two countries might be rewiring our relationship. Something like an anonymous TikTok account posting unflattering comparisons between New York and China’s subway systems — the former rat-infested and leaky, the latter immaculate and full of polished stone — feels like a new evolution in that exchange, not least because Americans seem increasingly willing to admit to its veracity. Those manufacturers’ videos fall into a wave of soft, small-scale influence-peddling. Somewhere beneath the negotiations of two nations, another begins between individuals, one of whom really wants new leggings at a steep discount, another of whom needs to sell exactly that.

尽管如此，两国之间交流的视频量日益增长，这也许正在重塑我们的关系。比如，一个匿名账号在TikTok上发布对比视频，比较纽约和中国的地铁系统——前者受鼠患危害还漏水，后者一尘不染，到处是抛光的大理石。这种不太客气的比较似乎是这种交流的新发展，尤其因为美国人似乎越来越愿意承认其真实性。那些制造商的视频属于一波软推销类的小规模影响力渗透。在高层的两国谈判之下，个体之间的另一种谈判已经开始，一方是渴望以极低价格购买新紧身裤的人，另一方是需要将这种东西卖出去的人。

Recently, I asked a couple of friends — both are in their late 30s, and have lived in China their entire lives — how their own views of America have shifted over time. Both said that they ravenously consumed American culture, and saw the United States as a nation of cohesive, dynamic people. But over the last 10 years, their sense was that America was degrading, its democracy growing more brittle; they saw our gun violence, political clashes and treatment of immigrants as signs of a country whose flaws were becoming mortal wounds.

最近，我问两名一直在中国生活、快40岁的朋友，随着时间的推移，他们对美国的看法发生了什么变化。他们说，他们都曾是美国文化如饥似渴的消费者，认为美国是一个有凝聚力、充满活力的国家。但过去10年来，他们的感觉是美国正在衰落，美国的民主制度正在变得越来越脆弱；他们将我们的枪支暴力、政治冲突，以及对待移民的做法视为这个国家的缺点正在变成致命伤的迹象。

Yet seeing the wrinkles and scars of a country they had admired also humanized it. Anti-Americanism, one told me, was not a default perspective among his peers, and most of his younger colleagues drew clear distinctions between the American people and the American government. When TikTok was briefly banned, he said, many Americans started joining the Chinese platform RedNote, creating a moment when people in the two countries were speaking to one another through social media. “From the posts of countless ordinary Americans, we know that the United States is neither heaven nor hell,” he told me; American life was “a mixture of happiness, pain, trouble and curiosity, just like my own life.” Grand projects of geopolitical maneuvering will continue between the two nations. But there is also a growing dialogue between the peoples themselves, and the possibility that it could shape public opinion as much as anything happening in Beijing or Washington.

不过，看到这些皱纹和伤疤，也让他们曾经钦佩的国家显得更有人情味。其中一人告诉我，反美主义在他的同龄人中并非默认观点，他的大多数年轻同事将美国人民和美国政府明确区分开来。他说，TikTok被短暂封禁期间，许多美国人开始加入中国平台小红书，创造了一个两国人民在社交媒体上直接交流的时刻。“我们从无数普通美国人的帖子里了解到，美国既不是天堂，也不是地狱，”他告诉我；美国人的生活“与我自己的生活一样，交织着快乐、痛苦、烦恼和好奇。”两国之间的地缘政治宏大博弈还将继续下去。但两国人民之间的对话也在不断增多，而这种交流有可能对公众舆论的影响，丝毫不亚于北京或华盛顿正在发生的任何事情。

General Motors has halted exports of a small number of American-made vehicles to China as a result of tariffs imposed during President Trump’s trade battles with that country.

因特朗普总统与中国的贸易争端中所征收的关税，通用汽车已停止向中国出口少量在美国制造的汽车。

The automaker confirmed on Monday that it had stopped sending Chevrolet Tahoe sport utility vehicles to China and will forgo plans to export other high-end models there.

这家汽车制造商于周一确认，已停止向中国出口雪佛兰太浩运动型多用途车，并将放弃向中国出口其他高端车型的计划。

G.M. began exporting Tahoes to China last year, a spokesman said. The exports were carried out under an initiative called the Durant Guild, named after Billy Durant, who founded G.M. more than a century ago.

通用汽车发言人表示，去年开始向中国出口太浩车型。这些出口通过一个名为“杜兰特协会”的计划进行，该计划以一个多世纪前建立了通用汽车的公司创始人比利·杜兰特的名字命名。

Durant Guild exports accounted for fewer than 0.1 percent of the vehicles that G.M. sells in China. For the first quarter of this year, the company reported selling 443,000 total vehicles in China, where it produces models under joint ventures with Chinese manufacturers.

杜兰特协会的出口量在通用汽车中国总销量中占比不到0.1%。今年第一季度，该公司报告称，在中国共售出443000辆汽车，通用汽车在中国通过合资企业与本地制造商合作生产车型。

“Due to significant changes to economic conditions, we have decided to restructure the Durant Guild and correspondingly optimize G.M. China’s operations,” the automaker said in a statement.

通用汽车在一份声明中表示：“由于经济条件发生了重大变化，我们决定重组杜兰特协会，并相应优化通用汽车中国的运营。”

“G.M. is committed to continued development in the China market and driving success of the joint ventures with our partners,” it added. “To keep the business sustainable, we must stay focused on strong execution, business agility and customer choice.”

“通用汽车致力于在中国市场的持续发展，并推动与合作伙伴的合资企业取得成功，”声明还写道。“为了保持业务的可持续性，我们必须专注于强有力的执行力、业务敏捷性和客户选择。”

Prostate cancer experts say that former President Joseph R. Biden’s diagnosis is serious. Announced on Sunday by his office, the cancer has spread to his bones. And it is Stage 4, the most deadly of stages for the illness. It cannot be cured.

前列腺癌专家表示，前总统约瑟夫·R·拜登的诊断结果很严重。根据其办公室周日发布的消息，癌症已经扩散到了骨骼，并且已达到四期——这一疾病中最致命的阶段。该病无法治愈。

But the good news, prostate cancer specialists said, is that recent advances in diagnosing and treating prostate cancer — based in large part on research sponsored by the National Institutes of Health and the Defense Department — have changed what was once an exceedingly grim picture for men with advanced disease.

但好消息是，前列腺癌专科医生表示，近年来在诊断和治疗前列腺癌方面取得的进展——这在很大程度上得益于美国国立卫生研究院和国防部资助的研究——意味着晚期患者不用再面对如此严峻的前景。

“Life is measured in years now, not months,” said Dr. Daniel W. Lin, a prostate cancer specialist at the University of Washington.

“现在以年为单位来衡量他们的剩余寿命，而不是以月，”华盛顿大学的前列腺癌专家丹尼尔·W·林博士说。

Dr. Judd Moul, a prostate cancer expert at Duke University, said that men whose prostate cancer has spread to their bones, “can live 5, 7, 10 or more years” with current treatments. A man like Mr. Biden, in his 80s, “could hopefully pass away from natural causes and not from prostate cancer,” he said.

杜克大学的前列腺癌专家贾德·莫尔博士表示，前列腺癌已经扩散到骨骼的男性在目前的治疗条件下“可以活五年、七年、10年甚至更久”。他说，像拜登这样年过80的男性，“有望因自然原因去世，而不是死于前列腺癌。”

Mr. Biden’s office said the former president had urinary symptoms, which led him to seek medical attention.

拜登的办公室表示，这位前总统出现了泌尿系统症状，因此寻求了医疗帮助。

But, Dr. Lin said, “I highly doubt his symptoms were due to cancer.”

但林表示：“我非常怀疑他的症状是由癌症引起的。”

Instead, he said, the most likely scenario is that a doctor did an exam, noticed a nodule on Mr. Biden’s prostate and did a blood test, the prostate-specific antigen test. The PSA test looks for a protein released by cancer cells, and can be followed up by an M.R.I. The blood test and the M.R.I. would have pointed to the cancer.

他表示，更可能的情况是，医生在检查时发现拜登的前列腺上有一个结节，于是进行了血液检测——前列腺特异性抗原测试。该测试是用来检测由癌细胞释放的蛋白质，接下来还可以进行核磁共振检查。血液检测和核磁共振检查最终发现了癌症。

In this moment, patients like Mr. Biden and others who develop metastatic prostate cancer diagnoses are more fortunate than patients in the past. There are about 10 new treatments for the disease, and they have markedly changed the picture.

在当下，像拜登以及其他被诊断为转移性前列腺癌的患者比过去的患者要幸运得多。目前已有大约10种该病的新疗法，这些治疗方法显著改变了治疗前景。

The first line of attack is to cut off the testosterone that feeds prostate cancer. When Dr. Moul was starting out as a urologist in the 1980s, that was done by removing a man’s testicles. Today, men have a choice of two drugs given by injection that block the testicles from making testosterone, or a pill that does the same thing.

前列腺癌的首要治疗方式是切断其赖以生存的睾酮来源。在莫尔上世纪80年代刚成为泌尿科医生时，需要通过切除男性的睾丸来实现这一点。而如今，男性可以选择两种注射药物中的一种，这些药物能阻止睾丸产生睾酮，或者选择一种具有相同效果的口服药物。

But those drugs alone are not sufficient. So, doctors add any of three or four so-called androgen blockers that block testosterone that still manages to be produced in the testicles.

但仅靠这些药物是不够的。因此，医生会再加入三种或四种所谓的雄激素阻断剂之一，以阻断那些仍然在睾丸中产生的睾酮。

Some men, depending on how much cancer is in their bones, where the cancer tends to go, also have additional treatment, with chemotherapy or radiation.

根据骨骼中癌症的扩散程度——因为癌细胞往往会转移到骨骼——一些男性还需要额外的治疗，如化疗或放疗。

There have also been improvements in diagnosis.

诊断方法也有所改进。

Until recently, doctors determined how much cancer was in the bones with scans that looked for inflammation. Now they have a more precise scan, called a prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) PET scan. It uses a radioactive tracer that attaches to a marker on the surface of prostate cells. It allows doctors to spot the cancer much earlier, which means men with prostate cancer cells in their bones often have a much better prognosis — because they can be treated earlier — than men who had bone scans of just a few years ago.

医生曾经需要通过扫描寻找炎症来判断骨骼中癌症的扩散程度，这一点近年得到改观。现在，他们有了一种更精确的扫描方法，叫做前列腺特异性膜抗原PET扫描。这种扫描使用一种放射性示踪剂，能附着在前列腺细胞表面的标记物上。这使得医生能够更早发现癌症，因此骨骼中有前列腺癌细胞的男性，通常会比几年前仅做骨扫描的男性有更好的预后——因为他们可以更早接受治疗。

Finally, if the medications that block testosterone, and the chemotherapy and radiation therapy, stop working, there are other drugs that can be used to quell the cancer.

最后，如果阻止睾酮的药物、化疗和放疗失效，还有其他药物可以用来抑制癌症。

Dr. Lin noted that the infusion of federal research money, with Mr. Biden’s cancer moonshot effort, in large part led to this progress. Mr. Biden, he said, “was one of the first presidents to put cancer on the forefront.”

林指出，联邦研究资金的注入，尤其是拜登发起的目标远大的抗癌计划，在很大程度上推动了这一进展。他说，拜登“是最早将癌症提到优先位置的总统之一”。

As for Dr. Moul, he said he sees men Mr. Biden’s age with Stage 4 prostate cancers on a regular basis and is much more optimistic now than ever before.

而莫尔则表示，他经常见到像拜登这个年龄、患有四期前列腺癌的男性，而现在他比以往任何时候都更加乐观。

“We have a lot more tools in our toolbox,” Dr. Moul said. “Survival rates have almost tripled in the last decade. I can’t fathom how much change has taken place.”

“我们现在有了更多的治疗手段，”他说。“生存率在过去十年里几乎翻了三倍。我简直无法想象发生了如此巨大的变化。”

For years, theorists have posited the onset of a “Chinese century”: a world in which China finally harnesses its vast economic and technological potential to surpass the United States and reorient global power around a pole that runs through Beijing.

多年来，理论家们一直在设想一个“中国世纪”的到来：在那个世界里，中国最终利用其巨大的经济和技术潜力超越美国，重塑全球力量格局，使其以北京为中心。

That century may already have dawned, and when historians look back they may very well pinpoint the early months of President Trump’s second term as the watershed moment when China pulled away and left the United States behind.

那个世纪可能已经到来，而当历史学家回顾时，他们很可能会指出，特朗普总统第二任期的前几个月是中国拉开距离，把美国甩在后面的分水岭。

It doesn’t matter that Washington and Beijing have reached an inconclusive and temporary truce in Mr. Trump’s trade war. The U.S. president immediately claimed it as a win, but that only underlines the fundamental problem for the Trump administration and America: a shortsighted focus on inconsequential skirmishes as the larger war with China is being decisively lost.

华盛顿和北京在特朗普的贸易战中达成了没有实质成果的暂时休战，但这无关紧要。美国总统立即声称这是一场胜利，反而凸显出特朗普政府和美国面临的根本问题：在与中国那场更为关键的的战争面临惨败之际，美国却在目光短浅地关注无关紧要的小规模冲突。

Mr. Trump is taking a wrecking ball to the pillars of American power and innovation. His tariffs are endangering U.S. companies’ access to global markets and supply chains. He is slashing public research funding and gutting our universities, pushing talented researchers to consider leaving for other countries. He wants to roll back programs for technologies like clean energy and semiconductor manufacturing and is wiping out American soft power in large swaths of the globe.

特朗普正在大肆破坏美国力量和创新的支柱。他的关税正在危及美国公司进入全球市场和供应链的机会。他正在削减公共研究经费，削弱我们的大学，迫使有才华的研究人员考虑离开美国前往其他国家。他想缩减清洁能源和半导体制造等技术项目，并在全球大片地区消灭美国的软实力。

China’s trajectory couldn’t be more different.

中国的轨迹截然不同。

It already leads global production in multiple industries — steel, aluminum, shipbuilding, batteries, solar power, electric vehicles, wind turbines, drones, 5G equipment, consumer electronics, active pharmaceutical ingredients and bullet trains. It is projected to account for 45 percent — nearly half — of global manufacturing by 2030. Beijing is also laser-focused on winning the future: In March it announced a $138 billion national venture capital fund that will make long-term investments in cutting-edge technologies such as quantum computing and robotics, and increased its budget for public research and development.

在钢铝、造船、电池、太阳能、电动汽车、风力涡轮机、无人机、5G设备、消费电子产品、活性药物成分和高铁等多个行业，中国的产量已经位居全球首位。预计到2030年，中国将占全球制造业的45%，接近一半。北京同样非常关注赢得未来：今年3月，它宣布成立一个1万亿元的国家风险投资基金，对量子计算和机器人等尖端技术进行长期投资，并增加了公共研发预算。

The results of China’s approach have been stunning.

中国的做法取得了惊人的成果。

When the Chinese start-up DeepSeek launched its artificial intelligence chatbot in January, many Americans suddenly realized that China could compete in A.I. But there have been a series of Sputnik moments like that.

今年1月，当中国初创公司深度求索推出其人工智能聊天机器人时，许多美国人突然意识到，中国可以在人工智能领域展开竞争。但是不止如此，这样的“斯普特尼克时刻”还有很多。

The Chinese electric carmaker BYD, which Mr. Trump’s political ally Elon Musk once laughed off as a joke, overtook Tesla last year in global sales, is building new factories around the world and in March reached a market value greater than that of Ford, GM and Volkswagen combined. China is charging ahead in drug discoveries, especially cancer treatments, and installed more industrial robots in 2023 than the rest of the world combined. In semiconductors, the vital commodity of this century and a longtime weak point for China, it is building a self-reliant supply chain led by recent breakthroughs by Huawei. Critically, Chinese strength across these and other overlapping technologies is creating a virtuous cycle in which advances in multiple interlocking sectors reinforce and elevate one another.

特朗普的政治盟友埃隆·马斯克曾将中国电动汽车制造商比亚迪当成笑话，但这家公司去年的全球销量超过了特斯拉，正在世界各地建设新工厂，今年3月的市值超过了福特、通用和大众汽车的总和。中国在药物研发、尤其是癌症治疗方面正处于领先地位，2023年安装的工业机器人数量超过了世界其他国家的总和。半导体是本世纪至关重要的大宗商品，也是中国长期以来的软肋。在华为最近的突破性进展引领下，中国正在打造一条自给自足的供应链。关键是，中国在这些领域和其他重叠技术方面的优势正在创造一个良性循环，多个相互关联领域的进步相互促进、相互提升。

Yet Mr. Trump remains fixated on tariffs. He doesn’t even seem to grasp the scale of the threat posed by China. Before the two countries’ announcement last Monday that they had agreed to slash trade tariffs, Mr. Trump dismissed concerns that his previous sky-high tariffs on Chinese goods would leave shelves empty in American stores. He said Americans could just get by with buying fewer dolls for their children — a characterization of China as a factory for toys and other cheap junk that is wildly out of date.

然而，特朗普仍然执着于关税。他似乎甚至没有意识到中国构成的威胁有多大。在上周一两国宣布同意削减贸易关税之前，特朗普驳斥了他之前对中国商品征收的天价关税会让美国商店货架空空如也的担忧。他说，美国人只要给孩子们少买几个娃娃就可以了——这种把中国说成是玩具和其他廉价商品工厂的说法已经完全过时了。

The United States needs to realize that neither tariffs nor other trade pressure will get China to abandon the state-driven economic playbook that has worked so well for it and suddenly adopt industrial and trade policies that Americans consider fair. If anything, Beijing is doubling down on its state-led approach, bringing a Manhattan Project-style focus to achieving dominance in high-tech industries.

美国需要认识到，无论是关税还是其他贸易压力，都无法让中国放弃一直以来行之有效的国家主导型经济政策，并突然采取美国人认为公平的工业和贸易政策。相反，北京正在加倍强化其国家主导的方式，以“曼哈顿计划”的方式专注于实现高科技产业的主导地位。

China faces its own serious challenges. A prolonged real estate slump continues to drag on economic growth, though there are signs that the sector may be finally recovering. Longer-term challenges also loom, such as a shrinking work force and an aging population. But skeptics have been predicting China’s peak and inevitable fall for years, only to be proved wrong each time. The enduring strength of a state-dominated Chinese system that can pivot, change policy and redirect resources at will in service of long-term national strength is now undeniable, regardless of whether free-market advocates like it.

中国也面临着严峻的挑战。房地产市场的长期低迷继续拖累经济增长，尽管有迹象表明该行业可能最终正在复苏。更长期的挑战也迫在眉睫，比如劳动力萎缩和人口老龄化。但是，怀疑论者多年来一直在预测中国经济的见顶和不可避免的衰退，却每次都被证明是错误的。不管自由市场倡导者们是否认可，以国家为主导的中国体制的持久实力现在已经不可否认，它可以随意转向、改变政策和重新分配资源，以服务于国家的长远利益。

Mr. Trump’s blinkered obsession with short-term Band-Aids like tariffs, while actively undermining what makes America strong, will only hasten the onset of a Chinese-dominated world.

特朗普对关税等短期权宜之计的盲目痴迷在积极破坏美国强大之本，同时只会让一个由中国主导的世界更快到来。

If each nation’s current trajectory holds, China will likely end up completely dominating high-end manufacturing, from cars and chips to M.R.I. machines and commercial jets. The battle for A.I. supremacy will be fought not between the United States and China but between high-tech Chinese cities like Shenzhen and Hangzhou. Chinese factories around the world will reconfigure supply chains with China at the center, as the world’s pre-eminent technological and economic superpower.

如果两国都按照目前的轨迹发展下去，中国很可能最终完全主导高端制造业，从汽车、芯片到核磁共振成像仪和商用飞机。人工智能霸主之争将不是在美国和中国之间展开，而是在深圳和杭州等中国高科技城市之间展开。作为卓越的世界技术和经济超级大国，中国的工厂将遍布世界各地，并将以中国为中心重新配置供应链。

America, by contrast, may end up as a profoundly diminished nation. Sheltered behind tariff walls, its companies will sell almost exclusively to domestic consumers. The loss of international sales will degrade corporate earnings, leaving companies with less money to invest in their businesses. American consumers will be stuck with U.S.-made goods that are of middling quality but more expensive than global products, owing to higher U.S. manufacturing costs. Working families will face rising inflation and stagnant incomes. Traditional high-value industries such as car manufacturing and pharmaceuticals are already being lost to China; the important industries of the future will follow. Imagine Detroit or Cleveland on a national scale.

相比之下，美国可能最终会成为一个严重衰落的国家。在关税壁垒的庇护下，美国企业将几乎只向国内消费者销售产品。国际销售的损失将降低企业的收益，使企业用于投资业务的资金减少。由于美国制造成本的上升，美国消费者将只能购买质量中等但比全球产品更贵的美国产品。工薪家庭将面临不断上升的通货膨胀和收入停滞。汽车制造业和制药业等传统高价值产业已流向中国；未来的重要行业也会随之流失。想象一下全国范围内都出现底特律或克利夫兰那样的情形。

Avoiding that grim scenario means making policy choices — today — that should be obvious and already have bipartisan support: investing in research and development; supporting academic, scientific and corporate innovation; forging economic ties with countries around the world; and creating a welcoming and attractive climate for international talent and capital. Yet the Trump administration is doing the opposite in each of those areas.

要避免这种严峻的局面，就意味着要做出本应显而易见并已得到两党支持的政策选择——今天就做：投资研发；支持学术、科技和企业创新；与世界各国建立经济联系；为国际人才和资本创造一个友好、有吸引力的环境。然而，特朗普政府在这些领域的做法恰恰相反。

Whether this century will be Chinese or American is up to us. But the time to change course is quickly running out.

本世纪究竟属于中国还是美国，这取决于我们。但是，改变方向的时间已经不多。

Apple believes the future success of the iPhone depends on the availability of new artificial intelligence features. But tensions between Washington and Beijing may cripple the tech giant’s plans to deliver A.I. in its second-most-important market, China.

苹果公司认为iPhone未来的成功取决于能否引入新的人工智能功能。但华盛顿与北京之间的紧张关系可能会阻碍这家科技巨头在其第二大市场——中国——推出人工智能的计划。

In recent months, the White House and congressional officials have been scrutinizing Apple’s plan to strike a deal with Alibaba to make the Chinese company’s A.I. available on iPhones in China, three people familiar with the deliberations said. They are concerned that the deal would help a Chinese company improve its artificial intelligence abilities, broaden the reach of Chinese chatbots with censorship limits and deepen Apple’s exposure to Beijing laws over censorship and data sharing.

据三位知情人士透露，近几个月来，白宫和国会官员一直在审查苹果公司与阿里巴巴达成协议的计划，该协议旨在让这家中国公司的人工智能技术能在中国的iPhone上使用。官员们担心，这项协议可能会帮助中国公司提升人工智能能力、扩大带有审查限制的中国聊天机器人的影响力，并进一步加深苹果在审查制度和数据共享方面受中国法律管制的程度。

The scrutiny is the latest example of the challenges that Apple has run into as it tries to sustain its businesses in the United States and China at a time of rising geopolitical tensions. Three years ago, the U.S. government succeeded in pressuring the company to abandon a deal to buy memory chips from a Chinese supplier, the Yangtze Memory Technologies Corporation, or YMTC. More recently, the company has been challenged by U.S. tariffs on Chinese-made products like the iPhone, threatening to cut into the company’s profits.

在地缘政治紧张局势持续加剧之际，苹果公司正努力维持其在中美两国的业务运转，而此次审查正是其所面临挑战的最新例证。三年前，美国政府曾成功施压，迫使苹果放弃与中国供应商长江存储科技公司（简称YMTC）达成的内存芯片采购协议。最近，美国对iPhone等中国制造产品加征关税，也对苹果构成了新的挑战，可能会侵蚀其利润空间。

Walking away from an Alibaba deal would have far graver consequences for Apple’s business in China, which accounts for almost a fifth of the company’s sales. The partnership with the Chinese tech company is critical to bringing A.I. features to iPhones in one of the world’s most highly regulated and competitive markets. Without the Alibaba partnership, iPhones could fall behind smartphones from Chinese rivals like Huawei and Xiaomi.

如果放弃与阿里巴巴的合作协议，苹果在中国的业务将面临更为严重的后果，中国市场占据了苹果近五分之一的销售额。与这家中国科技公司的合作对于在这个全球监管最严格、竞争最激烈的市场之一向iPhone引入人工智能功能至关重要。若没有阿里巴巴的支持，iPhone可能会在人工智能功能方面落后于华为、小米等中国本土竞争对手的智能手机。

Officials at the White House and the House Select Committee on China have raised the deal directly with Apple executives, said the three people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media. During meetings in Washington with senior Apple executives and lobbyists, government officials asked about terms of the deal, what data Apple would be sharing with Alibaba and whether it would be signing any legal commitments with Chinese regulators. In the meeting with the House committee in March, Apple executives were unable to answer most of those questions, two of these people said.

据三位知情人士透露，白宫官员以及众议院中国问题特设委员会的成员已就该协议直接向苹果高管提出质询。由于未被授权接受媒体采访，他们要求匿名。在苹果高层与说客前往华盛顿与政府官员会面期间，后者询问了协议的具体条款、苹果将与阿里巴巴共享哪些数据，以及是否会与中国监管机构签署任何法律承诺。其中两位知情人士表示，在今年3月与众议院特设委员会的会谈中，苹果高管对大多数问题都未能作出明确答复。

阿里巴巴将帮助苹果在中国与本土对手竞争。

Washington’s concern about the deal has been heightened by a deepening conviction that A.I. will become a critical military tool. The technology, which can write emails and develop software code, has the potential to coordinate military attacks and control autonomous drones. Worried about a future U.S.-Chinese conflict, Washington officials have tried to limit Beijing’s access to A.I. technology, cutting off its ability to make and buy A.I. chips.

华盛顿对这项交易愈发担忧，是因为日渐坚信人工智能将成为关键的军事工具。这项能够撰写电子邮件和开发软件代码的技术还具备协调军事打击、控制自主无人机的潜力。出于对中美未来可能爆发冲突的担忧，华盛顿官员一直在努力限制北京获取人工智能技术，切断其制造和采购人工智能芯片的能力。

Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois, the ranking Democrat on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, said in a statement that it “is extremely disturbing that Apple has not been transparent about its agreement.”

伊利诺伊州众议员、众议院常设情报委员会民主党领袖拉贾·克里什纳穆尔提在一份声明中表示，“苹果没有对其协议保持透明，令人非常不安。”

“Alibaba is a poster child for the Chinese Communist Party’s military-civil fusion strategy, and why Apple would choose to work with them on A.I. is anyone’s guess,” he said. “There are serious concerns that this partnership will help Alibaba collect data to refine its models, all while allowing Apple to turn a blind eye to the fundamental rights of its Chinese iPhone users.”

“阿里巴巴是中国共产党军民融合战略的典型代表，苹果为何选择与他们在人工智能方面合作，这谁也说不清楚，”他说。“人们严重担忧，这一合作将帮助阿里巴巴收集数据以优化其模型，同时让苹果对中国iPhone用户的基本权利视而不见。”

Apple, the White House and Alibaba did not provide comment. Apple hasn’t publicly acknowledged the A.I. deal in China, but Alibaba’s chairman, Joe Tsai, confirmed it publicly in February.

苹果公司、白宫和阿里巴巴均未发表评论。苹果尚未公开承认在中国的人工智能协议，但阿里巴巴董事会主席蔡崇信在2月已公开确认此事。

There is concern in Washington that an Apple deal with Alibaba would set a problematic precedent. U.S. companies could help Chinese A.I. providers reach more users and use the data they collect from those users to improve their models. The risk would be that Baidu, Alibaba, ByteDance and other Chinese companies could then use those improvements to help China’s military.

华盛顿担心，苹果与阿里巴巴达成的协议可能会为未来的合作树立一个问题重重的先例。美国公司可能会帮助中国的人工智能供应商触及更多用户，并利用从这些用户那里收集的数据来优化他们的模型。风险在于，百度、阿里巴巴、字节跳动及其他中国公司可能会利用这些改进来支持中国的军事发展。

To limit U.S.-Chinese collaboration, the Trump administration has discussed whether Alibaba and other Chinese A.I. companies should be put on a list prohibiting them from doing business with U.S. companies, the people familiar with the deliberations said. Defense Department and intelligence officials have also been scrutinizing Alibaba’s ties to the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army.

知情人士称，为了限制中美合作，特朗普政府曾讨论是否应将阿里巴巴及其他中国人工智能公司列入禁止与美国公司做生意的名单。美国国防部和情报部门的官员也一直在审查阿里巴巴与中国共产党以及解放军的关系。

Greg Allen, the director of the Wadhwani A.I. Center at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank, said Apple’s partnership ran counter to the bipartisan efforts in Washington to slow China’s A.I. development. Apple could be motivated to help Alibaba improve its artificial intelligence system because its A.I. could make iPhones in China more useful, valuable and easier to sell.

战略与国际研究中心瓦德瓦尼人工智能中心主任格雷格·艾伦表示，苹果的合作伙伴关系与两党在华盛顿合作遏制中国人工智能发展的努力相悖。苹果公司可能有动力帮助阿里巴巴改进其人工智能系统，因为该系统可以使中国的iPhone更加实用、更具价值且更易于销售。

“The United States is in an A.I. race with China, and we just don’t want American companies helping Chinese companies run faster,” Mr. Allen said.

“美国正与中国进行人工智能竞赛，我们不希望美国公司帮助中国公司跑得更快，”艾伦说道。

In addition to this scrutiny, Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, has faced new criticism from President Trump. During Mr. Trump’s trip across the Middle East this past week, he said he had “a little problem” with Mr. Cook because Apple was beginning to build products in India rather than the United States.

除了面临这些审查，苹果首席执行官蒂姆·库克还遭遇了特朗普总统的新一轮批评。在上周访问中东期间，特朗普表示自己对库克“有点意见”，因为苹果开始在印度而非美国生产产品。

苹果公司首席执行官蒂姆·库克去年参加在北京举行的中国发展高层论坛。

“We’re not interested in you building in India,” Mr. Trump said he had told Mr. Cook. “India can take care of themselves. They’re doing very well. We want you to build here.”

“我们不希望你们在印度生产，”特朗普说他曾告诉库克，“印度自己能照顾自己。他们过得好的很。我们希望你们在国内生产。”

Last year, Apple revamped the iPhone with new A.I. abilities that it called Apple Intelligence. It said iPhone users would be able to use its A.I. product to summarize notifications and gain access to writing tools that could improve emails and other messages. It also revealed an improved Siri virtual assistant that could combine information on a phone, like a message about someone’s travel itinerary, with information from the web, like a flight arrival time.

去年，苹果对iPhone进行了改进，新增了名为“Apple Intelligence”的人工智能功能。苹果表示，iPhone用户将能够使用这一人工智能产品来总结通知，使用一些写作工具，从而改善电子邮件和其他信息的内容。同时，苹果还推出了升级版的Siri虚拟助手，能够将手机中的信息——如某人的旅行行程信息——与航班到达时间这样来自网络的信息结合起来。

Apple struck a partnership with OpenAI to support some of its A.I. abilities. OpenAI’s chatbot, ChatGPT, is currently answering questions when prompted on iPhones in the United States.

苹果与OpenAI达成了合作伙伴关系，以支持其部分人工智能功能。OpenAI的聊天机器人ChatGPT目前在美国的iPhone上根据提示回答问题。

(The New York Times has sued OpenAI and its partner, Microsoft, accusing them of copyright infringement regarding news content related to A.I. systems. OpenAI and Microsoft have denied those claims.)

 （《纽约时报》起诉了OpenAI及其合作伙伴微软，指控他们在与人工智能系统相关的新闻内容上侵犯版权。OpenAI和微软否认这些指控。）

Because OpenAI doesn’t operate in Beijing, Apple needed to find a local partner to give iPhones in China the same performance as those in the United States. The company spoke with several Chinese tech companies before striking a deal with Alibaba. This year, it asked Chinese regulators to approve the A.I. features.

由于OpenAI不在北京运营，苹果需要找到一个本地合作伙伴，以便在中国的iPhone上提供与美国版相同的性能。苹果在与阿里巴巴达成协议之前曾与几家中国科技公司进行过洽谈。今年，苹果向中国监管机构申请批准这些人工智能功能。

Congressional officials were alarmed that Apple had requested approval from Chinese regulators for the Alibaba partnership, two people familiar with their concerns said. Because A.I. is an emerging field, the committee worried that Apple might make concessions or sign an agreement that would make it subject to Chinese laws.

两位知情人士表示，国会官员对苹果向中国监管机构申请批准与阿里巴巴的合作表示非常担忧。由于人工智能是一个新兴领域，委员会担心苹果可能会做出妥协或签署协议，从而使其受到中国法律的约束。

Apple hasn’t provided an update on when the A.I. features will become available on its iPhones in China. During calls with analysts this year, Mr. Cook said sales of iPhones had been better in markets where Apple Intelligence was available.

苹果尚未提供有关人工智能功能何时在中国的iPhone上推出的最新信息。今年在与分析师的电话会议中，库克表示，在人工智能功能可用的市场，iPhone的销量表现更好。

If the deal with Alibaba collapses, there is also a potential knock-on effect because Alibaba is a major e-commerce retailer that could sell and market iPhones, said Richard Kramer, a senior analyst at Arete Research, an investment advisory firm. He said that kind of partnership had the potential to boost the iPhone after Apple’s share of smartphone sales in China fell to 15 percent last year from 19 percent in 2023.

Arete Research投资顾问公司高级分析师理查德·克雷默表示，如果苹果与阿里巴巴的协议破裂，还可能产生连锁反应，因为阿里巴巴是一个主要的电子商务零售商，能够销售和推广iPhone。他表示，这种合作关系有可能推动iPhone的销量，去年，苹果在中国智能手机市场份额从2023年的19%降至了15%。

Without Alibaba, Chinese iPhone users could download A.I. apps, Mr. Kramer said. It would make for a more difficult experience than rivals might offer.

克雷默表示，如果没有阿里巴巴，中国的iPhone用户仍然可以下载人工智能应用程序，但用户体验上相比竞争对手会有些逊色。

“People will still buy their phones, but it will make it harder,” he said.

他说：“人们仍然会购买他们的手机，但这会让做出购买决定变得更困难。”