Inside a crowded convention center in South Korea last month, Japan’s new prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, beamed as she met China’s leader, Xi Jinping, for the first time. Mr. Xi smiled back, a rare display of warmth between the rival countries.

上个月，在韩国一个座无虚席的会展中心里，日本新任首相高市早苗与中国国家主席习近平首次会面，高市笑容满面。习近平也回以微笑——在这两个存在嫌隙的国家之间，这是难得一见的温暖场面。

Only a few weeks later, the relationship has come undone. Mr. Xi has unleashed a wave of reprisals against Japan over a recent comment by Ms. Takaichi about defending Taiwan, a self-governed democracy that Beijing considers part of its territory.

但仅仅几周之后，两国关系便急转直下。由于高市早苗近日关于保卫台湾的言论，习近平对日本采取了一系列报复措施。台湾是一个自治的民主政体，但北京视其为中国领土的一部分。

The dispute poses an early test for Ms. Takaichi, who took office late last month, the first woman to serve as prime minister in Japan’s history. As a lawmaker, she was a vocal critic of Mr. Xi, criticizing China’s militarization of the South China Sea and visiting Taiwan to show solidarity with its leaders.

对于上月底刚刚上任的日本首位女首相高市早苗而言，此次争端构成了一项早期考验。高市在担任议员时期是习近平的公开批评者，曾抨击中国在南海的军事化举动，也曾访问台湾以表达对其领导人的支持。

Now, with the crisis threatening to overwhelm her nascent administration, Ms. Takaichi’s task, analysts say, is to avoid an escalation while still projecting strength at home.

分析人士指出，如今这场危机有可能压倒她刚起步的政府。高市当前的任务是避免局势升级，同时还要在国内展现强硬姿态。

“Nobody expected that her tenure would begin with a full-blown row with China,” said Mireya Solís, director of the Center for Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution in Washington. “The challenge now is how to de-escalate without caving to China, or appearing to back down in a way that would weaken her domestically.”

“没人想到她的任期会以一场与中国的全面争端开场，”位于华盛顿的布鲁金斯学会亚洲政策研究中心主任米雷娅·索利斯说。“现在的挑战是，如何在不向中国让步的情况下缓和局势，也不能表现得退缩，否则会削弱她在国内的支持。”

The flare-up shows no signs of easing. The Chinese government has urged its citizens not to visit Japan, potentially sapping a major source of tourism, and Beijing signaled this week that it might move to restrict imports of Japanese seafood. China also dispatched Coast Guard ships to patrol near islands that both countries claim and warned Chinese students in Japan about what it said were risks to their safety.

这场冲突毫无缓和迹象。中国政府已敦促公民不要赴日旅行，这可能削弱日本重要的旅游收入来源；北京本周还暗示可能限制日本海产品进口。中国还派遣海警船前往中日双方声称拥有主权的争议岛屿附近巡逻，并提醒在日本的中国留学生注意所谓安全风险。

More reprisals could still come; China has a record of economic coercion. During a dispute in 2010, China limited the export of critical minerals to Japan, including rare earth metals. Chinese state media urged boycotts of South Korean companies operating in mainland China in 2017 when punishing South Korea over its embrace of an American missile defense system.

报复措施可能尚不止于此。中国有实施经济胁迫的记录。在2010年的一场争端中，中国限制向日本出口包括稀土金属在内的重要矿物。2017年，北京方面因韩国部署美制反导系统而惩罚它，当时的中国官方媒体曾号召抵制在华经营的韩国企业。

“China has a playbook on how to apply pressure, and they’re going chapter by chapter,” Ms. Solís said. “The Chinese are not offering any off-ramp. The question is, what is the end game?”

“中国对如何施压有一套完整的剧本，他们正按部就班地执行，”索利斯说。“中国没有提供任何缓和途径。问题是：他们的最终目的是什么？”

The latest dispute began on Nov. 7, when Ms. Takaichi was fielding questions before the Diet, Japan’s Parliament. A lawmaker from a rival party asked her about potential “survival-threatening situations,” a classification that, under Japanese law, allows the deployment of the country’s military forces.

这场最新争端始于11月7日。当时高市早苗在国会接受质询。来自在野党的议员问她关于“存亡危机事态”的问题——根据日本法律，此类事态认定允许日本部署自卫队。

Ms. Takaichi said an attempt by China to blockade or seize Taiwan, which lies less than 70 miles from Japanese territory and sits astride shipping lanes vital for Japan’s economic survival, could qualify.

高市表示，如果中国试图封锁或夺取台湾，就可能构成“存亡危机事态”。台湾距离日本领土约110公里，且处于对日本经济命脉至关重要的航道上。

“If it involves the use of warships and the use of force, I believe that this could constitute an existential threat, no matter how you look at it,” she told Parliament.

“如果涉及军舰和武力的使用，不管从哪个角度看，我认为这都可能构成存亡危机，”她在国会说。

日本广岛县吴市海军基地，摄于今年。高市早苗表示，若中国试图夺取台湾，就可能构成“存亡危机事态”，从而有理由部署自卫队。

Previous Japanese prime ministers, including Shinzo Abe, Ms. Takaichi’s political mentor, had avoided specifying how they would respond if China moved against Taiwan.

包括高市的政治导师安倍晋三在内，此前的日本首相均避免具体说明若中国对台采取行动将作何反应。

Ms. Takaichi later said her remarks did not constitute a change in policy. But her comments provoked a furious response in China, with officials demanding a retraction.

高市后来表示，她的言论并未构成政策改变。但她的表态仍引发了中国的强烈反应，要求她撤回言论。

“Taiwan is China’s Taiwan,” Mao Ning, a spokeswoman for China’s foreign ministry, said at a news conference on Thursday. “Taiwan is none of Japan’s business.”

“台湾是中国的台湾，”中国外交部发言人毛宁周四在记者会上说。“台湾是否有事，根本不是日本的事。”

China and Japan have feuded for decades, largely because of the legacy of World War II, when the Japanese army committed atrocities, including the 1937 Nanjing Massacre, crimes for which Beijing believes Tokyo has never sufficiently apologized.

中日两国数十年来一直龃龉不断，主要源于二战历史遗留问题，包括日本军队在1937年南京大屠杀中犯下的暴行，北京认为东京从未就此做出充分的道歉。

Even before Ms. Takaichi’s remarks on Taiwan, there were signs that Mr. Xi’s government was eager to increase pressure on Tokyo. China has been fanning anti-Japanese sentiment this fall as it commemorates the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II.

甚至在高市发表有关台湾的言论之前，已有迹象显示习近平政府有意加大对日本的施压。今年秋天，在纪念二战结束80周年之际，中国一直在煽动反日情绪。

“China was primed to respond,” said Bonny Lin, the director of the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “But I don’t think anyone quite predicted the extent of the escalation.”

“中国原本就准备好做出强烈回应，”战略与国际研究中心中国实力项目主任林洋说。“但恐怕没人预料到升级会到现在这种程度。”

When Ms. Takaichi met Mr. Xi in South Korea, for a summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, she raised issues including China’s movements in the South China Sea and human rights abuses.

在韩国参加亚太经合组织峰会期间，高市早苗在与习近平会面时提出了包括中国在南海的行动和人权问题等议题。

Ms. Takaichi, who is grappling with a variety of domestic challenges, seems eager to let the dispute pass. She has ignored calls by some in her party to deport a Chinese diplomat stationed in Japan who recently issued a violent threat against her on social media. After the initial storm over her remarks, she told lawmakers she would refrain from “making explicit statements on specific scenarios.”

在国内面临多重挑战的高市似乎急于平息这场争端。她无视了党内一些人士要求驱逐一名驻日中国外交官的呼声，这名外交官近期在社交媒体上对她发出暴力威胁。在最初的舆论风暴过后，她对议员表示，今后将避免对具体情境作出“明确陈述”。

But it could be a long time before tensions calm. Ms. Takaichi’s party, the Liberal Democratic Party, lacks the back channels it once had to the Chinese government. The L.D.P. recently had a falling out with Komeito, its main coalition partner, which had served as a conduit to China.

但紧张关系可能难以在短期内平息。高市所属的自民党已经失去了以往与中国政府沟通的渠道。自民党近期与其主要执政联盟伙伴公明党关系破裂，公明党过去一直是与中国沟通的纽带。

“The Chinese are digging in, and Takaichi is unwilling to retract,” Ms. Lin said. “In the short term, there is no obvious way out.”

“中方态度强硬，高市也不愿退让，”林洋说。“短期内看不到明显的出路。”

It would not be a stretch to describe this period of hyperactive growth in the tech industry as a historic moment.

将科技行业这段异常活跃的增长期称为历史性时刻并不为过。

Nvidia, which makes computer chips that are essential to building artificial intelligence, said on Wednesday that its quarterly profit jumped to nearly $32 billion, up 65 percent from a year ago and 245 percent from the year before that.

周三，生产构建人工智能所必需芯片的英伟达表示，其季度利润跃升至近320亿美元，同比增长65%，较两年前增长245%。

Just three weeks ago, Nvidia became the first publicly traded company to be worth $5 trillion. Microsoft, Google, Apple and Amazon are also now valued in the trillions. In their most recent quarters, the four companies reported more than $110 billion in combined profits.

就在三周前，英伟达成为首家市值突破5万亿美元的上市公司。微软、谷歌、苹果和亚马逊目前市值也都达到了数万亿美元。这四家企业最近季度录得总利润超过1100亿美元。

“There’s been a lot of talk about an A.I. bubble,” said Jensen Huang, Nvidia’s chief executive, after his company’s blowout quarterly report. “From our vantage point, we see something very different.”

“关于人工智能泡沫的讨论不绝于耳，”英伟达首席执行官黄仁勋在公司交出漂亮的季报后表示。“但从我们的视角看，情况截然不同。”

But some industry insiders say there is something ominous lurking behind all this bubbly news. They look at the same eye-popping growth and the same stunning wealth creation as Mr. Huang and see a house of cards. And they say it is hard to know what the damage will be if it collapses.

但一些业内人士表示，所有这些看似美好的消息背后都隐藏着不祥之兆。他们与黄仁勋目睹了同样的增长与财富奇迹，却认为这是脆弱的纸牌屋。他们表示，如果崩塌，由此造成的破坏将难以估量。

Even Nvidia’s growth can be explained away. Demand for the company’s chips doesn’t mean people want to use A.I. It merely means that companies are building giant A.I. systems in hopes someone will pay to use them. The Nvidia-led rally on Wall Street lasted only a few hours, after all, and the company’s share price was down about 3 percent at the end of trading on Thursday. A sharp reversal in tech stocks pulled the whole market lower, with the S&P 500 dropping 1.6 percent for the day.

就连英伟达的增长也并非无懈可击。市场对其芯片的需求并不意味着人们想使用人工智能，而是仅表明企业正在斥巨资构建人工智能系统，寄望于未来能吸引付费用户。英伟达引领的华尔街涨势仅维持数小时，截至周四收盘该公司股价下跌约3%。科技股大幅回调拖累整个市场，标普500指数当日下挫1.6%。

英伟达强劲的季度业绩曾短暂缓解华尔街对人工智能巨大开支的担忧。

The heart of the pessimist’s case against the A.I. boom, however, is the money pouring into the start-up world and the billions upon billions those companies are spending on data centers.

不过，对人工智能热潮持悲观态度者持有的核心论点是，巨额资金正涌入相关初创企业，而这些公司在数据中心上的支出惊人。

OpenAI, the company that kicked off the boom three years ago, is now worth an estimated $500 billion, making it the most valuable start-up in the world. Anthropic, OpenAI’s archrival, is now worth an estimated $183 billion. And Thinking Machines Labs, which was started in February, is already believed to be valued in the tens of billions of dollars.

三年前引爆这场热潮的OpenAI目前估值约5000亿美元，是全球最有价值的初创企业。OpenAI的主要竞争对手Anthropic目前估值约1830亿美元。今年2月才创立的Thinking Machines Labs据信估值也已达到数百亿美元。

OpenAI is not profitable and doesn’t expect to be until 2030. Anthropic is also in the red. Thinking Machines just put out its first product.

OpenAI目前尚未盈利，而且预计2030年前都难以实现收支平衡。Anthropic同样处于亏损状态。Thinking Machines则刚刚推出首款产品。

That hasn’t stopped them from spending. Anthropic recently said it would invest $50 billion in new data centers. Sam Altman, OpenAI’s celebrity chief executive, said his company was committed to spending $1.4 trillion on computing power for its A.I. pursuits.

但这并没有阻止它们烧钱。Anthropic近日宣布将投资500亿美元用于新数据中心的建设。OpenAI的明星首席执行官萨姆·奥尔特曼则表示，公司将为其人工智能事业投入1.4万亿美元用于算力。

“What OpenAI is engaged in is the most dramatic case of ‘Fake It Until You Make It’ that we have ever seen,” said Gil Luria, head of technology research at D.A. Davidson. “They are making huge commitments that they literally can’t afford.”

“OpenAI现在做的事情，是我们见过最夸张的‘一直假装下去直到成真’的案例，”D.A. Davidson的科技研究负责人吉尔·卢里亚说。“他们做出的承诺巨大，实际上根本无力承担。”

OpenAI and its partners are pumping $500 billion into new data centers in the United States as part of what they call Project Stargate. In today’s dollars, that is enough to fund the Manhattan Project 15 times over. It could pay for the entire Apollo moon project. Twice.

OpenAI与其合作伙伴正斥资5000亿美元在美国兴建新一代数据中心，若按当前币值计算，这个所谓的“星门计划”足以支持15次曼哈顿计划的全部开支，甚至能支付两次完整的阿波罗登月计划。

“Stargate alone — if it does actually reach $500 billion — would be the largest infrastructure project in the world, several times over,” said Evan Conrad, chief executive of San Francisco Compute, a start-up that specializes in hardware for A.I.

“仅星门计划本身——如果其规模真的达到5000亿美元——就将是世界上最大的基础设施项目，而且超越现有纪录数倍，”San Francisco Compute的首席执行官埃文·康拉德说道，该公司是一家专注于人工智能硬件的初创企业。

Tech companies, governments and their partners around the world will spend nearly $3 trillion on data centers by 2028, according to analysts at Morgan Stanley. To make that happen, they will borrow nearly a trillion dollars from banks and other financial institutions.

据摩根士丹利的分析师预测，到2028年，全球的科技公司、各国政府及其合作伙伴将在数据中心的投入近3万亿美元。为了实现这一目标，他们需从银行和其他金融机构借贷近1万亿美元。

Over the last 12 months, Google, Microsoft, Amazon and Meta spent about $360 billion on new data centers. With their huge profits, they can afford it. Other companies have to take on debt. That includes established companies like the software maker Oracle and smaller outfits with names like CoreWeave and Nebius.

过去12个月里，谷歌、微软、亚马逊和Meta在新数据中心上投入约为3600亿美元。凭借巨额利润，它们负担得起这种开支。其他公司则不得不举债投入。这其中有甲骨文这样的老牌企业，也有CoreWeave、Nebius等较小的公司。

Because that debt is held by a wide array of financial institutions — including private credit lenders as well as traditional banks — experts are struggling to understand how much risk is in the system.

由于这些债务分散在众多金融机构——包括私人信贷机构与传统银行——专家们难以准确评估整个系统中究竟蕴含多少风险。

Adding to worries, critics say some of the deals OpenAI has made with chipmakers, cloud computing companies and others are oddly circular. OpenAI is set to receive billions from tech companies but also sends billions back to the same companies to pay for computing power and other services.

更令人担忧的是，批评者指出OpenAI与芯片制造商、云计算公司等达成的交易存在奇特的资金循环现象。OpenAI在获得科技巨头数十亿美元注资的同时，又向同一批企业支付等量资金以获取算力等服务。

Some financial analysts worry that these deals make the market look stronger than it really is. Ultimately, the health of the market will depend on whether companies like OpenAI can turn a profit before debt overwhelms them.

一些金融分析师担心，这类交易正在制造市场繁荣的假象。最终，市场的稳定性将取决于像OpenAI这样的公司能否在被债务压垮前实现盈利。

(The New York Times has sued OpenAI and Microsoft, claiming copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. The two companies have denied the suit’s claims.)

（《纽约时报》已起诉OpenAI和微软，指控其人工智能系统侵犯新闻内容版权。OpenAI和微软均否认相关指控。）

Nvidia has also made some deals that have raised questions about whether the company is paying itself. It announced that it would invest $100 billion in OpenAI. The start-up receives that money as it buys or leases Nvidia’s chips.

英伟达的某些交易引发了同样的质疑。该公司宣布将向OpenAI投入1000亿美元，而这些资金最终会通过采购或租赁英伟达芯片的方式回流至该公司。

On Tuesday, Nvidia announced a similar $10 billion deal with Anthropic, which will buy $30 billion in A.I. computing backed by Nvidia chips. That money will actually go to buy computing power from Microsoft, which also invested $5 billion in Anthropic.

周二，英伟达宣布与Anthropic达成100亿美元的类似协议，后者将采购价值300亿美元、由英伟达芯片支持的人工智能算力。这笔资金实际将用于从微软购买算力，而微软也向Anthropic注资50亿美元。

Goldman Sachs has estimated that Nvidia will make 15 percent of its sales next year from what critics also call circular deals.

高盛估计，英伟达明年的销售额中有15%将来自批评者所称的“自我循环交易”。

A.I. companies’ chatbots and image generators are already being used by hundreds of millions of people. Many of them pay monthly fees that can top $100. But it’s not so clear that business customers — the real cash cow for the tech industry — are as keen to use A.I.

人工智能公司开发的聊天机器人与图像生成器已吸引数亿用户，其中不少人每月支付超过100美元的服务费。但作为科技行业真正利润支柱的企业客户是否同样热衷采用人工智能技术仍存疑问。

Nearly eight in 10 businesses have said they have used A.I. technologies. Just as many have said these technologies had “no significant bottom-line impact,” according to recent research from McKinsey & Company.

麦肯锡的最新研究显示，近八成企业声称已应用人工智能技术，但同等比例的企业表示这些技术对其“利润没有显著影响”。

Sundar Pichai, the chief executive of Alphabet, Google’s parent company, said in an interview with the BBC this week that the spending and skyrocketing valuations were driven at least in part by “irrationality.” If the market crashes, he said, the damage will be widespread. “I think no company is going to be immune, including us,” he said.

谷歌母公司Alphabet的首席执行官桑达尔·皮查伊本周在接受BBC采访时表示，这些支出和飙升的估值至少部分源于“非理性因素”。他警告称若市场崩盘，冲击将十分广泛。“我认为没有公司能幸免，我们也不例外，”他说。

Tech industry veterans often compare the A.I. boom to the dot-com bubble of the 1990s. When that bubble burst, hundreds of start-ups disappeared and established companies that were selling technology to those young outfits experienced huge losses. But other start-ups found lasting success and did, in fact, change the world — most notably Amazon and Google.

科技行业资深人士常将当前人工智能热潮与1990年代的互联网泡沫相提并论。当年的泡沫破裂时，数百家初创公司消失，而那些向新兴企业提供技术支持的成熟公司也遭受重创。但也有部分初创公司获得了持久成功，并深刻改变了世界——最著名的例子是亚马逊和谷歌。

“When bubbles happen, smart people get over-excited about a kernel of truth,” Mr. Altman told reporters earlier this year. “Are we in a phase where investors as a whole are over-excited about A.I.? My opinion is yes. Is A.I. the most important thing to happen in a very long time? My opinion is also yes.”

“当泡沫形成时，聪明人总会因一个具有合理价值的核心而过度兴奋，”奥尔特曼今年早些时候对记者表示。“当前投资者整体是否对人工智能过度追捧？我的看法是肯定的。人工智能是否是这个时代最具变革性的技术？我的答案同样是肯定的。”

The Treasury Department says Americans have lost more than $16.6 billion to an online scam industry largely based in Southeast Asia that targets victims around the world.

美国财政部表示，一个主要以东南亚为基地、面向全球作案的网络诈骗产业已导致美国民众损失超过166亿美元。

Scam centers rely on forced labor, and they proliferated during the pandemic. By some estimates they take in at least $64 billion a year.

这些依靠强迫劳动的诈骗窝点，在新冠大流行期间大量涌现。据部分估算，该产业每年获利至少640亿美元。

The authorities in several countries have been trying to rescue people who were kidnapped and enslaved to work as scammers. But even though the United States and Britain recently imposed sanctions on a Cambodian company accused of running a major scam operation, experts say it will take a lot more work to build cases against the criminal syndicates powering the industry.

多个国家当局正试图解救那些被绑架、被迫沦为诈骗工具的受害者。尽管美国和英国近期对一家被控运营大型诈骗网络的柬埔寨公司实施了制裁，但专家表示，要对支撑该产业的犯罪集团提起诉讼，还需付出更多努力。

Here’s how centers work and why they’re so hard to shut down:

以下是这些诈骗窝点的运作模式及难以被彻底取缔的原因：

Scammers target victims by winning their trust on social media.

诈骗者通过社交媒体获取信任，精准锁定受害者

Southeast Asia’s online fraudsters specialize in “pig butchering,” a process in which a scammer builds trust with a victim over weeks or months before asking them to invest in a fraudulent cryptocurrency fund. In that sense they are like farmers fattening pigs for slaughter.

东南亚网络诈骗分子擅长“杀猪盘”诈骗——诈骗者先用数周或数月时间与受害者建立信任，再诱骗其投资虚假加密货币基金。从这个意义上说，其运作模式恰似养殖户育肥待宰的猪。

The victim often receives a message from someone posing as a financial adviser on Facebook, WhatsApp or Telegram. Then the scammer instructs the person to transfer money through a website pretending to be a legitimate investment platform. In 2023, the president of a small bank in Kansas did just that, losing about $47 million of the bank’s money to pig butchers.

受害者通常会在Facebook、WhatsApp或Telegram上收到伪装成财务顾问的人的信息，随后诈骗者会指示其通过伪装成正规投资平台的网站转账。2023年，堪萨斯州某小型银行行长因此损失约4700万美元银行资金，沦为杀猪盘骗局的受害者。

柬埔寨国家通讯社周四发布的一张资料照片显示金边某诈骗中心内的电脑设备。

Fraudsters also use romance scams, in which they cajole people who are divorced or recently widowed to send large sums of money after a brief courtship. Sometimes, they simply call targets on the phone, posing as bank representatives to ask for account details, pin codes and Social Security numbers.

诈骗分子还会针对离异或近期丧偶人士实施情感骗局，经过短暂追求后诱骗受害者转账巨额资金。有时，他们也会直接打电话给目标对象，伪装成银行工作人员索要账户详情、密码和社保号码。

Operators can target victims around the world because they use scammers who are native speakers. Chinese nationals are the largest group trafficked by criminal gangs to Southeast Asian scam compounds, according to Interpol. The facilities also have Brazilians, Indians, Filipinos and people from parts of Africa and Eastern Europe.

由于诈骗窝点雇佣母语使用者，因此能将目标对准全球受害者。据国际刑警组织称，中国人是被犯罪团伙贩卖至东南亚诈骗园区的最大群体，此外还有巴西人、印度人、菲律宾人以及非洲和东欧部分地区的民众。

Scam centers run on a steady supply of labor and electricity.

诈骗中心依赖稳定的劳动力和电力供应运转。

Many of the sprawling compounds that house scam operations sit inside special economic zones created by governments in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar to attract foreign investment. The zones mostly lie along borders with Thailand, giving criminals easy access to that country’s reliable electricity and telecommunications networks.

许多规模庞大的诈骗园区位于柬埔寨、老挝和缅甸政府为吸引外资设立的经济特区内。这些特区大多沿泰国边境分布，使犯罪分子能便捷获取泰国稳定的电力和电信网络。

The operators also use Thai airports and roads to deliver supplies and traffic workers. In many cases, workers are lured to Thailand to take what they think are jobs in customer service or information technology. But after they land in Bangkok, they are taken across Thailand’s porous borders, imprisoned in compounds, and often subjected to physical abuse and torture.

诈骗运营者还利用泰国的机场和道路运输物资和工作人员。在很多案例中，受害者被诱骗至泰国，以为能获得客服或信息技术相关工作，但抵达曼谷后，他们会被带过管控松散的泰国边境，囚禁在诈骗园区内，还常遭受人身虐待和酷刑。

Myanmar’s borderlands are a particularly fertile spot for these centers. The country is in the middle of a civil war. Independent experts say the Myanmar military and armed ethnic groups provide protection in exchange for a cut of the profits. The military government has denied any involvement with the scam groups, saying it was “actively” working against them.

缅甸边境地区尤其成为这类诈骗窝点的温床。该国正处于内战之中，独立专家表示缅甸军方和民族武装组织在为诈骗集团提供保护，以换取利润分成。缅甸军政府否认与诈骗集团有任何关联，声称正在“积极”打击相关犯罪。

缅甸东部妙瓦底的一处园区，摄于9月。园区似乎安装了星链卫星终端。缅甸军政府表示已经突袭了位于泰缅边境地区最大的诈骗据点之一。

These multistory compounds are in Myanmar towns that sit flush against the banks of a narrow river marking the border with Thailand — so close that you can hear the hum of generators from the Thai side. From the outside, they look like ordinary office buildings and condominiums.

这些多层建筑构成的诈骗园区位于缅甸边境城镇，紧邻分隔缅泰两国的狭窄河岸，距离之近，甚至从泰国一侧都能听到园区发电机的嗡嗡声。从外部看，它们与普通办公楼和公寓楼别无二致。

Governments are trying to crack down on scam operators.

各国政府正试图打击诈骗团伙。

Several countries are trying to crack down on scam centers. Here’s what they’ve been doing this year:

多个国家正努力打击这些诈骗窝点，以下是今年以来的主要行动：

• China, India and South Korea sent flights to repatriate hundreds of people freed from compounds in Myanmar. A court in China also sentenced 11 people to death after convicting them of running an illegal gambling and scam ring there.

• 中国、印度和韩国派出航班，接回数百名从缅甸诈骗园区获救的公民。中国法院还以经营非法赌博和诈骗团伙罪名，判处11人死刑。

• Thailand cut power and telecommunication lines to one of Myanmar’s largest scam compounds, and extradited to China a man accused of running a major scam compound in Myanmar. And a top Thai official resigned over allegations of bribery related to cybercrime in Cambodia.

• 泰国切断了缅甸最大诈骗园区之一的电力和通信线路，并向中国引渡了一名被控在缅甸运营大型诈骗园区的男子。一名泰国高级官员因涉嫌与柬埔寨网络犯罪相关的贿赂指控辞职。

• The United States and Britain imposed sanctions on a Cambodian company accused of running a major scam operation. The U.S. later formed a federal task force to seize scammers’ equipment and crypto assets.

• 美国和英国对一家被控运营大型诈骗网络的柬埔寨公司实施制裁。美国随后成立联邦特别行动小组，旨在收缴诈骗分子的设备和加密货币资产。

• SpaceX said it had disabled more than 2,500 Starlink devices that power many of the online fraud operations in Myanmar, and the country’s ruling military government said it had raided a large scam compound.

• SpaceX表示，已停用超过2500台为缅甸许多网络诈骗活动提供支持的星链设备；缅甸军政府称已突袭一处大型诈骗园区。

• South Korea raised concerns about its citizens who had disappeared into Cambodian scam centers.

• 韩国对失踪于柬埔寨诈骗园区的本国公民表达关切。

• A court in the Philippines convicted the former mayor of a small town for trafficking people to a compound that officials have linked to online scams and organized crime.

• 菲律宾一家法院判定某镇的前镇长贩运人口罪名成立，他将民众贩卖至一处据官员认为与网络诈骗和有组织犯罪相关的园区。

本月，柬埔寨金边王子国际广场。美国司法部已申请查抄王子控股集团创始人兼董事长陈志持有的价值150亿美元的比特币。

But such actions will probably not dent the profits of an industry that brings in an about $64 billion each year, said Jason Tower, a senior expert at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, an advocacy group based in Geneva.

但总部位于日内瓦的倡导组织全球打击跨国有组织犯罪倡议的高级专家杰森·托尔表示，这类行动可能难以撼动这个年获利约640亿美元的产业。

One sign of that: Even in the middle of a mass crackdown by the Chinese authorities in February, construction on scam compounds in Myanmar continued.

一个明显的迹象是：即便在今年2月中国当局开展大规模打击行动期间，缅甸诈骗园区的建设仍在继续。

Dismantling the scam industry will require coordinated international efforts.

摧毁诈骗产业需要国际协同行动。

Investigators must share more financial data and information that they gather from rescued scammers, Mr. Tower said.

托尔表示，调查人员必须共享更多财务数据及从获救诈骗者处获取的信息。

But pinning down the money trail is difficult because the profits are laundered through luxury properties and encrypted Bitcoin wallets. They also find footholds in countries across Africa and South Asia where organized crime and corruption have weakened governance.

但追踪资金流向十分困难，因为犯罪所得通过豪华房产和加密的比特币钱包洗钱，还在非洲和南亚多个国家扎根，这些地区因有组织犯罪和腐败导致治理能力薄弱。

For now, Mr. Tower said, investigators are moving too slowly and the scam centers they target are too lucrative — and too easy to set up — to be stopped.

托尔指出，目前调查人员行动过于迟缓，而诈骗园区利润丰厚且极易设立，因此难以被彻底遏制。

When a Michigan graduate student from China was charged in June in the smuggling of restricted agricultural materials like seeds and a potentially dangerous fungus into the United States, a federal prosecutor said her actions raised “the gravest national security concerns.”

当一名来自中国的密歇根大学研究生今年6月被指控将受限农业材料——如种子和一种可能具有危害性的真菌——走私到美国时，一位联邦检察官表示，她的行为引发了“最严重的国家安全关切”。

A congressional committee chairman urged the University of Michigan, where the student did her research, to investigate its labs, and went on to accuse China of “a broader, coordinated campaign targeting universities across the country.”

一位国会委员会主席指责中国正在开展“针对全美高校的广泛协同行动”，并敦促该研究生所在的密歇根大学对其实验室展开调查。

But when the student, Yunqing Jian, pleaded guilty earlier this month, she said she had simply been trying to speed up her research into crop protection. The prosecution conceded that it could not prove she had ill intent, though citing the potential for “devastating harm,” it asked a judge for a two-year prison term.

但在本月早些时候，这位名叫简云晴（音）的学生认罪时表示，她只是想加快自己在作物保护领域的研究。检方承认无法证明她有恶意，但仍以“可能造成严重伤害”为由，要求法官判处她两年监禁。

The judge instead sentenced Ms. Jian to time served — five months — and allowed her to return to China.

法官最终仅判处她已服刑期——5个月——并允许她返回中国。

However muted the denouement of the case, some lawmakers and foreign policy experts say it, as well as several other cases against Chinese researchers in the United States, highlight a national security threat posed by ties between American universities and institutions with Chinese scientists.

尽管此案以相对平淡的方式结束，但一些国会议员和外交政策专家表示，该案以及其他几起针对在美中国研究人员的案件凸显了美国学术界与中国科学家密切联系所构成的国家安全威胁。

American schools and scientific institutions are being pressed to sever ties with Chinese counterparts. Congress is considering restricting these links. And weeks before Ms. Jian, 33, was charged, the federal government vowed to “aggressively revoke” visas for Chinese students, though President Trump later backtracked.

美国学校和科研机构正面临切断与中国同行联系的压力。国会正在考虑限制此类联系。在33岁的简云晴被起诉几周前，联邦政府曾宣称要“积极撤销”中国学生的签证，不过特朗普总统后来收回了这一政策。

More than 275,000 students from China attended school in the United States last year, second only to the number of students from India. Warnings about the potential dangers posed by some foreign students go back decades, but even some who see risks say that the focus on China has been at times cynical and political.

 去年有超过27.5万名中国学生在美国就读，人数仅次于印度学生。关于某些外国学生可能构成危险的警告已持续数十年，但即使是看到风险的人也认为，对中国的关注有时带有恶意揣测和政治色彩。

Ms. Jian’s lawyer spoke of “political hysteria” and prejudice against Chinese students.

简云晴的律师提到了针对中国学生的“政治歇斯底里”和偏见。

In a statement after the sentencing, Jerome F. Gorgon Jr., the interim U.S. attorney in Detroit, called Ms. Jian’s conviction “a small but important measure against secret biological threats from China.”

 底特律临时联邦检察官杰罗姆·戈登二世在判决后发表声明，称简云晴被定罪是“对中国秘密生物威胁采取的一项虽小但重要的措施”。

在针对两名中国研究人员的刑事诉讼文件中包含了一张被鉴定为禾谷镰刀菌的病原体图片。

Pathogens and parasites

 病原体与寄生虫

Ms. Jian’s smuggling took place when she was working as a postdoctoral fellow at a University of Michigan lab, according to investigators. It came to light after a colleague and boyfriend, Zunyong Liu, 34, flew into Detroit and was found to be transporting the fungus.

根据调查人员透露，简云晴的偷带行为发生在她作为密歇根大学实验室博士后研究员期间。此事因其伴侣、34岁的刘尊永（音）飞抵底特律时被发现携带该真菌而曝光。

As part of her guilty plea, Ms. Jian admitted hiding seeds in her boots in a “very small” baggie before traveling to the United States from China, as well as sneaking in other material. She also admitted discussing the best way for Mr. Liu, who is believed to be in China, to smuggle in the fungus.

作为认罪协议的一部分，简云晴承认在从中国飞往美国前，将种子放在一个“很小的”塑料袋藏在靴子里，还偷运了其他材料。她还承认与据信目前在中国的刘尊永讨论了偷带真菌的最佳方式。

Both admitted lying to investigators about their actions.

两人均承认向调查人员撒谎。

There remains some debate how much danger, if any, their actions posed.

他们的行为究竟构成多大危险——如果有的话——仍存在争议。

“The fungal strain did not present any appreciable danger of infestation or disease, let alone a ‘significant risk,’” Ms. Jian’s lawyer argued in a sentencing memo.

简云晴的律师在量刑备忘录中辩称：“该真菌菌株并不构成任何值得关注的侵染或疾病风险，更谈不上‘重大风险’。”

The fungus, Fusarium graminearum, can cause severe disease in wheat and other crops and can harm humans and animals, but it was not new to the United States, or even to Michigan, experts say.

 专家表示，这种名为禾谷镰刀菌的真菌可导致小麦等作物出现严重病害，也可能危害人类和动物，但它在美国早已存在，甚至密西根就有。

Both scientists worked on research to reduce crop disease, and Ms. Jian’s colleagues and professors at the lab attested in court documents to her collegiality and valuable work contributions. They said the offenses she was charged with appeared out of character.

两名科学家均从事减少作物病害的研究，简云晴在实验室的同事和教授都作证说她为人友善、贡献巨大，他们认为她被指控的罪行与她的性格完全不符。

The Chinese Consulate in Chicago, responding to the smuggling charges against Ms. Jian, said that China required its citizens overseas “to strictly abide by local laws and regulations, including those related to entry and exit.” But it said it “firmly opposes the U.S.’s political manipulation of related cases.”

中国驻芝加哥总领事馆在回应简云晴的偷带指控时表示，中国要求海外公民“严格遵守当地法律法规，包括出入境相关规定”。但同时表示“坚决反对美方对相关案件的政治操弄”。

Zichen Wang, a research fellow at the Center for China and Globalization, a think tank in Beijing, called the case “overblown.” Writing in his newsletter, Pekingnology, in July, he said that Ms. Jian’s failure to declare the biological materials appeared to be unethical and illegal, but not a potential bioterror threat, as the American authorities initially described it.

北京全球化智库研究员王子辰认为此案被“夸大”。他在7月的《Pekingnology》通讯中写道，简云晴未申报生物材料的行为确实不道德且违法，但并不像美国当局最初描述的那样构成潜在生物恐怖威胁。

Miles Yu, director of the China Center at the Hudson Institute, a think tank in Washington, said in an interview that extra vigilance about the activities of Chinese students and scientists was warranted. Researchers and other travelers bringing in biological materials raises concerns generally, Mr. Yu said, but he said he was particularly concerned by materials from China because of what he described as the country’s “abysmal lack of biosafety standards.”

华盛顿哈德逊研究所中国中心主任余茂春在接受采访时表示，对中国学生和科学家的活动保持额外警惕是有必要的。他表示，研究人员和其他旅客携带生物材料本身就会引发担忧，但他特别担心来自中国的材料，因为中国“生物安全标准极度缺失”。

Given the risk to the public, he said, even if a researcher is just trying to avoid a bureaucratic burden, bringing in restricted materials is a “matter of national security.”

他表示，鉴于对公众构成的风险，即使研究人员只是想规避行政程序，携带受限材料也属于“国家安全问题”。

The U.S. attorney’s office in Detroit is prosecuting several other similar cases.

底特律联邦检察官办公室正在处理其他几起类似案件。

Earlier this month, three Chinese researchers working in a University of Michigan lab were charged in connection with the investigation of another scientist from China arrested with the undeclared DNA of roundworms, a parasite used in research. That scientist pleaded no contest to the charges and was deported in September, prosecutors say.

本月早些时候，一名中国科学家未申报携带用于研究的线虫DNA寄生虫被捕，受本案牵连，三名在密歇根大学实验室工作的中国研究人员被起诉。检察官称，该科学家对指控表示不抗辩，并于9月被驱逐出境。

“Allegedly attempting to smuggle biological materials under the guise of ‘research’ is a serious crime that threatens America’s national and agricultural security,” the U.S. attorney general, Pam Bondi, said in a statement announcing the new charges this month.

美国司法部长帕姆·邦迪在本月宣布新指控的声明中说：“以‘科研’为幌子企图偷带生物材料是一项严重罪行，威胁着美国的国家和农业安全。”

密歇根州共和党众议员约翰·穆勒纳尔指责中国以美国大学为目标进行间谍活动。

Politics and Bureaucracy

 政治与官僚主义

The lawmaker who spoke out about the Jian case, Representative John Moolenaar, Republican of Michigan, heads the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party. His committee has been pressuring schools to sever ties with Chinese institutions, citing national security risks.

就简云晴案发表公开言论的密歇根州共和党众议员约翰·穆勒纳尔是众议院中共问题特设委员会主席。该委员会以国家安全风险为由，持续向高校施压要求切断与中方机构的联系。

In January, the University of Michigan, which did not respond to a request for comment, said it would shut down a joint institute with a Chinese school after the committee “strongly encouraged” it to do so. About 10 U.S. universities have taken similar actions under pressure.

密歇根大学未回应置评请求，校方在1月表示，将在该委员会“强烈建议”下关闭与一所中国学校的联合研究所。目前约有10所美国大学在压力下采取了类似行动。

Mr. Moolenaar has also introduced a bill to deny government funding to scientists who work with anyone “affiliated with a hostile foreign entity,” prohibiting joint research, papers and advising activities.

穆勒纳尔还提出了一项法案，拒绝向与“敌对外国实体”有关联的科学家提供政府资金，禁止联合研究、合作论文和学术指导活动。

Some academics and advocacy groups have resisted this move, arguing it would harm “the thriving research ecosystem that laid the foundation for American competitiveness and innovation.” And the congressman’s strong stance on Chinese students now seems at odds with that of the Trump administration.

 一些学者和倡导团体抵制这一举措，认为这将损害“为美国竞争力和创新奠定基础的繁荣研究生态系统”。而这位议员对中国学生的强硬立场现在似乎与特朗普政府相左。

Appearing to shift course, Mr. Trump, in an interview with the Fox News host Laura Ingraham, recently said that denying visas to Chinese students would put “half” of American colleges “out of business.” He says that their tuition is critical to schools and that the dangers have been overstated.

特朗普在接受福克斯新闻主持人劳拉·英格拉恩采访时似乎改变了立场，他说拒绝中国学生签证会让美国“一半的”大学“倒闭”。他表示，这些学生的学费对学校至关重要，危险被夸大了。

Mr. Trump now speaks of allowing 600,000 Chinese student visas, dismissing critics’ concerns. Students from many countries, he suggested, may pose security risks. “Do you think the French are better?” he asked.

特朗普现在谈到要允许60万中国学生签证，并对批评者的担忧不以为然。他表示，许多国家的学生都可能构成安全风险。“你觉得法国人就更好吗？”他反问。

It was a crisp autumn morning in the northern Japanese region of Akita, and people were on edge.

日本北部的秋田县，一个秋高气爽的清晨，人们心神不宁。

Commuters — some wearing bells, some carrying cans of repellent spray — walked gingerly down leaf-covered streets. Children had been warned to stay indoors. Parks were sealed off with yellow tape — “Do Not Enter!” — and a menacing silhouette. Troops patrolled nearby mountains, brandishing shields and setting traps. Drones flew overhead.

通勤者们有的戴着铃铛，有的揣着防熊喷雾，小心翼翼走在落叶覆盖的街道上。孩子们被警告待在室内，公园用黄色胶带封锁——上面印着“禁止入内！”字样——还立着威慑性的猛兽剪影。自卫队手持盾牌在附近山区巡逻，设置陷阱，无人机在空中盘旋监视。

Akita was on a war footing against a 400-pound, persimmon-loving foe: the Asiatic black bear. The animal has been linked to more than 50 attacks and four deaths in the region this year, part of a nationwide surge of aggression by bears that is testing Japan’s traditional belief in harmonious coexistence with nature.

秋田县正处于战时状态，敌人是重约180公斤、酷爱柿子的亚洲黑熊。黑熊今年已在该地区引发50多起袭击事件，造成四人死亡。而在日本全国范围内，黑熊攻击性激增，正考验着这个国家与自然和谐共处的传统信念。

Bears have injured elderly residents in Akita who were taking out the trash and delivering newspapers. They have sneaked up on mushroom hunters and rice farmers, broken into supermarkets and been spotted on school grounds. One widely circulated video showed an 82-year-old woman being attacked from behind during her morning walk.

在秋田县，曾有长者倒垃圾或送报时遭黑熊袭击。它们悄然逼近采菇人与稻农，闯入超市，甚至现身校园。一段广为流传的视频显示，一位82岁的老妇人清晨散步时，被黑熊从背后袭击。

“When you cross the street in Akita now, you look right, you look left and then you look for bears,” said Akihiro Suzuki, 65, a retired government worker, as he made his way to the library on a recent day. “You never know when a bear might be around.”

“现在在秋田过马路，既要左看右看，还要留意有没有熊，”65岁的退休公务员铃木明广（音）近日前往图书馆时说。“你永远不知道熊什么时候会突然出现。”

位于北秋田和阿仁地区附近的一个村庄，毗邻人类与熊共存的森林地带。

Akita Prefecture, home to about 880,000 people, is on the front line of Japan’s bear crisis, which has penetrated the national psyche and drawn an all-out response from the government. Across the country, nearly 200 people have been attacked by bears this year and 13 have died, a record. Bears have been spotted in northern ski towns and southern villages, and on the outskirts of cities like Tokyo and Kyoto. The United States, Canada and the United Kingdom have recently issued travel warnings about bears in Japan.

秋田县约有88万人口，是日本熊患危机的最前线。这场危机已触动国民神经，引发政府全面应对。今年全日本已有近200人遭熊袭击，13人死亡，创下历史纪录。黑熊的踪迹出现在北部滑雪小镇、南部村庄，甚至东京、京都等城市的郊区。美国、加拿大和英国近期均发布了关于日本熊患的旅行警告。

Experts have attributed the rise in attacks partly to climate change, with storms wreaking havoc on vegetation like beech trees, which produce the nuts that bears depend on. Bears have grown increasingly brazen in their quest for calories, venturing into urban centers in search of scraps.

专家认为，袭击事件激增部分源于气候变化，风暴严重破坏了山毛榉等植被，而山毛榉坚果是黑熊的主要食物来源。为了获取能量，黑熊变得越来越肆无忌惮，闯入城市中心寻找残羹剩饭。

山毛榉果实是日本森林中熊赖以生存的食物之一。

Japan’s demographic changes have also exacerbated the problem. Farming communities used to serve as buffers, separating the mountains from more densely inhabited areas. But as Japan’s population shrinks and ages, and as young people move to cities, some rural areas have hollowed out. Bears are moving in, inching closer to human settlements.

日本的人口结构变化也加剧了这一问题。过去，农业社区是分隔山区与人口密集区的缓冲带，但随着日本人口萎缩、老龄化加剧，年轻人涌向城市，部分农村地区逐渐空心化。黑熊趁机迁入，一步步逼近人类聚居地。

In Japan, where mountains and forests make up about 70 percent of the land, bears are considered sacred beings. In Hokkaido, Japan’s northernmost island, which has also seen a spike in attacks, the brown bear is revered as a deity living in the human realm.

日本70%的国土为山地和森林，黑熊在当地被视为神圣的生灵。在同样遭遇熊袭击事件激增的日本最北端岛屿北海道，棕熊被尊为生活在人类世界的神灵。

But concerns about tradition and conservation have largely been set aside as public anxiety has swelled. The Japanese government sent troops this month to hard-hit areas like Akita to help set traps. Riot police have joined forces with the thinning ranks of hunters to track and kill bears. Drones — including some that emit the sound of barking dogs — have been deployed over parks. A prominent Japanese university recently released a “Bear Encounter AI Prediction Map” to forecast bear activity.

但随着公众焦虑情绪高涨，对传统和环保的考量已被搁置一旁。日本政府本月向秋田等重灾区派遣自卫队协助设置陷阱，防暴警察与日渐减少的猎人联手追踪捕杀黑熊。公园上空部署了无人机，其中部分能发出狗吠声。日本一所知名大学最近还发布了“熊出没AI预测地图”，用于预判黑熊活动轨迹。

Japan amended its strict gun laws this fall to make it easier for hunters to shoot in residential areas. In Tottori Prefecture, in western Japan, a group of hunters gathered recently to practice shooting a bear in an emergency. Two hunters, holding fake rifles, homed in on the “bear,” which was actually a government worker dressed in black and wearing a mask.

今年秋天，日本修改了严格的枪支法，放宽了对于猎人在居民区射杀熊的限制。在日本西部的鸟取县，一群猎人近日聚集起来，练习在紧急情况下射杀黑熊。两名猎人手持仿真步枪，瞄准伪装成熊的目标——实际上是身着黑衣、戴着面具的政府工作人员。

Encounters between humans and bears in Japan are likely to continue, especially in the fall and spring when bears hungriest, before and after they hibernate. The population of bears in Japan has risen in recent years and now exceeds 50,000, experts say, in a country of about 124 million people.

日本的人熊冲突可能还将持续，尤其是在春秋两季，这是熊类冬眠前后最饥饿的时期。专家称，近年来日本黑熊数量不断增加，目前已超过5万头，而日本总人口约为1.24亿。

In Akita, the public is learning to adapt. Stores now open later and close earlier. The delivery of mail has been suspended in some areas. Commuters leave their apartments each morning armed with pocket-size bells and bear spray, which contains chili pepper extract that irritates mucous membranes and eyes and can stop a bear’s charge within seconds. Children no longer walk alone to school.

秋田县民众正在学着适应这种生活：商店推迟开门、提前关门，部分地区暂停邮递服务；通勤者每天早上出门时，随身携带小铃铛和防熊喷雾（含辣椒提取物，能刺激黏膜和眼睛，几秒内就能阻止黑熊袭击）；孩子们不再独自步行上学。

The attacks have brought a somber note to the peak of the fall foliage season, when the region’s fiery maple trees and gold-tinged forests typically draw crowds of carefree, selfie-snapping visitors.

这场熊患给秋田县的红叶旺季蒙上了一层阴影，往年此时，这里火红的枫树和金黄的森林会吸引大批悠闲赏景、拍照留念的游客。

“People have to live their daily lives not knowing when they, their family, co-workers or friends might be attacked,” said Maki Koyama, 50, who works at a cultural center in Akita. “The current situation is one of fear and confusion.”

“人们每天生活在恐惧中，不知道自己、家人、同事或朋友何时会遭到袭击，”50岁的小山真希（音）说道，她在秋田县一家文化中心工作。“现在的情况充满恐惧和混乱。”

鸟取县山城地津町举办了一场熊类安全研讨会。当地官员、警察和猎人齐聚一堂，学习熊的习性以及在目击熊时应采取的应对措施。

The government’s effort to exterminate bears — by setting live traps that resemble steel cages and then shooting them — has troubled some traditional hunters, known as matagi. They follow ceremonies meant to return the bears’ spirits to the heavens. In Akita, bear meat is a local specialty at hot pot restaurants, and bear parts were once sold as medicine.

政府通过设置钢笼式活体陷阱捕杀熊只后将其射杀，这一做法让一些被称为“matagi”的传统猎人感到不安。他们狩猎前会举行仪式，希望让熊的灵魂回归天界。在秋田县，熊肉是当地火锅店的特色食材，熊的身体部位曾被当作药材出售。

“Both we and the bears are in trouble,” said Hideo Suzuki, 78, a matagi hunter in Akita. “I feel sorry for the bears.”

“我们和熊都陷入了困境，”78岁的秋田县山林猎人铃木英夫（音）说。“我为这些熊感到难过。”

左为猎人铃木英夫，右为猎人伊藤胜，二人手持名为“长匕”的传统狩猎工具。

The ranks of hunters have dwindled in Akita in recent decades, contributing to the rise in the bear population. There were once hundreds of hunters in Mr. Suzuki’s group; now there are only about three dozen. He said it has been difficult to recruit young hunters as rural areas empty out.

近几十年来，秋田县的猎人数量大幅减少，这也是熊数量增多的原因之一。铃木英夫所在的狩猎小组曾有数百人，如今仅剩30多人。他说，随着农村地区人口流失，很难招募到年轻猎人。

“There’s nothing for young people to do here,” he said, “so there’s no need for them to come.”

“这里没有年轻人的活干，所以他们没必要回来，”他说。

The arrival of reinforcements in Akita this month is meant to help restore a sense of security and calm. Bears have dominated the national news recently; television channels routinely broadcast safety videos showing what to do in case of an encounter.

本月抵达秋田县的自卫队旨在帮助恢复当地的安全感和平静。近期，熊的话题占据日本新闻头条，电视台频繁播放安全指南视频，教导民众遇熊时该如何应对。

Victims of bear attacks are also speaking out, urging a forceful response. Keiji Minatoya, the owner of a confectionery store in Akita, was attacked by a bear in his garage two years ago. The bear tore off a piece of his earlobe; when he looked in the mirror, he could see part of his skull. The bear attacked four other people in his neighborhood that day.

熊袭受害者也纷纷发声，呼吁采取强硬应对措施。秋田县一家糖果店老板皆藤惠二（音）两年前在车库遭熊袭击，耳朵被咬掉一块，照镜子时能看到部分头骨。当天，这只熊还袭击了附近四名居民。

皆藤惠二将烟花作为工具，用来驱赶熊。

Mr. Minatoya, who still feels some numbness and tingling in his head and has a scar across his face, said that culling the population of bears was a “necessary evil.” He said he wished he could kill and eat the bear that attacked him.

皆藤惠二的头部仍有麻木感和刺痛感，脸上留着疤痕。他表示，捕杀熊是“必要之恶”，甚至希望能亲手杀死并吃掉袭击自己的那只熊。

”They’re more aggressive than I thought, and incredibly strong for their size,” he said. “They’re extremely fast, powerful and aggressive.”

“它们比我想象的更具攻击性，而且相对于体型来说，力量惊人，”他说。“它们速度极快、力量强大、极具攻击性。”

In Akita, business owners have seen a decline in foot traffic because, they said, people are too scared to go out. Tourists are still making the trek to the region, but they are shortening itineraries or staying indoors.

秋田县的商家表示，由于人们吓得不敢出门，客流量明显下降。游客仍会前来，但会缩短行程或尽量待在室内。

“It’s not worth the risk of being eaten,” said Teresa Liu, a visitor from Taiwan.

“不值得冒被熊吃掉的风险，”来自台湾的游客特蕾莎·刘（音）说。

Senshu Park, known for its cherry trees and cypresses, has been repeatedly closed this fall following bear sightings. Traps have been set up in the park, and workers have flown drones overhead to search for bears.

今年秋天，以樱花树和柏树闻名的千秋公园（音）因多次发现黑熊踪迹而反复关闭。公园内已设置陷阱，工作人员操控无人机在空中搜寻黑熊。

Around the corner, Rumi Uematsu, 55, manages a toy store and after school program. She worried about the impact of the bear crisis on young children, who already endured the restrictions of the Covid-19 era.

街角处，55岁的植松留美（音）经营着一家玩具店，还开办了课后托管班。她担心熊患危机对孩子们的影响，这些孩子已经经历过新冠疫情时期的限制。

“They have finally regained their freedom,” Ms. Uematsu said, “and now they have to live with anxiety again.”

“他们终于重获自由，现在却又要生活在焦虑中，”植松留美说。

Ms. Uematsu was awakened one night last month by the growl of a bear outside her home. She nervously opened her window, but the bear was gone.

上个月的一个晚上，植松留美被屋外的熊吼惊醒。她紧张地打开窗户，熊已经不见了。

“We need to think of new countermeasures,” she said. “Right now, all we can do is take emergency steps and hope.”

“我们需要想出新的对策，”她说。“现在我们能做的只有采取紧急手段，然后盼望。”

Walking 10,000 steps a day has long been a fitness cliché. But new research suggests that the health benefits of walking ramp up until about 7,000 steps — before leveling out. And as daily goals go, that’s a little more attainable.

每天走10000步早已是健身界的老生常谈，但新研究表明，步行带来的健康益处会逐步提升，约7000步时达到峰值，之后便趋于平缓。而作为日常目标，7000步显然更易实现。

The analysis, published today in the medical journal The Lancet Public Health, examined data from 57 studies and found that even moderate amounts of walking were associated with a lower risk of dementia and cardiovascular disease, among other conditions, adding to a wide body of research tying walking to longevity. People who walked 7,000 steps a day (roughly three miles) also had a 47 percent lower risk of death compared with those who walked 2,000 steps, the analysis found.

这项分析发表于医学期刊《柳叶刀公共卫生》(The Lancet Public Health)，整合了57项研究的数据，它发现即便中量步行，也能降低失智症、心血管疾病等多种疾病风险，这进一步佐证了大量将步行与长寿关联的研究。分析显示，比起每天走2000步的人，每天走7000步（约五公里）的人死亡风险降低47%。

“It is just as important to walk 7,000 steps a day as it is to take your pills,” said Dr. Joshua Knowles, a cardiologist at Stanford Health Care.

“每天走7000步，其重要性不亚于按时服药，”斯坦福医疗保健中心的心脏病专家约书亚·诺尔斯博士说。

The Many Benefits of Walking

步行的诸多益处

Decades of research shows that walking improves metabolic health, making the heart stronger and more efficient while also reducing weight, cholesterol and blood sugar levels, said Keith Baar, a physiologist at the University of California, Davis.

加州大学戴维斯分校的生理学家基思·巴尔表示，数十年的研究表明，走路能改善代谢健康，增强心脏功能、提升心脏效率，同时还能减轻体重、降低胆固醇和血糖水平。

While most scientific reviews have looked at how higher step counts are linked to lower risk of cardiovascular disease and death, the new analysis examined associations across a much broader range of conditions. For example, the study found that walking 7,000 steps a day was associated with a lower risk of Type 2 diabetes, depressive symptoms and cancer death, when compared with 2,000 steps.

以往大多数科学综述关注步数增加与心血管疾病及死亡风险降低的关联，而这项新分析覆盖了更广泛的疾病类型。例如，研究发现，与每天走2000步相比，每天走7000步与2型糖尿病、抑郁症状及癌症死亡风险降低相关。

Experts said the most surprising finding was the nearly 40 percent lower risk of dementia in people who walked 7,000 versus 2,000 steps a day. While the exact mechanism isn’t clear, exercise is linked to new neuron growth, greater blood flow to the brain and less neurological inflammation, said Dr. Nikhil Palekar, the director of the Stony Brook Center of Excellence for Alzheimer’s Disease.

专家称，最令人意外的发现是：每天走7000步的人失智症风险比走2000步的人低近40%。石溪大学阿尔茨海默病卓越中心主任尼希尔·帕莱卡尔博士解释，尽管确切机制尚不清楚，但运动与神经元新生、脑部血流量增加及神经炎症减轻相关。

“Getting up and moving has got to be the top priority,” Dr. Knowles said.

“起身活动必须是首要任务，”诺尔斯说。

The Myth of 10,000 Steps

10000步的迷思

For decades, 10,000 steps was touted as the magic number for good health. But the recommendation is more myth than science, and researchers have debunked it in recent years.

数十年来，10000步一直被奉为有益健康的神奇数字。但这一建议更像是传说而非科学结论，研究人员近年来已揭穿了这一说法。

“We don’t have any evidence for 10,000 steps,” said Melody Ding, an epidemiologist at the University of Sydney School of Public Health and the lead author of the new study. “It’s just a really big random number that people throw out there.”

“我们没有任何证据支持10000步的说法，”这项新研究的主要作者、悉尼大学公共卫生学院流行病学家梅洛迪·丁（音）说。“这只是人们随口提出的一个较大的随机数字。”

The analysis found that there was no significant difference in the risk of falls, cancer, Type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular mortality between people who walked 7,000 versus 10,000 steps per day. There was some improvement beyond 7,000 steps for the risk of dementia and death, although it was small, Dr. Ding added.

分析发现，在跌倒风险、癌症、2型糖尿病及心血管疾病死亡率方面，每天走7000步和10000步的人没有显著差异。梅洛迪·丁还说，超过7000步后，失智症和死亡风险虽有小幅改善，但提升空间已十分有限。

The health benefits of walking are like juicing an orange: The first few squeezes give the most juice, but after a while, things start to dry up. In the study, increasing from 2,000 to 4,000 steps a day was associated with a 36 percent lower risk of death, while going from 4,000 to 7,000 was linked to a 17 percent lower risk. The gains flatten further beyond that.

步行的健康益处就像榨橙汁：前几下能榨出最多果汁，但到一定程度后，汁水就会越来越少。研究中，每天步数从2000步增加到4000步，死亡风险降低36%；从4000步增加到7000步，死亡风险再降17%；超过7000步后，收益曲线进一步趋平。

Higher step counts are not harmful, said Hannah Arem, an epidemiologist at MedStar Health Research Institute in Washington — but nobody needs to feel guilty if they can’t hit 10,000.

华盛顿MedStar健康研究所的流行病学家汉娜·阿雷姆表示，步数更多并非有害，但即便达不到10000步，也无需自责。

Moving, Even a Little Bit, Matters

哪怕少量活动也有意义

The new data only shows a correlation and cannot prove that walking caused these health benefits. After all, people who walk more tend to be less frail and eat better, potentially muddying the results, said Dr. Seth Martin, a cardiologist at Johns Hopkins Medicine. The specific risk reduction for dementia should also be interpreted with caution, since it was based on just two studies.

新数据仅显示相关性，无法证明步行是这些健康益处的直接原因。约翰·霍普金斯医学院的心脏病专家塞思·马丁博士解释，毕竟步行量大者往往身体更健壮、饮食更健康，这些因素可能会干扰研究结果。此外，失智症风险降低的具体数据也需谨慎解读，因为它仅基于两项研究。

Experts also say that intensity still matters. So, on your daily walk, consider adding lunges, picking up the pace or choosing a route with hills or stairs.

专家还表示，强度也很重要。因此，日常走路时可以尝试加入弓步训练、加快步伐，或选择带有坡度或台阶的路线。

Regardless, the evidence is overwhelming that “any steps are good steps,” Dr. Martin said. And while not everyone can remember how many minutes they’ve exercised, almost everyone can track their steps over time with their smartphone.

尽管如此，马丁说，大量证据表明“任何步数都是有益的”。而且，虽然不是每个人都能记住自己运动了多少分钟，但几乎所有人都能通过智能手机追踪一段时间内的步数。

“If you improve your step count, you are impacting your health across the board,” he said.

“只要增加步数，就能全面改善健康状况，”他说。

The message coming out of the elections this month could not have been clearer: Americans are worried about their economy.

本月的选举传出的信息再清楚不过：美国人对本国的经济感到忧心忡忡。

The moment might have called for President Trump to pack a bag and head for a Midwestern factory, or to hold a heartland round table about the falling price of oil. He did not (although my colleague Alan Rappeport reports that Trump plans to do more travel like that soon). And while he has made a point of talking about affordability, he currently appears keenly focused on matters further afield — just as he has for much of his presidency.

特朗普总统在此时此刻本应收拾行李，前往中西部的一家工厂，或者在心脏地带举办一场关于油价下跌的圆桌会议。他没有这么做（尽管我的同事艾伦·拉佩波特报道，特朗普计划近期安排更多此类行程）。虽然他确实强调了“生活成本”问题，但目前他显然把精力高度集中在更遥远的事务上——正如其任期多数时间所做的那样。

This week alone, the president lavished praise and hospitality on Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia, waving away concerns about his role in the gruesome 2018 murder of a Washington Post columnist, Jamal Khashoggi. My colleagues reported yesterday that Trump has authorized C.I.A. plans for covert action in Venezuela, as the administration escalates pressure on the government of Nicolás Maduro that has led to the deployment of the largest U.S. aircraft carrier to the region.

仅在本周，总统就对沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼极尽赞美与款待，完全无视对方在2018年残忍杀害《华盛顿邮报》专栏作家贾迈勒·卡舒吉一案中所扮演的角色。我的同事们昨天报道，特朗普已批准中情局在委内瑞拉开展秘密行动，同时政府对尼古拉斯·马杜罗政权加大施压，在该地区部署美国最大的航母。

Beyond that, there was Trump’s $20 billion bailout for Argentina and, this summer, his bombing of Iran over objections from many of his isolationist supporters.

除此之外，还有特朗普给阿根廷的200亿美元救助计划，以及今年夏天不顾许多孤立主义者的反对，轰炸了伊朗。

This is fueling cracks in the MAGA firmament, and it’s worrying Trump backers who wanted him to avoid foreign entanglements. But my colleague David Sanger, the White House and national security correspondent for The New York Times, says that anyone waiting for Trump to turn inward might be missing the point.

这种做法正在MAGA阵营内部制造裂痕，也让那些希望特朗普避免卷入海外事务的支持者感到不安。但我在《纽约时报》负责白宫与国家安全报道的同事戴维·桑格表示，那些等着特朗普“向内转”的人可能根本没搞懂重点。

Earlier today, I asked David to explain what, nearly a year into Trump’s second term, “America First” seems to mean to the president. Trump, he says, is less an isolationist than a unilateralist who believes his dealings with foreign powers are the key to ensuring American prosperity. But his approach, David says, is creating political risks for Trump — and national security risks for the nation.

今天早些时候，我请戴维解释，在特朗普第二任期即将满一年的此刻，“美国优先”对他来说到底意味着什么。他说，特朗普其实不是孤立主义者，而是一个单边主义者，他相信自己与外国打交道的方式才是保障美国繁荣的关键。但这种做法正给特朗普带来政治风险，也给国家带来安全风险。

Trump has promised that tariffs and trade deals would improve the American economy. How deeply has that belief shaped his dealings with other countries?

特朗普一直承诺，关税和贸易协议能够改善美国经济。这种信念在多大程度上塑造了他与其他国家打交道的方式？

Trump’s foreign policy is built around extracting commitments to invest in the United States. Over time, striking deals has come to replace having a big strategic view of American relations with major powers.

特朗普的外交政策核心就是逼迫对方承诺向美国投资。随着时间推移，“做交易”已经取代了对美国与大国关系进行宏观战略规划的做法。

We saw this when Trump met Xi Jinping, the Chinese leader, a few weeks ago. They focused on finding a resolution to a crisis Trump had created by raising tariffs on China, to which the country retaliated by cutting off rare earths, magnets and other critical material that China dominates. They made a deal — and Trump declared it a huge success — but what was missing was discussion of Taiwan, or China’s incursions into territory around the Philippines, or Beijing’s nuclear program, arguably the fastest-growing in the world.

几周前特朗普会见中国领导人习近平时就是如此。两人把主要精力放在解决特朗普加征关税所引发的危机上——中国则以切断其占据垄断地位的稀土、磁体等关键材料的供应作为报复。他们达成了一项协议，特朗普宣称这是巨大成功——但完全没有谈到台湾、中国对菲律宾周边领土的侵犯，以及北京的核计划——其发展速度是目前世界上最快的。

Fast forward to this week with the Saudi crown prince. We saw the same thing happen again. Prince Mohammed said he would invest nearly a trillion dollars in the United States — although he did not say over what period of time. In return, he got a commitment from Trump for access to F-35 stealth fighters and the world’s fastest computer chips, critical for artificial intelligence. And he managed to sidestep, at least for the next few years, the one big security issue on which Trump wanted progress: getting the Saudis to sign the Abraham Accords and recognize Israel.

快进到本周与沙特王储的会晤，又是同样的剧本。王储表示将向美国投资近万亿美元（不过他没说时间跨度）。作为回报，特朗普承诺他将得到获取F-35隐形战机和全球最快人工智能芯片的机会。而他成功地把特朗普最想推进的那件大事——让沙特签署《亚伯拉罕协议》并承认以色列——至少往后推了几年。

In other words: The business deals not only become the core of the Trump foreign policy, but they tend to edge out the larger security issues. Where does Venezuela fit into all this?

换句话说：商业交易不仅成了特朗普外交政策的核心，而且往往把更大的安全议题挤到一边。那么委内瑞拉在这幅图景里处于什么位置？

At first glance, it doesn’t. Here we have the president, on the basis of concerns about drug imports to the U.S. and illegal immigration, going after Venezuela. The country is a source of cocaine, but not fentanyl. And it is hardly the biggest strategic challenge facing the United States. But there is one part of the Venezuelan story that has seized Trump’s attention and dominates his conversations with his aides, and that’s that the country is sitting on the world’s largest oil reserves.

乍看之下完全不搭。这里特朗普以担心毒品流入美国和非法移民为由对委内瑞拉下手。委内瑞拉确实是可卡因来源国，但不是芬太尼。而且它绝非美国面临的最大战略挑战。然而委内瑞拉故事里有一个部分牢牢抓住了特朗普的注意力，也主导了他与幕僚的谈话——那就是该国坐拥全球最大的石油储量。

We have some indications that oil has been at the center of the back-channel negotiations between the administration and Maduro. Is that the reason that Trump is putting 15 percent or more of our naval capacity in the Caribbean?

我们能看到一些迹象表明，石油一直是美国政府与马杜罗之间秘密谈判的核心。这是否就是特朗普把15%甚至更多海军力量部署到加勒比地区的原因？

You could argue that we are seeing a return to the gunboat diplomacy of more than a century ago, when we and other powers, like the British and the French, would intimidate a smaller country with a naval fleet to force a deal.

可以说，这有点像回归一个多世纪前的“炮舰外交”——当时我们以及英国、法国等列强，会用舰队威慑小国，逼迫对方就范。

So, to Trump, critics who say he’s focused on foreign policy at the expense of the domestic economy are drawing a false dichotomy. He believes the two are related.

所以，在特朗普认为，那些批评他“顾外不顾内”、牺牲国内经济去搞外交的人，其实是基于一个不存在的二元对立。他相信这两者是紧密相连的。

Trump, at his core, understands that this is a global economy. To Trump, it’s all an effort to ensure that America remains the world’s dominant economic and technological power, at a moment when its status is threatened more than ever by China.

特朗普骨子里明白当今是全球化经济。对他来说，所有这些努力都是为了确保美国在自身地位受到中国前所未有的威胁之际，继续保持世界头号经济与科技强国地位。

What kind of political risk does he face as a result of this approach?

这种做法会给他带来什么样的政治风险？

There’s huge political risk here for him. Remember George H.W. Bush? He had a huge American victory in the Persian Gulf war, which ratified the strength of the United States as the Soviet Union was collapsing. Yet he lost in 1992 because people thought he wasn’t paying attention to supermarket prices.

风险非常大。还记得老布什吗？他在海湾战争中大胜，正值苏联解体，美国国力如日中天，可1992年还是因为民众觉得他不关心超市物价而落选。

And are there security risks, too?

另外也存在安全风险吗？

In Trump’s first term, his national security strategy focused on turning the United States away from counterterrorism, and toward a focus on the rise of China and Russia. It’s very hard to square what Trump is doing in Venezuela now with that strategy.

在特朗普第一任期，国家安全战略的核心是从反恐转向集中应对中俄崛起。现在他在委内瑞拉的所作所为难与这一战略相符。

That aircraft carrier’s presence near Venezuela means that it’s not in the Middle East, where it was defending Israel from Iranian missiles earlier this year. And it’s not in the Indo-Pacific. As Xi Jinping watches this military buildup off Venezuela, he must be delighted, because that buildup was supposed to come in the Indo-Pacific to defend Taiwan. I don’t believe the Chinese thought the U.S. would tie up this much of its military force in the Caribbean.

那艘航母停在委内瑞拉附近，就意味着它不在中东（今年早些时候它还在那里为以色列挡伊朗导弹），也不在印太地区。习近平看到美国在加勒比地区进行如此大规模军力集结，一定乐开了花，因为原本这些军力是准备部署到印太地区保卫台湾的。中国人恐怕做梦都没想到美国会把这么多军力拴在加勒比。

So yes, it creates strategic risks as well as political ones.

所以，是的，这既制造了战略风险，也制造了政治风险。

Our conversation was condensed and edited for clarity.

以上对话为求清晰进行了提炼和编辑。

Lawrence H. Summers, a Harvard University economist and the university’s former president, will step back from his teaching duties while the university investigates his ties to the disgraced financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, a spokesman for Mr. Summers said Wednesday.

哈佛大学经济学家、前校长劳伦斯·H·萨默斯的发言人周三表示，在哈佛就其与声名狼藉的金融家、性犯罪者杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的关系展开调查期间，萨默斯将暂停教学工作。

The spokesman, Steven Goldberg, said in a statement that Mr. Summers would also leave his role as director of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government at the Harvard Kennedy School. “His co-teachers will complete the remaining three class sessions of the courses he has been teaching with them this semester, and he is not scheduled to teach next semester,” the statement added.

发言人史蒂文·戈德堡在声明中称，萨默斯还将辞去哈佛肯尼迪学院莫萨瓦尔-拉赫马尼商业与政府中心主任一职。“他的合作授课教师将完成本学期他参与教授课程的剩余三节课，且他下学期无授课安排，”声明还称。

A Harvard spokesman confirmed that Mr. Summers had told the university of his decision, which was first reported by the Harvard Crimson.

哈佛发言人证实，萨默斯已告知学校这一决定，该消息最初由《哈佛深红》报道。

Mr. Summers’s connection with Mr. Epstein had been known for years. But a tranche of emails that a House committee released last week revealed a cozy relationship between the two men, who exchanged messages after Mr. Epstein served jail time for sex crimes with minors. Among other topics, the men discussed a woman in whom Mr. Summers, who is married, was romantically interested. Mr. Epstein described himself as Mr. Summers’s wingman.

萨默斯与爱泼斯坦的关联多年来一直为人所知，但众议院委员会上周公布的一批邮件揭示了两人密切的关系——爱泼斯坦因对未成年人实施性犯罪入狱后，两人仍有邮件往来。邮件内容包括已婚的萨默斯对一名女性的爱慕之情，爱泼斯坦自称是萨默斯的“僚机”。

Mr. Summers also resigned from the board of OpenAI, he and the company said Wednesday.

萨默斯与OpenAI方面周三均表示，他已辞去在该公司董事会的职务。

In 2023, Mr. Summers was asked to join the board of directors at OpenAI, the San Francisco-based artificial intelligence start-up valued at more than $500 billion, after a failed boardroom coup briefly ousted the company’s chief executive, Sam Altman.

2023年，旧金山人工智能初创公司OpenAI发生董事会政变，首席执行官山姆·奥特曼一度被解职，之后萨默斯受邀加入这家估值超5000亿美元的公司董事会。

Mr. Summers was seen as instrumental to repairing the fractured board, working with additional independent directors including Bret Taylor, a former Salesforce executive, and Paul M. Nakasone, a retired U.S. Army general. He sat on different board committees, including one responsible for auditing the company’s finances.

萨默斯与包括前Salesforce高管布雷特·泰勒和退休美军上将保罗·仲宗根在内的其他独立董事合作，被认为在修复分裂的董事会方面发挥了关键作用。他任职于多个董事会委员会，包括负责审计公司财务的委员会。

Over the past two years, OpenAI has since stabilized and gone on to attract tens of billions of dollars in private capital investment while developing closer ties with the federal government. President Trump has said that A.I. development is key to the country’s economic future.

过去两年间，OpenAI逐渐稳定，吸引了数百亿美元私人资本投资，同时与联邦政府建立了更紧密的联系。特朗普总统曾表示，人工智能发展是美国经济未来的关键。

Mr. Summers was also a part of helping the company, which started as a nonprofit, adopt a new for-profit structure last month. The long-sought change allows OpenAI to operate like a more traditional business, while it continues to raise the enormous sums of money it needs to develop artificial intelligence. (The Times has sued OpenAI and Microsoft, claiming copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. The two companies have denied the suit’s claims.)

萨默斯还参与协助这家最初为非营利机构的公司于上月转型为营利性结构。这一长期寻求的变革使OpenAI能像传统企业一样运营，同时继续筹集发展人工智能所需的巨额资金。（《纽约时报》已起诉OpenAI和微软，指控其人工智能系统侵犯新闻内容版权，两家公司均否认了相关指控。）

“We appreciate his many contributions and the perspective he brought to the board,” OpenAI’s board of directors said in a statement to The Times on Wednesday.

“我们感谢他的诸多贡献以及他为董事会带来的视角，”OpenAI董事会周三在给《纽约时报》的声明中表示。

Mr. Summers has shed a number of other positions this week, after saying on Monday that he was stepping back from public commitments to focus on rebuilding trust and repairing relations. He has severed relationships with the Center for American Progress and the Center for Global Development, two think tanks. The New York Times Opinion section said in a statement that it would not renew Mr. Summers’s contract as a contributing writer.

本周，萨默斯已辞去多个其他职位。他周一表示，将暂停公共事务相关工作，专注于重建信任和修复关系。他已中止了同美国进步中心和全球发展中心这两家智库的关系。《纽约时报》观点版发表声明称，将不再续签萨默斯的专栏作家合同。

On Monday, Senator Elizabeth Warren, a Massachusetts Democrat, urged Harvard to cut ties with Mr. Summers.

周一，马萨诸塞州民主党参议员伊丽莎白·沃伦敦促哈佛与萨默斯切断联系。

Mr. Summers is a tenured professor at Harvard and will retain that title as he steps away during the investigation. Videos posted online Tuesday showed Mr. Summers briefly addressing his communications with Mr. Epstein to a lecture hall of students.

萨默斯是哈佛终身教授，暂停工作接受调查期间将保留这一头衔。周二网上流传的视频显示，萨默斯在演讲厅向学生简要回应了他与爱泼斯坦的通信事件。

“Some of you will have seen my statement of regret, expressing my shame with respect to what I did in communication with Mr. Epstein,” Mr. Summers told the class. “And that I’ve said that I’m going to step back from public activities, but — for a time — but that I think it’s very important that I fulfill my teaching obligations.”

“你们中的一些人可能已经看到了我的致歉声明，我对自己与爱泼斯坦的通信行为感到羞愧，”萨默斯对学生们说。“我已表示将暂时暂停公共活动，但是——在短期内——我认为履行教学职责非常重要。”

He changed his mind a day later.

一天后，他改变了主意。

Mr. Epstein, who died by suicide in jail in 2019, had a long relationship with Harvard, donating more than $9 million before he pleaded guilty to sex crimes in 2008, according to a 2020 Harvard report.

根据哈佛2020年的一份报告，2019年在狱中自杀的爱泼斯坦与哈佛有着长期联系，2008年就性犯罪认罪前，他曾向哈佛捐赠了超过900万美元。

When Mark Zuckerberg, Meta’s chief executive, unveiled the company’s Superintelligence Lab in June, he named 11 artificial intelligence researchers who were joining his ambitious effort to build a machine more powerful than the human brain.

6月，Meta首席执行官马克·扎克伯格公布该公司的超级智能实验室时，列出了11位加入这一雄心勃勃计划的人工智能研究员，他们的目标是打造一台比人类大脑更强大的机器。

All 11 were immigrants educated in other countries. Seven were born in China, according to a memo viewed by The New York Times.

这11人全部是在其他国家接受教育的移民。据《纽约时报》看到的一份备忘录显示，其中七人出生于中国。

Although many American executives, government officials and pundits have spent months painting China as the enemy of America’s rapid push into A.I., much of the groundbreaking research emerging from the United States is driven by Chinese talent.

尽管数月来许多美国企业高管、政府官员和专家一直将中国描绘成阻碍美国人工智能快速发展的敌人，但美国众多突破性研究的背后都由中国人才推动。

Two new studies show that researchers born and educated in China have for years played major roles inside leading U.S. artificial intelligence labs. They also continue to drive important A.I. research in industry and academia, despite the Trump administration’s crackdown on immigration and growing anti-China sentiment in Silicon Valley.

两项新研究表明，多年来，在中国出生并接受教育的研究人员一直在美国顶尖人工智能实验室扮演重要角色。尽管特朗普政府收紧移民政策，硅谷反华情绪日益高涨，这些人仍在产业界和学术界推动着重要的人工智能研究。

The research, from two organizations, provides a detailed look at how much the American tech industry continues to rely on engineers from China, particularly in A.I. The findings also offer a more nuanced understanding of how researchers in the two countries continue to collaborate, despite increasingly heated language from Washington and Beijing.

这两项分别来自两家机构的研究详细揭示了美国科技行业对中国工程师的持续依赖，尤其是在人工智能领域。研究结果还让人们更全面地认识到，尽管华盛顿和北京的措辞日益激烈，但两国研究人员仍在继续合作。

In 2020, a study from the Paulson Institute, which promotes constructive ties between the United States and China, estimated that Chinese A.I. researchers accounted for nearly one-third of the world’s top A.I. talent. Most of those Chinese researchers worked for American companies and universities.

2020年，致力于促进美中建设性关系的保尔森研究所发布研究称，中国人工智能研究员约占全球顶尖人工智能人才的近三分之一。这些中国研究员大多就职于美国企业和高校。

A new study from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace shows that a vast majority of these Chinese researchers have continued to work for U.S. institutions. Of the 100 top-tier Chinese researchers in the original study who were at U.S. universities or companies in 2019 — three years before the arrival of ChatGPT set off the global A.I. boom — 87 are still doing research at U.S. universities or companies.

卡内基国际和平基金会的一项新研究显示，这些中国研究员中的绝大多数仍在为美国机构工作。2019年（三年后，ChatGPT的问世引发全球人工智能热潮）入选原研究的100位就职于美国高校或企业的顶尖中国研究员中，有87位如今仍在美国高校或企业从事研究工作。

“The U.S. A.I. industry is the biggest beneficiary of Chinese talent,” said Matt Sheehan, an analyst who helped write both studies. “It gets so many top-tier researchers from China who come to work in the U.S., study in the U.S. and, as this study shows, stay in the U.S., despite all the tensions and obstacles that have been thrown at them in recent years.”

“美国人工智能行业是中国人才的最大受益者，”参与两项研究撰写的分析师马特·希恩说。“尽管近年来面临种种紧张局势和阻碍，但美国仍吸引了大量来自中国的顶尖研究员——他们来美国工作、学习，而且正如这项研究所示，选择留在美国。”

There is still significant collaboration between the two nations. A separate study from alphaXiv, a company that helps people track and use the latest A.I. research, shows that since 2018, joint research between America and China happens more often than collaboration between any other two nations.

美中两国之间仍存在大量合作。帮助人们追踪和利用最新人工智能研究的公司alphaXiv的另一项研究显示，2018年以来，美中联合研究的频率超过了其他任何双边合作。

Many in Silicon Valley fear that Chinese nationals could steal secrets from U.S. companies and share them with the Chinese government. Those fears are not unfounded. In early 2023, for example, a hacker gained access to the internal messaging systems of OpenAI and stole details about the design of the company’s A.I. technologies.

硅谷许多人担心，中国公民可能会从美国公司窃取机密并分享给中国政府。这种担忧并非毫无根据。例如，2023年初，一名黑客入侵了OpenAI的内部通讯系统，窃取了该公司人工智能技术设计的相关细节。

(The New York Times has sued OpenAI and Microsoft for copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. OpenAI and Microsoft have denied those claims.)

（《纽约时报》已起诉OpenAI和微软，指控其人工智能系统侵犯新闻内容版权。OpenAI和微软均否认相关指控。）

But analysts like Mr. Sheehan argue that the risk of espionage is far outweighed by the benefits of hiring and collaborating with Chinese talent. They worry that if the Trump administration expands its crackdown on Chinese talent in the United States, the move could seriously harm U.S. research.

但希恩等分析人士认为，聘用中国人才进行合作带来的收益远大于间谍活动的风险。他们担心，如果特朗普政府扩大对美国境内中国人才的打压，可能会严重损害美国的研究事业。

“This is seen as a real threat to U.S. companies’ edge in A.I.,” said Helen Toner, interim executive director at Georgetown’s Center for Security and Emerging Technology.

“这被视为对美国企业人工智能优势的真正威胁，”乔治敦大学安全与新兴技术中心临时执行董事海伦·托纳说。

Without the flow of talented Chinese researchers into the United States, Silicon Valley companies would fall behind in the global race — namely, to China.

若失去中国研究人才输送渠道，硅谷企业将在全球竞争中落后，尤其是落后于中国。

Even before Mr. Zuckerberg started aggressively hiring for his new Superintelligence Lab, Meta’s A.I. efforts relied heavily on Chinese talent. New hires in Meta’s A.I. division are often told jokingly that there are two languages they should know. The first is Hack, the company’s in-house programming language. The second is Mandarin, according to three people familiar with the culture of the company’s A.I. teams.

早在扎克伯格大举为新的超级智能实验室招兵买马之前，Meta的人工智能项目就已高度依赖中国人才。据三位了解该公司人工智能团队文化的人士透露，Meta人工智能部门的新员工常被开玩笑说，他们需要掌握两种语言：第一种是公司内部编程语言Hack，第二种是普通话。

This year, Meta received approvals for around 6,300 H1-B visas, which allow companies to hire skilled workers from other countries. This was second only to Amazon, according to data from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. The company has also collaborated with Chinese organizations on at least 28 prominent research papers since 2018, according to alphaXiv.

今年，Meta获得了约6300份H1-B签证批准——这类签证允许企业聘用外国技术工人。根据美国公民及移民服务局的数据，这一数字仅次于亚马逊。alphaXiv的数据显示，自2018年以来，该公司还与中国机构合作发表了至少28篇颇具影响力的研究论文。

Since 2018, companies like Apple, Google, Intel and Salesforce have collaborated with Chinese organizations on widely read research papers, according to the new study from alphaXiv. Microsoft, which has long operated research labs in China, has collaborated with Chinese organizations more than any other company, sharing credit on at least 92 important papers.

根据alphaXiv的新研究显示，2018年以来，苹果、谷歌、英特尔、Salesforce等公司均与中国机构合作发表过被广泛引用的研究论文。长期在中国运营研究实验室的微软，与中国机构的合作次数远超其他任何公司，至少在92篇重要论文上共同署名。

Many Chinese researchers say studying and working in the United States has become more difficult. They often have trouble securing visas, they say, and are wary of leaving the country for fear that U.S. officials will not let them back in.

许多中国研究人员表示，在美国学习和工作变得越来越困难。他们说，签证办理经常受阻，同时担心离境后会被美国当局拒绝入境。

But as the Carnegie Endowment study shows, some leading Chinese researchers have returned to institutions in China after stints with U.S. organizations. Tensions are also rising inside some U.S. companies. Last month, a Chinese researcher, Yao Shunyu, said in a blog post that he had left the San Francisco start-up Anthropic for Google in part because company executives publicly labeled China a serious security threat.

但卡内基国际和平基金会的研究显示，部分顶尖中国研究员在美国机构工作一段时间后，已选择回国发展。一些美国公司内部的紧张局势也在加剧。上月，中国研究人员姚舜宇（音）在博客帖子中表示，他已从旧金山初创公司Anthropic跳槽至谷歌，部分原因是Anthropic高管公开将中国列为“严重安全威胁”。

“I strongly disagree with the anti-China statements,” Dr. Shunyu wrote. “I believe most of the people at Anthropic will disagree with such a statement, yet I don’t think there is a way for me to stay.”

“我强烈反对这些反华言论，”姚舜宇写道。“我相信Anthropic的大多数人都会反对这样的说法，但我觉得自己已无法继续留在那里。”

The Dutch government said on Wednesday that it was handing back control of the chipmaker Nexperia to its Chinese parent company, in an effort to ease tensions that had flared after the Netherlands was caught in a tussle between Washington and Beijing over electronics supply chains.

荷兰政府周三表示，将把芯片制造商安世半导体的控制权交还给其中国母公司，以缓解因荷兰陷入美中电子供应链争端而引发的紧张局势。

Dutch officials made the decision after consulting with the European and international partners and “constructive meetings” with the Chinese authorities, the Dutch economic affairs minister, Vincent Karremans, said in a social media post.

荷兰经济大臣文森特·卡雷曼斯在社交媒体发文称，荷兰官员在与欧洲及国际伙伴协商，并与中国当局举行“建设性会议”后，作出了这一决定。

The Dutch government had taken over Nexperia, which is owned by the Chinese company Wingtech, on Sept. 30, after the United States expanded a trade blacklist that meant Nexperia would face strict controls on its operations. The Netherlands said then that company decisions would be determined by Mr. Karremans, and that it had taken that step in an effort to prevent Nexperia’s products from becoming unavailable in an emergency.

9月30日，美国扩大贸易黑名单导致安世半导体的运营将面临严格管控，荷兰政府随后接管了这家由中国闻泰科技控股的公司。荷兰方面当时表示，公司决策将由卡雷曼斯大臣决定，采取这一步骤是为了防止安世半导体的产品在紧急情况下断供。

Nexperia has headquarters in the Dutch city of Nijmegen and employs thousands of people across Europe, the United States and Asia. It operates a supply chain that spans the globe, designing and manufacturing older types of chips used in cars and electronics.

安世半导体总部位于荷兰奈梅亨市，在欧洲、美国和亚洲拥有数以千计的员工。该公司拥有遍布全球的供应链，设计并制造用于汽车和电子产品的成熟制程芯片。

The uncertainty over the availability of Nexperia’s chips had raised concerns of a global shortage among automakers like Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz, which use the chips to power systems like windshield wipers and brakes. The Japanese automaker Nissan said earlier this month that it would cut production at two plants because of a lack of the chips.

安世半导体芯片供应的不确定性引发了大众、奔驰等车企对全球芯片短缺的担忧，这些芯片用于驱动雨刷和刹车等系统。日本车企日产本月早些时候表示，因缺少这类芯片，将削减两家工厂的产量。

The company is just one of those caught in the battle for the global chip industry, in which both the United States and China have claimed authority over supply chains for semiconductors and rare earth minerals, critical components for today’s technologies.

该公司只是卷入全球芯片产业争夺战的众多企业之一。美中两国均声称要主导半导体和稀土矿物的供应链，而这些都是当今科技产品的关键组成部分。

Mr. Karremans gave no details of the reasons behind Wednesday’s decision but said it had been taken “as a show of good will.”

卡雷曼斯未透露周三这一决定背后的具体原因，但表示此举旨在“展现善意”。

“We are positive about the measures already taken by the Chinese authorities to ensure the supply of chips to Europe and the rest of the world,” he said in the statement. He said that talks with the Chinese authorities would continue.

“我们对中国当局为确保向欧洲及全球其他地区供应芯片所采取的措施持积极态度，”他在声明中说，并指出与中国当局的会谈将继续进行。

The U.S. Department of Commerce placed trade restrictions on Wingtech last December. In June, American officials told the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs that Nexperia could be next, unless the company replaced its Chinese chief executive, Zhang Xuezheng.

美国商务部去年12月对闻泰科技实施了贸易限制。今年6月，美国官员告知荷兰外交部，除非安世半导体更换其中国籍首席执行官张学政，否则该公司将成为下一个被制裁的对象。

There are moments in great-power politics when the tectonic plates seem to shift perceptibly beneath us. The recent summit between President Trump and President Xi Jinping of China was one of those inflection points.

在大国政治中，总有一些时刻会让人清晰感受到地缘战略格局的变迁。美国总统特朗普与中国国家主席习近平近期的峰会正是这样的转折点之一。

The two leaders agreed during their meeting on Oct. 30 to pause the trade war that Mr. Trump launched this year. But the real story to emerge from the event was not the inconclusive truce they reached in the South Korean city of Busan but the unmistakable demonstration that China could now face America as a true peer.

两位领导人在10月30日的会晤中同意暂停特朗普在今年发起的贸易战。但这次会晤的真正意义并非在于双方在韩国城市釜山达成的贸易战阶段性停火协议，而在于它清楚地表明，中国已具备与美国平起平坐的实力。

China absorbed the full weight of American economic pressure and retaliated successfully with greater pressure of its own, weaponizing its dominance of global supply chains on which America relies, particularly rare earth minerals and magnets. After decades of deindustrialization, a poorly prepared United States would not — or could not — respond.

中国不仅顶住了美国全方位的经济施压，更是通过运用自己在美国所依赖的全球供应链的主导地位——特别是稀土矿物与磁体领域，以更具威慑力的反制措施成功实施反击。在经历了数十年产业空心化之后，准备不足的美国既无意也无力作出回应。

If historians someday try to identify exactly when China became America’s geopolitical equal, they might point to the outcome of Mr. Trump’s ill-considered trade war.

如果未来的历史学家要明确中国在地缘政治上开始与美国平起平坐的确切时点，他们也许会认为是特朗普轻率发起的贸易战的结局。

This reckoning comes at a critical time.

这个历史性转折偏偏发生在一个至关紧要的时刻。

We are halfway through what strategists in both U.S. political parties believe will be a decisive decade that determines whether America can avoid falling behind China economically, technologically and militarily. Mr. Trump’s team is moving urgently to bring manufacturing back to the United States, rebalance trade and rebuild the defense industrial base.

我们如今已经走过了这个决定性十年的前半程，两党战略家都认为，这十年将决定美国能否避免在经济、技术和军事方面落于中国之后。特朗普团队正采取紧急行动推动制造业回流、重塑贸易格局并重建国防工业基础。

The outcome of the recent summit could undercut those important efforts.

最近这次峰会的结果可能会削弱这些重要的努力。

Mr. Trump framed the meeting as a U.S.-China “G2,” diminishing the importance of allies whose help America needs to reindustrialize at home and balance China abroad. And by showing Beijing that its coercive tools work, Mr. Trump risks inviting more pressure, potentially giving China veto power over his “America First” agenda.

特朗普将会晤定位为中美“G2”模式，这是对盟友体系重要性的贬低，而美国既需借助盟友实现本国的再工业化，又需依靠它们在海外牵制中国。同时，特朗普让北京看到它的胁迫工具确实行之有效，他有可能因此招来更多来自中国的施压，甚至让中国获得对其“美国优先”议程的否决权。

None of this had to happen. The road to Busan began with needless provocation by Mr. Trump. In February, he reignited the trade war that he started in his first term, levying tariffs on Chinese goods that eventually rose past 140 percent. But he failed to first assess America’s own vulnerabilities or shore up its supply chains. By contrast, Beijing had spent the years since 2018, when Mr. Trump first began imposing tariffs, preparing for exactly this moment.

这一切本可避免。通往釜山之路始于特朗普的无谓挑衅。今年2月，他重启首个任期发起的贸易战，将中国商品关税最终提升至140%以上，却未预先评估美国自身的脆弱性或先夯实自己的供应链。相比之下，自2018年特朗普首次加征关税以来，北京一直在为这一刻做准备。

Backed into a corner, Mr. Xi reached for his break-glass tool. In April, he halted exports to the United States of rare earths minerals and magnets — critical materials for everything from cars to missiles — an escalation beyond anything he had threatened under President Joe Biden. It was a calculated risk given the potential for more American retaliation. But Mr. Xi gambled that Mr. Trump would fold. He was right. In May, Mr. Trump radically reduced tariffs and pursued de-escalation.

被逼到墙角的习近平使出了他的杀手锏。4月，他暂停向美国出口稀土矿物及磁体——这些关键材料广泛应用于汽车至导弹等各个领域——这是他在拜登总统任内从未采取过的升级行动。鉴于美国可能进一步报复，这是一步经过计算的险棋。但习近平押注特朗普会让步。他赌赢了。5月，特朗普大幅降低关税并寻求冲突降级。

Emboldened, China wielded rare earths again in October — and raised the stakes dramatically. Using the pretext of new U.S. export controls, Beijing responded with a sweeping licensing regime requiring companies anywhere in the world to obtain China’s approval not only to buy the country’s rare earths but to sell any product made with even trace amounts of them.

此举鼓舞了中国，到了10月，北京再度挥舞稀土大棒，且大幅加码。它以新的美国口管制为由，建立全面许可制度，要求全球任何企业不仅采购中国稀土需获批准，连销售含微量中国稀土的产品亦需获得许可。

It was an unthinkable escalation, well beyond anything Washington had ever attempted, and a gun to the head for U.S. and global manufacturing.

这种升级程度超乎想象，远远超出华盛顿曾采取过的任何手段，对美国和全球制造业而言犹如枪顶在了脑门上。

Mr. Trump’s team readied drastic countermeasures — from new chip controls to financial sanctions — that might have forced Beijing to question its coercive approach. Instead, Mr. Trump flinched, shelving those options and retreating to the familiar comfort of tariffs — by now an empty threat since he had lifted them in the spring after Beijing halted rare earths exports. By the time the leaders met in Busan, Mr. Trump’s earlier bravado was nowhere to be seen. He chose to de-escalate, and cut tariffs again, among other concessions.

特朗普的团队原本准备了激烈的反制措施——从新的芯片管制到金融制裁——这些手段本可能迫使北京方面重新审视其胁迫策略。然而，特朗普最终退缩了，把这些选项搁置一旁，转而退回到他熟悉的关税措施——但自从他今春在北京停止稀土出口后取消关税以来，这种威胁已然失效。当两位领导人在釜山会晤时，特朗普先前的虚张声势已不复存在。他选择了降级冲突，并做出了包括再次降低关税在内的让步。

With the dust now settled, Mr. Trump has not only revealed the limits of America’s resolve to its greatest rival, but has left the United States worse off than when he started this fight.

尘埃落定后，特朗普不仅向最大对手暴露了美国战略决心的局限性，更让美国处境较开启贸易战之前更为不堪。

Beijing has resumed imports of U.S. soybeans — one of America’s major exports to China — but at lower volumes than before. China has postponed its new licensing regime on rare earths for a year, but fear that China might invoke it in the future has already caused the Trump administration to suspend export restrictions that would have tightened controls on Chinese-linked firms. China also received a ten percent tariff reduction for pledging to crack down on production of fentanyl precursors. But that brings its tariff rate closer to that of American allies and partners, which reduces incentives for American businesses to diversify their suppliers to countries other than China.

北京恢复了从美国进口大豆——大豆是美国对中国的主要出口商品之一——但采购量已不及以往。中国将其新的稀土许可制度推迟一年实施，但由于担心中国未来可能启用该措施，特朗普政府已经暂停了那些旨在对中国关联企业加强管控的出口限制措施。此外，中国承诺打击芬太尼前体化学品的生产，因此获得了10%的关税减让。但这使中国的关税水平更接近美国的盟友与伙伴，从而降低了美国企业将供应链从中国转移至其他国家的动力。

The reverberations of Mr. Trump’s mishandling of China will echo far beyond trade. U.S. allies may now have reason to doubt America’s ability to stand with them when it cannot even stand up for itself. Beijing may feel emboldened to test U.S. resolve on Taiwan and other issues. China, after all, has other chokepoints it can weaponize, such as its dominance over the production of pharmaceutical ingredients for dozens of critical drugs, including antibiotics.

特朗普对华政策的失误产生的涟漪效应将远远超出贸易范畴。当美国连自身立场都无法坚守时，其盟友自然有理由怀疑华盛顿履行承诺的能力。北京在台湾等议题上试探美国决心的底气可能更足。毕竟，中国还掌握着其他的命门，包括对抗生素等数十种关键药物的医药原料生产主导权。

There is an old lesson that many generals learned too late: It is unwise to invade Russia in the winter. The economic corollary should now be equally clear. It is unwise to start a trade war with the main supplier of your most critical imports until you have mitigated your vulnerabilities. Mr. Trump, who mistook political theater for strategy, lost ground against China not solely because he misjudged Mr. Xi but because he underestimated America’s dependence on the supply chains it no longer controls and the allies that he too often ignores.

不要在冬季入侵俄罗斯，这是许多军事将领付出惨重代价才领悟一个古老教训。其经济对应原则现在也同样明晰：在未消除自身脆弱性之前就对最关键进口品的主要供应国发动贸易战，这绝非明智之举。误将政治作秀当作战略谋划的特朗普之所以在与中国的较量中落于下风，不仅源于对习近平的误判，还因为他低估了美国对那些自己已不再掌控的供应链的依赖，以及对那些他屡屡轻慢的盟友的依赖。

Building and wielding national power is deadly serious business. It takes more than bluster. It takes patience, endurance, planning and the discipline to know when to fight and when not to.

建设并运用国家力量是一件极其严肃的事。光靠虚张声势是不够的，更需要耐心、规划，以及知道什么时候出手、什么时候收手的定力。

China understood that when it was weaker — steadily building its strength over the course of decades and avoiding premature tests of power. Mr. Trump, who blithely took American primacy for granted, is only now learning that lesson.

中国在实力尚弱时就深谙此道——它在数十年间稳步积蓄实力，避免过早地接受实力的考验。而轻率地将美国的主导地位视为理所当然的特朗普，直到此刻才逐渐领悟这个道理。

It’s the one story line President Trump hasn’t been able to evade.

这是特朗普总统始终无法摆脱的一个舆论叙事。

During his first term and now in his second, Mr. Trump has managed to deflect and defeat news cycles he views as negative to him, often by quickly diverting the media and public’s attention to a new topic.

无论是在第一个任期还是现在的第二个任期里，特朗普总有办法转移和击败那些在他看来对自己不利的新闻风向，惯用手法是迅速将媒体和公众注意力引向新话题。

With a “flood the zone” strategy of doing everything, everywhere, all at once, Mr. Trump often generates multiple news cycles per day. White House officials believe that when the news is focused on immigration, crime or the president’s peacemaking efforts abroad, Mr. Trump is winning. As such, if Mr. Trump doesn’t like one news cycle, he can fire off an all-caps Truth Social post and create another.

通过“铺天盖地”策略，也就是同时在各领域多线出击，特朗普经常能够在一天之内制造多个新闻议题。白宫官员相信，当舆论聚焦移民问题、犯罪或总统在海外促成和平的努力上，就意味着特朗普掌握了主动权。因此，若对某个新闻风向不满，他只需用全大写字母在Truth Social平台发帖即可开启新话题。

But the Epstein files — which carry with them a constant reminder of the president’s friendship with a sex offender — have dogged him in a way few other issues have. Nothing Mr. Trump has tried to do to get them out of the news has worked.

但爱泼斯坦案档案却如影随形地困扰着他，这是少有其他议题能做到的。这些档案不断提醒公众总统与这名性犯罪者的交情，而特朗普为平息舆论采取的所有手段均不起作用。

Mr. Trump has sought to distract from the files, complaining that the public should focus instead on his administration’s successes. He ordered Republicans to stop talking about them. He tried to bully House Republicans into killing their effort to get them released. When his attempts failed, an increasingly frustrated Mr. Trump threatened primary campaigns against G.O.P. members who cross him, and even accused one of his biggest supporters of being a “traitor.”

特朗普曾试图转移公众对这些档案的关注，抱怨民众应该把焦点放在他的执政成就上。他下令共和党人不要再谈论这些档案。他试图强压众议院共和党人放弃推动档案解密。当这些努力失败后，日益焦躁的特朗普威胁要对忤逆他的共和党成员启动初选阻击，甚至指责自己的一名头号支持者是“叛徒”。

But the lawmakers pushing for the files to be released have defeated the master of attention domination.

然而，推动档案公开的立法者们最终战胜了这位注意力操控大师。

With Mr. Trump set to lose a vote in the House over the release of the files, the president on Sunday reluctantly embraced the legislation to call on his own administration to release the documents it was withholding. Mr. Trump made clear he was doing so only grudgingly, still referring to the files as nothing more than a “hoax.” Mr. Trump has denied any involvement in or knowledge of Mr. Epstein’s sex-trafficking operation.

在众议院关于公开爱泼斯坦案档案的表决中注定面临败局的情况下，特朗普总统于上周日勉强接受了这项要求其政府公开档案的立法。他明确表示自己只是迫于无奈，仍声称这些档案纯属“骗局”。特朗普始终否认自己参与或知晓爱泼斯坦的性交易活动。

特朗普周日晚间表示，国会应投票决定公开爱泼斯坦案文件。

On Tuesday, the House voted 427 to 1 to force the Trump administration to release more files from the investigation into Mr. Epstein, who died by suicide in jail in 2019 while facing charges of sex trafficking minors. The Senate quickly moved to pass the measure as well.

周二，众议院以427票对1票通过了决议，要求特朗普政府公开更多与爱泼斯坦调查相关的档案。爱泼斯坦于2019年在狱中自杀，当时他正面临贩卖未成年人性交易的指控。参议院随后也迅速行动，通过了该议案。

“There is hope here,” said Representative Thomas Massie, Republican of Kentucky, one of the sponsors of the bill that so angered Mr. Trump. “We fought the president, the attorney general, the F.B.I. director, the speaker of the House and the vice president to get this win.”

“曙光终现，”肯塔基州共和党众议员托马斯·马西表示。这位令特朗普大为恼火的议案联合发起人指出：“我们战胜了总统、司法部长、联邦调查局局长、众议院议长和副总统才赢得这场胜利。”

Mr. Massie said he had little optimism of forcing the release of the files when he started the effort, but Republican women rallied around the cause. Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, Lauren Boebert of Colorado and Nancy Mace of South Carolina were some of the most committed supporters, crossing the president and demanding any information from the files that could shed light on the abuse of women and girls.

马西坦言，当初启动档案公开行动时本不抱期望，但共和党女性同僚的鼎力支持改变了局面。佐治亚州众议员玛乔丽·泰勒·格林、科罗拉多州众议员劳伦·贝伯特和南卡罗来纳州众议员南希·梅斯成为最坚定的支持者，她们违背总统意愿，坚持要求公开所有可能揭示妇女儿童遭受侵害的档案。

“They were pressured in ways that you cannot even imagine, and they stood strong, and that’s why we’re here today,” Mr. Massie said. “They didn’t take us seriously over at the executive branch or in the Senate, because they always thought they could flip one of these women, they could convince them or control them, or intimidate them into taking their names off of this petition, but they did not succeed.”

“她们承受了难以想象的压力，但依然坚定不移，这正是我们今天能走到这一步的原因，”马西说。“行政部门和参议院当初根本不把我们放在眼里，以为总能说服、操控或恐吓这些女性撤回联署，但他们终究未能得逞。”

Ms. Greene said Mr. Trump’s attacks on her over the Epstein files had subjected her to a torrent of threats. At a news conference on Tuesday at the Capitol with women who said they were victims of Mr. Epstein’s abuse, Ms. Greene responded to the president.

格林表示，特朗普就爱泼斯坦案档案对她发起的攻击导致她遭受了大量威胁。周二在国会大厦与自称爱泼斯坦案受害女性的联合记者会上，格林对总统的言论作出了回应。

众议员托马斯·马西周二在国会大厦外与其他立法者及自称遭受爱泼斯坦侵害的女性举行新闻发布会。

“He called me a traitor for standing with these women,” Ms. Greene said. “Let me tell you what a traitor is. A traitor is an American that serves foreign countries and themselves.”

“他因为我支持这些女性就称我为叛徒，”格林说。“我来告诉你什么才是叛徒。叛徒是为外国和私利服务的美国人。”

For years, the allegations of sexual abuse against Mr. Epstein — and his close connections to the rich and powerful — have fueled a desire for the release of more documents about his case to expose any other potential abusers. During his 2024 campaign, Mr. Trump said he would release the files as president.

多年来，针对爱泼斯坦性侵行为的指控——及其与权贵阶层的密切往来——持续推动着要求公开更多案件档案的呼声，以期揭露其他潜在犯罪者。在2024年竞选期间，特朗普曾承诺若当选将公开这些档案。

But the Epstein case quickly turned Washington politics upside down.

但爱泼斯坦案很快颠覆了华盛顿的政治格局。

In the early days of Mr. Trump’s second term, releasing the files was an intense focus of the Trump administration. More than 1,000 F.B.I. employees, some of them on 24-hour shifts, were ordered to review the files. Attorney General Pam Bondi released binders full of documents titled “The Epstein Files, Phase 1.”

在特朗普第二任期之初，公开档案曾是政府的工作重点。逾千名联邦调查局雇员被要求轮班审查档案，部分人员甚至需24小时连轴转。司法部长帕姆·邦迪率先公布了《爱泼斯坦档案·第一阶段》活页夹。

But there was never a “Phase 2.”

但《第二阶段》活页夹就没有了下文。

Instead, the Justice Department released an unsigned memo in July saying that its review of the files “revealed no incriminating ‘client list.’”

相反，司法部在7月发布了一份未署名的备忘录，称经审查“未发现可以定罪的‘客户名单’”。

By this time, Ms. Bondi had already informed Mr. Trump that his name appeared in the files.

而此时，邦迪早已向特朗普汇报过其名出现在档案中的事实。

The politics on the issue shifted. Democrats sensed the administration had grown defensive, and loudly joined calls to release the files.

此事引发的政治风向随之转变。民主党人察觉到政府转入守势，遂高调加入要求公开档案的呼声。

Mr. Trump’s allies on Capitol Hill, including Speaker Mike Johnson, fought the passage of what’s known as a “discharge petition” to demand that the Justice Department release all of its investigation files. They even went so far as to shut down the House early in July, grinding the legislative business of Washington to a halt.

特朗普在国会山的盟友，包括议长迈克·约翰逊，一直竭力阻挠要求司法部公开全部调查档案的“强制推动表决动议”通过。他们甚至在7月初强行让众议院休会，导致华盛顿立法机构陷入停摆。

Although Mr. Johnson voted for the measure on Tuesday, he derided it as a “show vote” and a “political weapon.” The speaker has circulated a legal memo outlining what he says are the “dangers” of the discharge petition, including what he says is the airing of “noncredible allegations” against “innocent persons.”

尽管约翰逊周二投票支持该动议，却斥责这是“作秀式表决”和“政治武器”。这位议长散发的法律备忘录中强调了他所谓“强制推动表决动议”的种种“危害”，包括声称针对“无辜者”的“不实指控”会传播开来。

“They’re trying to attack President Trump,” Mr. Johnson said.

“他们是在蓄意攻击特朗普总统，”约翰逊表示。

Despite his newfound support of the measure, Mr. Trump made clear Tuesday he was not happy about it.

尽管转而支持这项动议，特朗普周二仍明确表达了不满。

When an ABC News reporter in the Oval Office asked Mr. Trump about releasing the files, the president lashed out.

当一名美国广播公司新闻记者在椭圆形办公室问及档案公开事宜时，总统大为光火。

“You’re a terrible person and a terrible reporter,” Mr. Trump said, adding: “As far as the Epstein files, I have nothing to do with Jeffrey Epstein.”

“你真差劲，什么烂记者，”特朗普说道，“至于爱泼斯坦档案，我与杰弗里·爱泼斯坦毫无瓜葛。”

Promising a socialist utopia built with the toil of ordinary farmers, Mao Zedong singled out the remote mountain village of Dazhai as proof that faith in the Communist Party and hard work could conquer the harshest terrain.

毛泽东曾以偏远山村大寨为榜样，宣称凭借普通农民的辛勤劳动就能建造出社会主义乌托邦，证明对共产党的信仰和勤奋工作足以征服最艰苦的地形。

The villagers, wielding pick axes, hoes and their bare hands more than half a century ago, were said to have carved terraces out of stony hillsides, hauling soil to turn barren slopes into miraculously bountiful fields of corn.

半个多世纪以前，村民们据称用锄头、镐头和双手，在多石的山坡上开辟出梯田，运来泥土，奇迹般地把贫瘠的山坡变成了丰产的玉米地。

More than 10 million Chinese visited the tiny village in Shanxi Province in northern China, obeying Mao’s order to “learn from Dazhai” and soak up its history of hardship and anticapitalist fervor. Most came during China’s disastrous 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, during which Dazhai’s semiliterate party boss, Chen Yonggui, was elevated to the Politburo in Beijing.

响应毛泽东向大寨学习的号召，逾千万中国人曾造访这座位于中国北方山西省的小村庄，学习它艰苦奋斗与反资本主义的热忱精神。其中多数人是在1966-1976年灾难性的“文化大革命”时期到访，当时作为半文盲的大寨党支书陈永贵被推举至北京的中央政治局。

Today, the farmers of Dazhai have mostly vanished. Many of their terraces have crumbled, while machines and corporate farming have replaced their labor on those that remain.

如今，大寨的农民已经基本上消失。许多梯田已经塌陷，机器和企业化农业取代了人力，在仅存的梯田上劳作。

Villagers now mainly work to serve the one thing that hasn’t changed: Dazhai’s role as a place of pilgrimage and symbol of what the Communist Party would like China to be, though what exactly that is keeps changing.

如今村民们的工作主要是为了一件依然没有改变的事：大寨作为朝圣地和一种象征的地位——它象征着共产党希望中国成为的样子，尽管这个愿景本身也在不断变化。

大寨展览馆的立体模型中，矗立着陈永贵（右二）的塑像。他曾担任大寨村委书记，是大寨官方神话的核心人物。大寨红色博物馆陈列着宣传海报和毛泽东半身像，这座半私营的盈利机构有大量毛泽东时代鼎盛时期的文物。

Visitors today are mostly older people with fond memories of their youth in the ’60s and ’70s, but they also include younger Chinese bused in on party-organized tours. The place is a must-see stop on China’s sprawling “red tourism” trail of party heritage sites, combining mass tourism frippery with what Xi Jinping, China’s leader and a big fan of party history, calls “moral nourishment.”

如今的游客多是怀念自己六七十年代青春岁月的老一辈人，但也包括参加党组织的旅行团的年轻人。这里是中国绵延不绝的“红色旅游”路线上的必经之地，这条路线串联起众多党的历史遗迹，既融合了大众旅游的浮华，又承载着热衷党史的中国领导人习近平所说的“精神滋养”。

Primitive cave homes in the middle of what used to be Dazhai’s “people’s commune,” the village’s only employer, have been turned into a boutique hotel, which opened last year backed by investment from a coal company.

大寨的“人民公社”曾经是村里唯一的雇主，如今，曾经位于大寨中心的简陋窑洞被改造成一家精品酒店，在一家煤炭公司的投资支持下于去年开业。

On Tiger Head Mountain, the focus of what were once trumpeted as superhuman feats led by the party chief — hauling soil to make rocky ground fit for planting — terraced fields have mostly been abandoned because they were too small and unstable for heavy farm machinery. (Parts of the story turned out to be fake; much of the real work was done by the army, not locals, and with the help of machines.)

虎头山曾是那位书记领导民众实现了被吹捧为非凡壮举的重点地带——运来泥土，使得岩石地面适合耕种——如今梯田大多已被废弃，因其面积太小，不够稳定，不能使用重型农业机械。（部分事迹经证实系造假；大部分真正的工作由军队完成的，而不是当地农民，而且借助了机器的力量。）

The mountain has become a tourist attraction that charges for admission. It has a Buddhist temple, but its main draw is the grave of a dedicated atheist, Chen, the former party boss.

这座山如今已成为收费景点。山上有座佛教寺庙，但主要吸引游客的却是那位坚定的无神论者、党支部书记陈永贵的墓地。

大寨村的大门上，两则毛泽东时代的标语重新焕发光彩：左侧是“自力更生”，右侧则是“奋发图强”。大寨梯田是村民们将瘠薄土地开垦为肥沃农田的努力，在毛泽东领导下的中国共产党眼中堪称壮举，但官方叙事夸大了他们的成就。

A group of young women, party members at a state-run energy company who were on a recent “study tour” of Dazhai, giggled nervously when asked what a discredited Mao-era model village had to do with today’s China.

最近，某国有能源公司一群年轻的女性党员来大寨参加“研修团”。当被问及这个已经被揭穿的毛泽东时代模范村庄与当今中国有何关联时，她们不安地咯咯笑起来。

One woman eventually answered, “The spirit of self-reliance,” using the Chinese phrase “zili gengsheng,” a Maoist slogan plastered in red paint on walls around the village.

一个女人最后用中文回答说：“自力更生”，这是一个毛主义的口号，用红漆涂在村子周围的墙上。

Self-reliance — the literal translation is “regeneration through one’s own efforts” — is a slogan for all seasons. It was first declared the party’s guiding principle by Mao in 1945, four years before he seized power in Beijing. He deemed it an invincible weapon to “defeat all Chinese and foreign reactionaries.”

自力更生是一个历久弥新的口号。1945年，毛泽东将其确立为党的指导原则，此时距离他夺取政权还有四年。他认为，这是“打败一切中外反动派”的无敌武器。

Mr. Xi doesn’t talk about reactionaries. But he has made “self-reliance” a cornerstone of the party’s efforts to meld its revolutionary past with its current pursuit of “national rejuvenation” through economic growth.

习近平不再谈论反动派，但他把“自力更生”作为共产党的核心理念，将其革命传统与当前通过经济增长实现“民族复兴”的追求融合在一起。

陈家旧居外的游客，门前陈列着毛主席的半身像。门边的条幅写着“自力更生传家宝”。公园里陈永贵的大型半身像。在毛泽东执政时期，他被任命为政治局委员。

This is a sharp shift in emphasis. For decades after Deng Xiaoping opened up the Chinese economy to the world in the late 1970s, the idea of self-reliance was played down, though it still popped up in formulaic declarations of loyalty to Mao.

这标志着政策重点的急剧转向。自邓小平于1970年代末开启中国经济的对外开放后，数十年间，自力更生理念虽仍出现在对毛泽东的公式化效忠宣言中，但整体上已被淡化。

It became “associated in China with North Korea, a byword for grim backwardness and deprivation,” said Richard McGregor, the author of “The Party,” a book on China’s political system, and a senior fellow for East Asia at the Lowy Institute, an Australian research center. “It was a totally negative concept.”

这个口号一度“在中国与朝鲜联系在一起，朝鲜是可怕的落后和贫困的代名词”，澳大利亚洛伊研究所东亚问题高级研究员、有关中国政治体系的著作《党》(The Party)一书的作者马利德(Richard McGregor)说。“完全是个负面的概念。”

“Nowadays, under Xi, a policy of self-reliance is tied to visions of high-tech independence, security and advancement, a kind of digital nirvana with Chinese characteristics,” Mr. McGregor said.

“如今在习近平领导下，自力更生的政策与实现高科技独立、安全和进步的愿景紧密相连，构筑出具有中国特色的数字极乐世界，”马利德说。

That policy, though far from the economic autarky promoted by Mao or North Korea, still sees the outside world as a threat. But it is now focused on investing, to make sure China is never dependent on — and therefore vulnerable to — the West, particularly for critical technologies like semiconductors and computer operating systems.

这一政策虽然远非毛泽东或朝鲜推动的经济自给自足，但仍然将外部世界视为威胁。只不过现在它的重点是投资，以确保中国永远不会依赖西方，从而避免陷入脆弱境地，特别是在半导体和计算机操作系统等关键技术方面。

The new meaning of self-reliance has allowed Dazhai to reinvent itself, changing from a beacon of rural anticapitalist fervor into a hive of capitalist commerce. Former farmers run shops selling Mao trinkets, locally distilled grain liquor and enamel mugs celebrating the “Dazhai spirit.” For visitors with serious cases of nostalgia, some restaurants offer noodles garnished with tree bark, a throwback to China’s days of hunger.

自力更生的新含义使大寨重塑自我，从农村反资本主义的灯塔变成了资本主义商业的蜂巢。以前的农民如今开着商店，出售毛泽东纪念品、本地的烧酒和歌颂“大寨精神”的搪瓷杯。一些餐馆还向充满怀旧情感的游客提供树皮装点的面条，让人回想起中国的饥荒年代。

大寨“人民公社”原来的食堂，如今已成为接待游客的餐厅。大寨村一家纪念品商店里陈列着大寨牌白酒，酒瓶标签印有文化大革命时期的宣传画。

Jia Tianlian, 74, who worked the fields during Chen’s rule, said villagers did not see much of their chief after he moved to Beijing and became enmeshed in the Cultural Revolution, a decade of political turmoil. But he remembers him as a “good man” who saved Dazhai from the worst of the period’s violence, and from ruin during catastrophic flooding in 1963.

在陈永贵掌权期间，现年74岁的贾天连（音）在大寨务农，他说，在陈永贵调往北京并卷入“文化大革命”这场长达十年的政治动荡之后，村民们就很少见到这位村长了。但在他记忆中，陈永贵是个“好人”，在那个动荡时期保护大寨没有遭受最严重的暴力事件，并在1963年灾难性洪水期间令村庄免遭毁灭。

Mr. Jia still grows lettuce and leeks on tiny patches of soil outside his home, but he long ago gave up the more substantial plots he was given after the village’s collective farm disbanded in the early 1980s. He sold them to a local farming enterprise that now controls most of the village land.

贾天连如今仍然在他家外面的小块土地上种植生菜和韭菜，但他很久以前就放弃了村里集体农场在20世纪80年代初解散后分给他的更大块的土地。他把地卖给了当地一家农业企业，该企业现在控制着村里的大部分土地。

大寨一处在半山腰开凿的窑洞，与当地许多传统民居相似。大寨村一处住宅区大门上写着“自力更生”。

His two sons left Dazhai to find work elsewhere — one as a driver, the other at a coal mine — because “no young people want to work in the fields anymore.” The single-room home he shares with his wife has posters featuring Mao and Mr. Xi, but they are dwarfed in size by a tribute to the God of Wealth.

他的两个儿子离开大寨到别处找工作——一个当司机，另一个在煤矿——因为“没有年轻人愿意再下地干活了”。他和妻子共居的单间屋里挂着毛泽东和习近平的海报，但这两幅画像的尺寸远不及另一幅财神像。

Dazhai’s past role as a symbol of opposition to individual enterprise and wealth inequality has been carefully scrubbed from the official “red tourism” narrative, which is aimed at solidifying loyalty to the party by trumpeting a sanitized history of sacrifice in pursuit of unwavering goals.

大寨曾经作为反对个体经营和财富差距的象征，如今这个角色已被小心翼翼地从官方的“红色旅游”叙事中抹去。官方这种叙事旨在宣扬一段为追求坚定不移的目标而牺牲的净化版历史，来巩固对党的忠诚。

Some have failed to keep up with the script.

有些人未能跟上这套说辞。

Li Yanliang, a former farmer, got a job, thanks to Chen, in the leadership compound in Beijing and later returned home to open a small restaurant in Dazhai. It has a curtained-off dining area decorated with old photographs and propaganda posters featuring Jiang Qing, Mao’s fourth and last wife.

在陈永贵的帮助下，曾是农民的李彦良（音）在北京的领导大院谋得一份差事，后来他回到家乡，在大寨开了一家小饭馆。餐厅有一个用窗帘隔开的用餐区，装饰着老照片和宣传海报，其中有毛泽东的第四任也是最后一任妻子江青。

曾经的农民李彦良在大寨的自家餐馆里。江青的照片，她是毛泽东的第四任也是最后一位妻子，如今在中国共产党版本的历史中已成为一个遭人唾弃的人物。

Mr. Li said he was not showing support for Jiang, who was arrested after Mao’s death and has been largely written out of party history, except as a kind of evil witch. He said he just wanted to record the fact that she visited Dazhai twice and always supported the village.

李彦良说他并不是在表示对江青的支持——江青在毛泽东死后被捕，除了被塑造成邪恶的毒妇之外，已经基本上从党史中抹去。他说，他只是想记录下她两次前来大寨并一直支持这个村子的事实。

Reminded that official history reviles her as a murderous, leftist fanatic, he answered: “The past is the past.”

提起官方历史将她诋毁为凶残的左派狂热分子时，他回答说：“过去的就让它过去吧。”

Chen, the former party boss, was also a fanatic — he saw eye to eye with Pol Pot, Cambodia’s genocidal Khmer Rouge leader, who visited Dazhai in 1977 — but is revered by “red tourists” for his devotion to the party.

曾是中共领导人的陈永贵本人也是个狂热分子——他和1977年来访的柬埔寨红色高棉领袖、种族灭绝罪犯波尔布特志同道合——但“红游”游客仍把他奉为对党无限忠诚的楷模。

His framed black-and-white photograph sits atop a table at the entrance to his former home, next to a bust of Mao. Before each is a pile of cigarettes left as offerings by reverential visitors. (Chen died of lung cancer.)

他老家的门口桌上摆着他的黑白照和毛泽东胸像，前面各有一堆游客敬献的香烟。（陈永贵死于肺癌。）

The devotion leaves some visitors cold. Li Wen, a 51-year-old businessman from Xi’an, said he had only come to Dazhai because three elderly relatives wanted to make the trip. “I don’t really care about any of this stuff,” he said, adding: “None of it exists anymore, but people who remember it are nostalgic.”

一些游客对这种狂热没有什么兴趣。51岁的西安商人李闻（音）说他来大寨只是因为家里三位长辈想来，“我对这些东西其实无感。”他还说，“早就没这些事了，但经历过的人怀旧”。

Huang Xiaoming, one of a group of party members visiting from Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi, insisted there was more at work than nostalgia. He pointed to “self-reliance” as the key to China’s extraordinary economic growth since Mao’s death.

来自山西省会太原的一群党员游客中，黄小明（音）坚持认为不止是怀旧。他把毛泽东去世后中国惊人的经济增长归功于“自力更生”。

陈永贵故居内，游客留下的香烟供品。大寨人民公社旧址的游客手持党旗合影。他们身后是习近平呼吁奋斗精神的口号。

He led his fellow travelers in a group photo shoot, with a big Communist Party flag, in a courtyard where large red characters on a wall screamed a quote from Mr. Xi: “Happiness only comes from struggle.”

他带着同伴在一处院子里举着一面巨大的党旗合影，墙上红字写着习近平的名言：“幸福都是奋斗出来的。”

Many older Chinese fear that this message has been lost on younger generations. “They never had to experience hardship,” grumbled Yuan Guoqiang, 65, who was visiting with his wife.

很多老年人担心年轻人已经听不进这句话。65岁的袁国强（音）和老伴一起来参观，嘟囔说：“他们没吃过苦。”

“We still need the Dazhai spirit,” he said.

“现在还是需要大寨精神，”他说。

At the center of the village stands a weeping willow once known as “the tree of suffering,” where, visitors were told, landlords used to whip disobedient laborers, sometimes so fiercely that they died. After the Communist Party seized power and executed landlords, the story went, it became “the happy man tree.”

村子中央有一棵曾经叫“苦人树”的垂柳，据说解放前地主会在这里鞭打不听话的长工，有时打得太狠会把人打死。共产党夺权后枪毙地主，这棵树就改名“乐人树”了。

To keep it from falling over, the aged tree is now propped up by a concrete post, shaped to look like a tree trunk. But this local landmark, a reminder of the brutality that Chinese people inflicted on each other before and after the 1949 revolution, is no longer an official stop on guided tours of Dazhai.

老树快要倒了，现在用一根伪装成树干的水泥柱子撑着。但这个曾提醒人们1949年前后中国人互相施加暴行的当地地标已不再是大寨导游路线上的一个官方景点。

大寨铁栅栏上锈迹斑斑的宣传画。

President Trump welcomed Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s autocratic leader, to the White House on Tuesday, hailing him as a protector of human rights and a frequent phone friend. And in a remarkable Oval Office outburst, Mr. Trump defended him against a U.S. intelligence report that he had ordered the murder of a journalist.

周二，特朗普总统在白宫迎接沙特阿拉伯的专制领导人穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼王储，称赞他是人权守护者，还称两人是常通电话的好友。在椭圆形办公室，他勃然大怒，就美国情报部门有关王储下令谋杀记者的报告为王储做出了辩护。

It was a chummy scene that underscored the president’s desire to maintain strong relations with Saudi Arabia during a tumultuous period in the Middle East. Mr. Trump’s defense of his guest obscured the crown prince’s role in cracking down on domestic dissent and in the killing and dismemberment of a Washington Post columnist, Jamal Khashoggi, in 2018.

这一亲密场景凸显出总统希望在中东局势动荡之际维持与沙特阿拉伯的紧密关系。特朗普对这位客人的辩护掩盖了王储在国内对异见人士的镇压，以及他在2018年《华盛顿邮报》专栏作家贾迈勒·卡舒吉遇害并被肢解事件中所扮演的角色。

“We’ve been really good friends for a long period of time,” Mr. Trump told reporters, cabinet officials and members of the Saudi delegation who had gathered there. “We’ve always been on the same side of every issue.”

“我们多年来一直是非常好的朋友，”特朗普对在场的记者、内阁官员和沙特代表团成员说，“在所有问题上，我们始终站在同一立场。”

The 42-minute appearance contained plenty of talk about business deals and diplomatic partnerships, as well as a presidential fit over pointed questions from reporters that was striking even for Mr. Trump, who is no stranger to televised dramatics. As he berated a reporter for asking about Mr. Khashoggi’s murder and about people who have accused the Saudi government of supporting the hijackers behind the Sept. 11 attacks, Mr. Trump brushed off the killing, appearing even more agitated about the question than his guest of honor.

这场时长42分钟的公开露面中，两人谈及大量商业交易和外交伙伴关系，记者的尖锐提问还引发了总统的情绪爆发，即便对热衷电视戏剧性场面的特朗普来说，这也颇为罕见。当一名记者问及卡舒吉遇害案，以及有人指控沙特政府支持9·11恐怖袭击劫机者时，特朗普怒斥记者，对这一问题的激动程度甚至超过了身旁的贵宾。

“A lot of people didn’t like that gentleman that you’re talking about,” Mr. Trump said, referring to Mr. Khashoggi. Mr. Trump defended the crown prince, who sat next to him, looking down and inspecting his hands: “Whether you like him, or didn’t like him, things happen. But he knew nothing about it, and we can leave it at that. You don’t have to embarrass our guest by asking a question like that.”

“很多人都不喜欢你说的那位先生，”特朗普指的是卡舒吉。他为坐在身旁、低头看着自己双手的王储辩护。“不管你喜欢他还是不喜欢他，事情已经发生了。但他对此一无所知，我们就说到这儿。你没必要问这种问题让我们的客人难堪。”

Throughout their joint appearance, Mr. Trump seemed more interested in producing a smooth, lavish visit that could pave the way for up to $1 trillion of Saudi investment into the United States than the implications of the findings of U.S. intelligence agencies. During the Biden administration, U.S. intelligence officials released a report that determined that the crown prince had ordered Mr. Khashoggi’s killing, but declined to take direction against the crown prince. Prince Mohammed has denied his involvement.

在两人共同亮相的全过程中，特朗普似乎更在意如何打造一场顺利、盛大的访问，为沙特向美国注入高达1万亿美元投资铺平道路，而不是去关注美国情报机构调查结果背后的深层含义。拜登政府时期，美国情报官员曾发布报告，认定王储下令杀害卡舒吉，但并未对王储采取直接行动。穆罕默德王储则否认与此事有关。

Similarly, during his first term, Mr. Trump had defended President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, who denied to Mr. Trump that his government had any involvement in meddling in the 2016 election, despite the findings of the U.S. intelligence agencies.

同样，特朗普在第一任期内也曾为俄罗斯总统普京辩护，尽管美国情报机构当时已有发现，但普京向特朗普否认其政府参与干预2016年美国大选。

“I have President Putin; he just said it’s not Russia,” Mr. Trump said at the time.

“普京总统亲口告诉我，他说不是俄罗斯干的，”特朗普当时说。

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump heaped praise and state-dinner-style honors upon the crown prince, whom he has long treated like a business partner instead of a pariah. When his guest arrived at the southern entrance of the White House, military officers on horseback trotted across the drive, flying Saudi and American flags. The treatment was more ostentatious than most visiting dignitaries receive, even for state visits.

周二，特朗普对这位王储盛赞有加，并以国宴规格礼遇。他一直将王储视为商业伙伴，而不是政治弃儿。当这位客人抵达白宫南入口时，骑兵军官挥舞着沙特和美国国旗，策马穿过车道。这样的待遇比大多数来访政要都更为隆重，甚至超过了国事访问的规格。

Adding to the ceremony was a military band, and a flyover that included several F-35 fighter jets. Mr. Trump said on Monday that he intended to sell the advanced aircraft to the Saudis, a decision that would need congressional approval. Other agreements came together, including one on artificial intelligence, a mutual defense pact and an agreement that would eventually offer Saudi Arabia access to the United States’ nuclear technology.

仪式中还有军乐队演奏，以及包括多架F-35战斗机在内的编队飞行表演。特朗普周一表示，他打算向沙特出售这种先进战机，这一决定需获得国会批准。双方还达成了其他多项协议，包括人工智能领域合作、共同防御条约，以及一项最终将允许沙特获取美国核技术的协议。

The crown prince was set to be honored Tuesday night at a welcome ceremony and a black-tie dinner at the White House attended by major business leaders, including the billionaire and former Trump adviser Elon Musk. On Wednesday, he is scheduled to participate with the president in an investment conference at Washington’s Kennedy Center.

周二晚间，王储将在白宫出席欢迎仪式和正装晚宴，众多商界领袖将出席，其中包括亿万富翁、前特朗普顾问埃隆·马斯克。周三，他将与总统一同参加在华盛顿肯尼迪中心举行的投资会议。

Ahead of the visit, Mr. Trump had hinted that he wanted the Saudis to agree to normalize relations with Israel and sign onto the Abraham Accords, a set of diplomatic agreements that normalized relations between Israel and three Arab states during the first Trump administration.

访问前夕，特朗普曾暗示，希望沙特同意与以色列实现关系正常化，并加入《亚伯拉罕协议》，这一系列外交协议是特朗普第一任期内促成的，实现了以色列与三个阿拉伯国家的关系正常化。

But it was clear that was not on the table for this visit. “Israel will be very happy,” Mr. Trump insisted, when pressed about failing to secure Saudi Arabia’s commitment on that front. “Israel is aware, and they’re going to be very happy.”

但显然，此次访问并未将此事提上议程。当被追问未能争取到沙特在这一问题上的承诺时，特朗普坚称：“以色列会非常高兴的，他们知道情况，肯定会很高兴。”

To fulfill the rest of his 20-point plan to rebuild Gaza and his desire to increase participation in the Abraham Accords, Mr. Trump will need to keep the Saudis engaged, analysts said.

分析人士表示，为了实现特朗普重建加沙的20点计划，以及扩大《亚伯拉罕协议》参与范围，特朗普需要保持沙特的参与度。

“Part of his incentive is to wine and dine the Saudi leadership and lay the groundwork for that eventuality of normalizing with Israel,” said Khaled Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Quincy Institute, a foreign policy think tank. But, he added, “from the Saudi point of view, they’re getting a lot of the package that had been put forward, without normalizing.”

“他的部分动机是款待沙特领导层，为最终实现同以色列关系正常化奠定基础，”外交政策智库昆西研究所高级研究员哈立德·埃尔金迪说。但他还说：“从沙特的角度来看，他们无需实现正常化，就已经得到了大部分承诺的利益。”

On Tuesday, all of those details seemed secondary to Mr. Trump’s interest in showing off the White House, which he is remodeling in his image.

周二当天，对特朗普而言，所有这些似乎都不如展示白宫更重要——他正在按照自己的风格对白宫进行改造。

At one point, Mr. Trump stopped to show the prince a wall of presidential portraits, including the photo of an autopen hanging in the space where the portrait of former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. would be. And the president made clear he was not interested in giving any credit to a predecessor whose administration had opted to preserve the strategic relationship between the two countries rather than take direct action against the crown prince for Mr. Khashoggi’s murder.

期间，特朗普停下脚步，向王储展示了总统肖像墙，其中前总统拜登肖像本该悬挂的位置，挂着一幅自动签名机的照片。总统还明确表示，他无意对前任给予任何认可——拜登政府当时选择维持两国战略关系，而非因卡舒吉遇害案对王储采取直接行动。

“Trump doesn’t give a fist bump,” Mr. Trump said, referring to himself, and also to the greeting between Mr. Biden and the crown prince in 2022. He gestured to the crown prince: “I grabbed that hand. I don’t give a hell where that hand’s been. I grabbed that.”

“特朗普可不搞碰拳礼，”特朗普这样描述自己，同时也指涉了2022年拜登与王储的见面礼节，同时，他指向身旁的王储说：“我直接握住这只手。我才不管这只手之前碰过哪里，我就是握住它。”

Mr. Trump also seemed eager to establish his friendship with the crown prince.

特朗普似乎还急于强调自己与王储的友谊。

“I can call him almost any time,” Mr. Trump said. “When you love your job, when you love your country, and when you’re in a position like we are — future king, highly respected crown prince, and in my case, president, you’re thinking about your country.”

“我几乎随时都能给他打电话，”特朗普说，“当你热爱自己的工作、热爱自己的国家，而且身处我们这样的位置——未来的国王、备受尊敬的王储，而我是总统，你满脑子想的都是自己的国家。”

Britain’s domestic intelligence agency warned on Tuesday that China has been using headhunters on LinkedIn and other covert operatives in an effort to recruit and compromise lawmakers and parliamentary staff members.

英国国内情报机构周二警告称，中国一直在利用领英上的猎头及其他秘密特工，试图招募并策反英国议员和议会工作人员。

The warning came just two months after a political scandal erupted in Britain over the collapse of an espionage case against a parliamentary researcher and a teacher accused of funneling sensitive information to Beijing.

此前两个月，英国曾爆发政治丑闻：一名议会研究员和一名教师因涉嫌向北京输送敏感信息而被控间谍罪，但案件最终撤诉。

Tuesday’s espionage alert from the agency, MI5, warned lawmakers that the Chinese foreign intelligence service, the Ministry of State Security, had been secretly targeting members of Parliament, government staff members, political consultants, economists and think tank employees.

军情五处此次发布的间谍警报指出，中国对外情报机构国家安全部一直在秘密锁定英国议会议员、政府工作人员、政治顾问、经济学家和智库人员。

“China is attempting to recruit and cultivate individuals with access to sensitive information about Parliament and the U.K. government,” Dan Jarvis, the security minister, said in a statement in the House of Commons.

“中国正试图招募和培植能够接触到英国议会及政府敏感信息的人员，”安全大臣丹·贾维斯在下议院的声明中表示。

“This activity involves a covert and calculated attempt by a foreign power to interfere with our sovereign affairs,” he said, adding that the British government “will take all necessary measures to protect our national interest, our citizens and our democratic way of life.”

“此类活动是一个外国政权以隐蔽且精心策划的方式干涉我国主权事务的行为，”他还说，英国政府“将采取一切必要措施保护国家利益、公民安全及民主生活方式”。

The alert, which was seen by The New York Times, identified two headhunters — Amanda Qiu, the chief executive of BP-YR Executive Search, a company in Beijing, and Shirly Shen of Internship Union, based in Hong Kong — as two “civilian recruitment headhunters” that it said had been used by the Ministry of State Security to target people in Britain.

《纽约时报》看到的这份警报指出，北京BP-YR Executive Search公司首席执行官邱璐以及香港“义工实习计划”的雪莉·沈（音）是国家安全部用于在英国锁定目标的“平民猎头”。

Neither Ms. Qiu or Ms. Shen immediately responded to requests for comment sent on LinkedIn.

邱璐和雪莉·沈均未回应通过领英发送的置评请求。

“The headhunters are typically China-based individuals who make initial contact with a target before referring them to an officer,” the MI5 alert said.

“这些猎头通常是中国境内人士，先与目标对象建立初步联系，再将其转介给情报官员，”军情五处的警报称。

贾维斯于周二向议会发表演讲。

The alert said that the headhunters can use fake or legitimate companies to hide their work with the Chinese intelligence services. “Using these companies they will either engage in person or using online platforms such as LinkedIn,” it said. “They often maintain some form of cover for the entire relationship.”

警报指出，猎头可能利用虚假或合法公司掩盖其与中国情报机构的合作。“他们会通过这些公司，以当面接触或领英等网络平台开展活动，且在整个合作关系中往往会保持着某种掩护身份。”

It added that targets would “typically be approached to work as freelance consultants authoring geopolitical reports.” Chinese intelligence officers had “a low threshold for what information is considered to be of value,” it said, but “individual pieces of information fit into a wider collection effort.”

警报还提到，目标对象“通常会受邀以自由顾问身份撰写地缘政治报告”。中国情报官员“对有价值信息的界定门槛很低”，但是“单个信息碎片会融入更广泛的情报收集工作中”。

A statement posted to the website of the Chinese Embassy in London on Tuesday said: “These claims by the U.K. side are pure fabrication and malicious slander. We strongly condemn such despicable moves of the U.K. side and have lodged stern representations with them.”

中国驻伦敦大使馆周二在官网发表声明称：“英方说法纯属无中生有、任意捏造、恶意诽谤，我们对此予以强烈谴责，并已向英方提出严正交涉。”

Last month, Ken McCallum, the director general of MI5, said in a speech that China was engaging in cyberespionage and the theft of advanced secrets, and had conducted “efforts to interfere covertly in U.K. public life.”

上月，军情五处处长肯·麦卡勒姆在演讲中表示，中国一直在从事网络间谍活动和窃取先进机密，还实施行动，“暗中干预英国公共生活”。

The alert sent to members of Parliament on Tuesday had the potential to revive the political debate over the case dropped in September. The decision not to bring the case to trial roiled politics in London for weeks.

周二发给议员的这份警报可能会重新引发关于9月撤诉一事的政治争议。当时的撤诉决定在伦敦政坛引发了数周的动荡。

Senior members of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government have repeatedly said that it was the decision of Stephen Parkinson, the director of public prosecutions, to drop the case against Christopher Cash, a parliamentary researcher, and Christopher Berry, a teacher. Mr. Parkinson said that the government’s unwillingness to call China a threat at the time the pair were detained meant he could not charge them under the Official Secrets Act.

首相斯塔默政府的高级成员多次表示，撤销对议会研究员克里斯托弗·卡什和教师克里斯托弗·贝里的指控是检察总长斯蒂芬·帕金森的决定。帕金森称，两人被捕时政府不愿将中国列为威胁，这意味着他无法根据《官方保密法》对二人提起诉讼。

But Mr. Starmer’s critics claimed that the prime minister and his aides had not done enough to help prosecutors make the case against Mr. Cash and Mr. Berry. That, they said, reflected the Labour government’s desire to maintain trade links with China.

但斯塔默的批评者声称，首相及其助手未能充分协助检方推进对卡什和贝里的起诉，这反映出工党政府希望维持与中国的贸易联系。

In his statement in Parliament, Mr. Jarvis did not say how successful the Chinese spies had been in penetrating the parliamentary networks or gaining access to sensitive information. But he vowed on behalf of the government to aggressively fight Chinese spying efforts.

贾维斯在议会的声明中，并未透露中国间谍在渗透议会网络或获取敏感信息方面取得了多大成功，但他代表政府誓言将坚决打击中国的间谍活动。

“We will not hesitate to hold all state actors to account,” he said.

“我们将毫不犹豫地追究所有国家行为体的责任。”他说。

He also announced that the government would take several steps to try to counter China’s efforts to spy on government officials and private businesses across the country.

他还宣布，政府将采取多项措施，应对中国针对英国各地政府官员和私营企业的间谍行为。

He said the government would spend 170 million pounds, or about $230 million, to upgrade the computer systems in Parliament and throughout government to better strengthen the security of the networks.

贾维斯表示，政府将投入1.7亿英镑（约合2.3亿美元），升级议会及全国政府部门的计算机系统，以进一步加强网络安全。

British officials will also do more to ensure the reliability of elections in Britain and work with companies that produce advanced technology, Mr. Jarvis said. He also said that government ministers would meet with top university officials to help protect universities against efforts by the Chinese government to covertly influence what is taught in classes across the country.

英国官员还将采取更多措施确保本国选举的可靠性，并与先进技术生产企业开展合作。此外，政府大臣将与顶尖高校负责人会面，帮助高校防范中国政府试图秘密影响全国课堂教学内容的行为。

As one of the world’s most prolific lenders, China has paid out more than a trillion dollars in loans to the developing world to fund roads in Africa, ports in South America and railroads in Central Asia.

作为全球放贷规模最大的国家之一，中国已向发展中国家提供超过1万亿美元贷款，用于资助非洲的公路、南美的港口和中亚的铁路项目建设。

But the biggest recipient of its financing over the past two decades has been the United States, where Chinese banks have extended $200 billion in financial support to American companies and projects, according to AidData, a research institute at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Va.

但根据弗吉尼亚州威廉玛丽学院研究机构AidData的数据，过去20年里，中国的最大融资对象是美国，中国各银行已向美国企业和项目提供了2000亿美元的金融支持。

The money poured into the construction of pipelines, data centers and airport terminals, and it helped to grease the wheels of corporate financing for U.S. companies like Tesla, Amazon, Disney and Boeing. By 2017, some of this financing started to raise alarms in Washington.

这些资金涌向油气管道、数据中心和机场航站楼的建设，助力特斯拉、亚马逊、迪士尼和波音等美国企业融资顺畅运转。截至2017年，这类融资中的部分项目开始引发美国政府警惕。

In all, Chinese state-owned firms have provided $2.2 trillion in loans and grants around the world since 2000, a figure two to four times larger than previously thought, according to Brad Parks, the lead author of a report that AidData released on Tuesday, which draws on information from more than 30,000 projects in over 100 countries.

AidData周二发布的一份报告显示，2000年以来，中国国有企业已在全球范围内提供了2.2万亿美元贷款和赠款，这一数字比此前预估高出二至四倍。该报告的主要作者布拉德·帕克斯表示，研究数据来源于100多个国家的3万多个项目。

Covering the period from 2000 to 2023, the study provides a fuller picture of China’s role as an international creditor. It outlines how Beijing has used its financial resources to position itself in strategic sectors and establish potential supply chain chokeholds. It touches on deals that continue to raise concerns in the West, like the acquisition of Nexperia, a company recently thrust into the middle of a geopolitical battle for control of semiconductor supply chains.

这项覆盖2000年至2023年的研究更为全面地呈现了中国作为国际债权人的角色。报告概述了中国如何利用金融资源在战略领域布局，建立潜在的供应链控制点。其中涉及一些持续引发西方担忧的交易，例如近期卷入半导体供应链地缘政治争夺战的荷兰安世半导体收购案。

Most of China’s financing in the developing world has been loans to governments for big projects, but that has increasingly shifted to emergency lending as the borrowing countries have fallen deep into debt. In the developed world, Beijing’s focus has been more commercial. The AidData figures do not include China’s $730 billion holdings of U.S. Treasury securities.

中国对发展中国家的融资大多是向政府提供的大型项目贷款，但随着借款国深陷债务危机，这类融资已逐渐转向紧急贷款。而在发达国家，中国的融资重点更偏向商业领域。AidData的统计未包含中国持有的7300亿美元美国国债。

Since 2000, China has become a financial powerhouse, with deep-pocketed, state-owned financial institutions and policy banks that have a mandate to fulfill Beijing’s political ambitions. Its overseas lending accelerated after 2013 under its top leader, Xi Jinping, who used China’s coffers to shell out more than $1 trillion in loans for infrastructure projects in developing countries through its Belt and Road Initiative.

2000年以来，中国已成为金融强国，拥有资金雄厚的国有金融机构和政策性银行，这些机构肩负着实现中国政治抱负的使命。2013年以来，在中国最高领导人习近平的推动下，中国通过“一带一路”倡议，动用国库资金，向发展中国家的基础设施项目发放了超过1万亿美元贷款，海外放贷迅速增长。

2022年，印度尼西亚万隆市一项由中国提供资金的铁路项目。

That sprawling program gave Beijing leverage in parts of the world that had been overlooked by Western powers. The program has been criticized for creating unaffordable levels of debt and for directing contracts to China’s own companies, which, at times, has resulted in problematic projects.

这一庞大计划让中国在西方大国忽视的部分地区获得了影响力，但也因导致借款国债务负担过重、将合同定向授予中国本土企业，有时导致存在问题的项目而受到批评。

More recently, China has scaled back its lending to poorer countries, while extending more credit to wealthier ones like Australia and the United Kingdom. It now lends just as much to high-income countries as to the developing world — $1 trillion, according to AidData.

近年来，中国减少了对较贫穷国家的放贷规模，同时增加了对澳大利亚、英国等富裕国家的信贷支持。AidData的报告显示，目前中国对高收入国家和发展中国家的放贷规模相当，均为1万亿美元。

China’s loans to developed nations are typically lines of credit to governments and major companies. The lenders are often state-owned institutions, like the Bank of China and the Agricultural Bank of China. Some of them are publicly listed and rank among the world’s biggest banks, but many experts regard them warily because they are sometimes required to fulfill the Chinese Communist Party’s policy mandates.

中国向发达国家提供的贷款通常是向政府和大型企业发放的信贷额度，放贷机构多为中国银行、中国农业银行等国有银行。其中部分机构已公开上市，跻身全球最大银行之列，但许多专家对它们保持警惕——因为它们有时需要执行中国共产党的政策指令。

Their financing has flowed to sectors like critical minerals, infrastructure and sensitive technology like semiconductors, areas that experts warn could give Beijing an economic hold on strategic commodity reserves, supply chains and maritime choke points.

这些融资流入关键矿产、基础设施、半导体等敏感技术领域。专家警告，这可能让中国在战略商品储备、供应链和海上咽喉要道方面获得经济控制权。

“These bankers tend to lend to profitable projects, but they are often also forced to pay attention to the diktats of the Communist Party,” said Andrew Collier, a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School and former president of the Bank of China International in the United States.

“这些银行家通常会向盈利项目放贷，但他们也经常被迫遵守共产党的指令。”哈佛大学肯尼迪学院高级研究员、前中银国际美国分行总裁柯安迪(Andrew Collier)表示。

“The chairmen of the four biggest state-owned banks are all players at the poker table at the highest level of government in China,” Mr. Collier said.

“中国四大国有银行的行长都是中国最高层政府决策圈的重要参与者。”柯安迪还说。

Chinese state-owned lenders extended more than $335 billion in credit for mergers and acquisitions in dozens of countries, and three-quarters of the funding went to buyers from China in sectors including robotics, biotechnology and quantum information, according to the AidData research.

AidData的研究显示，中国国有放贷机构已向数十个国家的并购交易提供超过3350亿美元信贷，其中四分之三的资金流向中国收购方，涉及机器人、生物技术、量子信息等领域。

位于德国汉堡的安世半导体工厂。这家芯片制造商近期被荷兰政府接管，此前一家中国公司收购其控股权。

Some of these deals have since come undone. In 2019, the Chinese company Wingtech Technology acquired a controlling stake in Nexperia, a chipmaker headquartered in the Netherlands. Earlier this year, the Dutch government took control of Nexperia after Washington introduced regulations that would have imposed strict controls on its operations because its Chinese owner was on a sanctions list.

部分此类交易后来已告中止。2019年，中国企业闻泰科技收购了总部位于荷兰的芯片制造商安世半导体的控股权。今年早些时候，因美国将这家中国控股方列入黑名单并对其实施严格运营管制，荷兰政府随即接管了安世。

In the United States, Chinese institutions’ funding activities have ranged from day-to-day commercial financing for companies to the bankrolling of construction projects for liquefied natural gas and gas pipelines. They also include financing some of the most scrutinized acquisitions by Chinese companies with close ties to the government.

在美国，中国机构的融资活动涵盖范围广泛：从企业日常商业融资到液化天然气和天然气管道建设项目的资金支持，还包括为一些与中国政府关系密切的中资企业备受审视的收购案提供资金。

An attempt by an investor with ties to Beijing to buy the Oregon-based Lattice Semiconductor Corporation was blocked by President Trump during his first term. Not long after, Congress strengthened its review of Chinese investments. It has since become significantly more difficult for China to finance acquisitions in sensitive sectors in the United States.

特朗普在第一任期内曾阻止与北京有关联的投资者收购俄勒冈州莱迪思半导体公司。不久后，美国国会加强了对中资投资的审查。此后，中国在美敏感领域进行收购融资的难度显著增加。

The older generation always discounts the workplace complaints of the younger generation. In my 20s, there seemed to be an endless supply of commentary about how we millennials were lazy and entitled, just like the members of Generation X before us were slackers. Members of Gen Z get the bad rap of being “unemployable,” because apparently they do not prize achievement for its own sake, or they’d rather be influencers because the internet has broken their brains.

老一辈人总爱对年轻一代的职场抱怨不以为然。在我二十多岁的时候，舆论似乎没完没了地评论我们千禧一代如何懒惰、自以为是，就像当年说X世代是懒虫一样。如今Z世代又被贴上“没法胜任工作”的标签，只因他们不求上进，或是想当网红——仿佛互联网摧毁了他们的理智。

Gen Z-ers don’t even deserve this perfunctory slander, because the entire process of getting and keeping an entry-level job has become a grueling and dehumanizing ordeal over the past decade.

Z世代其实不该背负这种草率的诋毁，因为过去十年间，找到并保住一份入门级工作的整个过程，已经变成了一场令人筋疲力尽、失去人性的折磨。

Certainly the job market seems grim in this moment. Michael Madowitz, the principal economist at the Roosevelt Institute, described it as “an awful traffic jam.” “If you’re just out of college, you’re trying to merge into a freeway and nobody is letting you in,” he explained. Employers at companies like Airbnb and Intuit almost sound excited talking to The Wall Street Journal about staying lean and culling the number of employees they have, as long as it creates short-term profits.

眼下的就业市场确实显得严峻。罗斯福研究所的首席经济学家迈克尔·马多维茨形容它像“一场可怕的大塞车”。他说：“如果你刚从大学毕业，就像在试图并入一条高速公路，而没人愿意让你进来。”像爱彼迎和Intuit这些公司的管理层在接受《华尔街日报》采访时，对于如何保持精简、削减员工人数来换取短期利润几乎是津津乐道的态度。

But the whole experience of work for young people has been tortured for far longer than the economy has been stalled. Earlier this year, my colleague David Brooks spoke to a college senior who called young Americans “the most rejected generation,” describing the hypercompetition that has bled into all aspects of life, even for the most privileged college-educated strivers.

早在眼下的经济停滞期开始之前，职场的体验对年轻人来说就已经是煎熬了。今年早些时候，我的同事戴维·布鲁克斯与一名大四学生对话，后者称美国年轻人是“被拒绝最多的一代”，激烈的竞争已渗透生活的各个角落，即便是享有特权的名校精英亦难幸免。

Because most job applications are submitted online, the bar to applying is so much lower than it was in the analog world decades ago, and so for any open role, applicants are competing with hundreds of people. The sense of scarcity and lack starts earlier, because so many selective colleges boast about their record-low admissions rates.

因为如今大多数求职申请都是在线提交的，比几十年前纸质申请的门槛低得多，所以每一个空缺职位都意味着要与上百个竞争者较量。资源稀缺和匮乏的感觉，则开始的更早，毕竟众多精英大学还在得意地宣称录取率达到了史上最低。

But now artificial intelligence is performing the first few rounds of culling, including early screening, which is further dehumanizing and gamifying the application process. Richard Yoon, who is an economics major at Columbia, told me that when his peers have multiple interviews for jobs in finance, he asks if they heard back from any of them. They tell him: “You don’t understand. Like 19 of those 20 interviews were with bots.”

如今人工智能更承担了初步的筛选工作，包括首轮简历筛选，这使求职过程进一步非人化，沦为游戏规则。哥伦比亚大学经济学专业学生理查德·尹告诉我，当他的同学在金融业经过多轮面试后，他问及后续进展时总是得到这样的回答：“你不明白。20场面试里至少有19场是和机器人在聊。”

It’s customary for job seekers to review their résumés for keywords they think A.I. likes, Yoon told me, so that they might have a chance of getting through the digitized gantlet and one day making human contact that could possibly lead to a job offer. Or at the very least a real-life networking connection. Yoon called the process “dystopian.”

尹告诉我，求职者如今都习惯在简历里堆砌自以为人工智能偏好的关键词，只有这样，他们才有可能闯过数字化筛选的关卡，获得与真人接触的机会，进而争取工作邀约。或者至少建立起真实的职场人脉。他称这是个“反乌托邦”的过程。

But once you actually have a job, the real dystopia begins. Young people feel as if jobs offer far less mentorship and more micromanaging. Stevie Stevens, who is 27 and lives in Columbus, Ohio, told me that she left a full-time job in July at an exhibition design and production firm because she felt hyperscrutinized and undersupported. “Managers expect you to do six jobs in a 40-hour workweek. My company had mediocre benefits and offered little to no professional growth or training,” she told me.

但踏入职场后，真正的反乌托邦才开始。年轻人感到工作中的指导扶持变少了，而微管理却无处不在。27岁的斯蒂薇·史蒂文斯现居俄亥俄州哥伦布市，她告诉我，她在7月辞去了在一家展览设计与制作公司的全职工作，因为她觉得自己被过度审视却缺乏支持。她说，“经理们希望你在每周40小时的工作时间内完成六个人的工作。公司福利平平，难以获得职业成长或培训机会。”

Stevens also said that what she calls “surveillance state technologies” — apps that synthesized her personal data to determine her level of effort — are part of that feeling of micromanagement. Though she doesn’t have benefits through work now and deals with more uncertainty as a freelancer, she is happier because she has autonomy and control over her time and her efforts.

史蒂文斯还提到她所谓的“监控国家的技术”——那些通过整合个人数据来评估工作投入度的应用程序——正是她感到被过度管理的来源之一。尽管如今自由职业缺乏福利保障且收入不稳，她却因能自主掌控时间与工作节奏而备感轻松。

For the past several years, employers have used “bossware” to track worker productivity. A Times investigation in 2022 found that across professional fields and pay grades, employers were tracking keyboard use, movements and phone calls, and docking employees for time that they perceived to be “idle.”

过去几年，雇主一直在使用所谓的“老板软件”来追踪员工的工作效率。《纽约时报》在2022年的一项调查发现，在各个职业领域和薪资等级中，雇主都在监控键盘使用频次、移动轨迹与通话记录，并且会扣除他们认为员工在“偷懒”的时间。

That kind of tracking doesn’t account for things like conversations with peers, thinking — you know, with your brain — or, if you work in a warehouse, taking a rest so your body doesn’t fall apart. At least older workers knew a time before this tracking was ubiquitous, and at this point might be senior enough to have the leverage to push back against the most extreme types of surveillance.

这种监控方式并没有考虑到一些事情，比如同事间的交流、思考——你懂的，用大脑思考——更遑论给仓储工人留出避免身体透支的必要休憩。至少年长的员工还记得在这种监控无处不在之前的时代，如今他们的职位也足够高，有资本去抵制极端的监视行为。

It’s no wonder, then, that a working paper published by the National Bureau of Economic Research in July found that young worker despair has been rising in the United States for about a decade. Its co-authors, David Blanchflower and Alex Bryson, analyzed data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, a yearly federal health survey of 400,000 Americans, focusing on how many bad mental health days — ones described as containing “stress, depression and problems with emotions” — a worker had in the past month. They then created a mental despair measurement using the number of bad mental health days, comparing mental despair across demographic, employment and educational characteristics.

美国国家经济研究局在七月份发表的一份工作文件的发现，因此也就在意料之中了。文件称美国年轻劳动者的绝望感在过去十年里持续上升。两位合著者——戴维·布兰奇弗劳尔和亚历克斯·布赖森——分析了行为风险因素监测系统的数据，这是一项针对40万名美国人的年度联邦健康调查，重点关注过去一个月中，劳动者经历的“不好的心理健康日”的数量，即那些“充满压力、抑郁和情绪问题”的日子。他们据此建立了一个“心理绝望指数”，并将不同人口、职业和教育背景群体之间的心理绝望程度进行了对比研究。

Blanchflower and Bryson found that for workers under 25, mental health is now so poor that they are generally as unhappy as their unemployed counterparts, which is new in the past several years. The rise in despair is particularly pronounced among women and the less educated. Last year, job satisfaction for people under 25 was about 15 points lower than it was for people over 55. This was true in the same year that satisfaction rose for every other age group, according to a survey from the Conference Board. The unhappiness of young workers seemed so pronounced in the past year — whether because of the rapid rise of A.I., the uncertainty of the market, or some other rancid combination of post-Covid malaise and general disaffection.

布兰奇弗劳尔与布莱森发现，25岁以下职场群体的心理健康状况已严重恶化，其痛苦程度普遍与失业者相当——这一现象在过去几年才出现。绝望情绪的上升在女性和受教育程度较低的人群中尤为显著。去年，25岁以下人群的工作满意度比55岁以上人群低了大约15个百分点。美国世界大型企业联合会的调查显示，在同年，其他所有年龄组的满意度都在上升。年轻劳动者的不满在过去一年里尤为明显——无论是因为人工智能的迅速崛起、市场的不确定性，还是新冠疫情后的倦怠与普遍不满交织形成的某种恶劣组合。

I called Bryson to find out more about why young workers are so unhappy. He has two hypotheses. One is that the perception of work satisfaction has changed: Young people expect to be happier than previous generations were, in part because they’re using social media to compare themselves to some of their peers, only to then find themselves disappointed by the tedium of their own 9-to-5s. But the other hypothesis is in line with what I’m hearing from young people: The workplace is markedly worse.

我打电话给布赖森，想进一步了解为什么年轻劳动者如此不快乐。他提出了两个假说。其一是，工作满意度的认知发生了变化：年轻人抬高了幸福预期，部分原因是他们在社交媒体上不断与同龄人比较，结果却发现自己的朝九晚五单调乏味，从而备感失落。另一个假说则与我从年轻人那里听到的情况一致：职场环境的确变得更糟了。

Employers might not extend the workday, Bryson speculated, but the amount of work expected in each hour is “intensifying” because every move is captured and cataloged by employers. This makes employees feel as though they have no job control, which “is a fundamental tenet in terms of job quality, the idea that you feel that you have some degree of autonomy over what you’re doing rather than just being directed as an automaton,” Bryson said.

布赖森推测，虽然雇主可能并没有延长工作日的时间，但每小时被期待完成的工作量正在“加剧”，因为员工的每一个动作都被雇主记录和归档。这让员工觉得丧失了对工作的掌控力，而这种掌控感“是衡量工作质量的核心要素之一，也就是你觉得自己对所做的事情拥有一定的自主性，而不是像机器一样被人操控”，布赖森说道。

Gen Z-ers seem to be having a few disparate reactions to this state of play. Both Stevens and Yoon told me that they see entrepreneurship as potentially safer than corporate work at this point. Yoon told me he saw a family member spend decades at a Fortune 500 company only to get unceremoniously laid off, and it has made him consider a less traditional path. The other is unionization. Bryson wondered if the renewed support for unionization among young people in the United States is an antidote to this misery.

Z世代似乎对这种局面出现了几种不同的反应。斯蒂文斯和尹都告诉我，他们认为创业现在可能比在公司打工更安全。尹说，他看到一位家人在一家财富500强企业工作了几十年，却遭粗暴裁员，这促使他重新审视传统职业路径。另一种反应则是加入工会。布赖森推测，美国年轻人中对工会支持度的回升，也许正是对抗这种痛苦的一种解药。

Whatever is going to happen for Gen Z-ers as we all live through the A.I. revolution, I hope that their elders approach them with more compassion than disdain. At least I got rejected to my face when I was in my 20s, which now seems like a luxury I didn’t appreciate.

无论在人工智能革命中Z世代的命运将如何，我都希望长辈能对他们施以更多的同情而非不屑。至少我在二十多岁时遭遇的拒绝都是当面进行的——这如今看来竟成了我不曾珍惜的奢侈。

President Trump denounced calls for the release of the Epstein files as a Democratic hoax. He dispatched aides to warn Republicans that backing it would be seen as a “hostile act.” He placed personal calls to those who dared to do so, and even dispatched his attorney general and F.B.I. director to meet with one in the White House Situation Room in efforts to get her to flip.

特朗普总统曾将公布爱泼斯坦档案的呼声斥为民主党的骗局。他派助手警告共和党人，支持公开档案将被视为“敌对行为”。他亲自致电那些胆敢这样做的人，甚至派司法部长和联邦调查局局长在白宫战情室会见其中一位议员，试图让她改变态度。

In the end, none of it worked. And on Sunday night, Mr. Trump did something he has rarely been forced to do: He caved in the face of pressure from his party and called on House Republicans to go ahead and back a bill that would order his Justice Department to release all of its investigative files on the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

最终，这些做法都没有奏效。上周日晚间，特朗普做了一个他很少被迫做的事：在党内压力面前让步，呼吁众议院共和党人继续推进支持一项法案，该法案将命令司法部公布所有关于性犯罪罪犯杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的调查档案。

By Monday, he was saying, “Sure,” he would sign the legislation he has spent months trying to kill.

到了周一，他表示：“当然，”他会签署这项他在过去几个月里一直试图扼杀的法案。

It’s not clear that doing so would have any concrete impact; Mr. Trump could have ordered the release of the files without an act of Congress, and has not. And it remains to be seen whether his Justice Department will ultimately release the files.

目前尚不清楚这样做是否会带来任何实际影响；特朗普本可以在无需国会通过立法的情况下下令公布这些档案，但他没有这样做。司法部最终是否会公布这些档案也仍有待观察。

But his reversal has opened the floodgates of Republican backing for the bill, which is expected to come to a vote in the House as early as Tuesday and appears likely to pass unanimously. It has also raised questions about Mr. Trump’s ability to impose his will on Republicans and the nation, suggesting a slip in his iron grip on his party amid his falling polling numbers, rising prices and rifts within his political coalition.

但他立场的转变为共和党人支持这项法案敞开了大门。该法案最快将于周二在众议院进行表决，并很可能获得一致通过。特朗普的转变也引发了关于他能否继续对共和党和整个国家施加强大控制力的疑问，显示出他在民调下滑、物价上涨及政治联盟内部出现裂痕之际对党内的牢固掌控力有所松动。

For the first 10 months of his presidency, Mr. Trump has steered the narrative and bullied Congress into doing whatever he wanted with almost no pushback. But as Republicans gear up for midterm elections and some begin to plot a future after Mr. Trump, the Epstein episode is a rare instance in which he has lost control.

在任期的前10个月，特朗普几乎毫无阻力地主导议程，并胁迫国会按他的意愿行事。但随着共和党人为中期选举摩拳擦掌，一些人开始筹划后特朗普时代的未来，爱泼斯坦事件成为他罕见的失控之处。

For months, House Republicans had dreaded the prospect of a vote on releasing the Epstein files. Such a moment would leave them torn between pressure from a fervent base demanding that they support the release of the files and a vengeful president who was demanding the opposite.

几个月来，众议院共和党人一直惧怕就公布爱泼斯坦档案进行表决。一旦投票表决，他们将陷入两难境地：一方面，狂热的支持者要求他们支持公开档案；另一方面，报复心强烈的总统则要求他们反对。

Mr. Trump’s about-face was a bow to the inevitable that came after it had become clear that many, if not most, Republicans were planning to support the measure, wary of appearing to aid in a coverup for a sex offender.

特朗普的突然转向是在一个越来越明显的事实面前的必然让步：许多甚至是大多数共和党人都准备支持这一举措，因为他们担心被视为在协助掩盖一名性犯罪者的罪行。

Mr. Trump’s turnabout came after private conversations with Republicans, who warned him that they would have to vote to release the files because of pressure from their constituents. In those conversations, according to a person briefed on them who insisted on anonymity to discuss them, Mr. Trump acknowledged that the vote was now an inevitability, and that if they needed to support it they should do so. And he listened to Republicans who told him that his opposition was making it seem like he had something to hide.

特朗普的转变源于与共和党人的私下交谈，这些议员警告他，由于选民施压，他们必须投票支持解密文件。据一位要求匿名讨论此事的消息人士透露，在这些交谈中，特朗普承认投票已不可避免，并表示若共和党人需要支持该决议就应当这样做。同时，他也听取了共和党人的意见——他们指出，特朗普的反对立场会让人觉得他有所隐瞒。

In the end, Mr. Trump did not want to lose.

到头来，特朗普不想输。

So on Sunday night, the president drafted a post for Truth Social while flying aboard Air Force One from Florida to Washington, reversing course.

因此，上周日晚间，总统乘坐“空军一号”从佛罗里达州飞往华盛顿途中，在Truth Social平台起草了一条帖子，宣布立场反转。

“House Republicans should vote to release the Epstein files,” he wrote, “because we have nothing to hide, and it’s time to move on from this Democrat Hoax.”

“众议院共和党人应投票支持公开爱泼斯坦文件，”他写道，“因为我们没什么可隐瞒的，是时候摆脱这个民主党的骗局了。”

Mr. Trump was forced to make the pivot because he failed to sway three Republican women who had signed onto a petition that would force a vote on the bill, which would compel the Justice Department to release all of its files on Mr. Epstein within 30 days. After the petition received 218 signatures, a House majority, the rules required an eventual vote, and Speaker Mike Johnson said he would call one this week.

特朗普被迫转变立场，是因为他未能说服三位签署请愿书要求就该法案进行投票的共和党女性议员。该法案将迫使司法部在30天内公开所有与爱泼斯坦相关的文件。请愿书获得218个签名（占众议院多数席位）之后，根据规则，必须进行最终投票，众议院议长迈克·约翰逊表示将于本周召集投票。

Representative Ro Khanna, the California Democrat who is a co-sponsor of the measure, said that the vote would be an extraordinary example of a unique coalition standing up to Mr. Trump, with the backing of his MAGA base.

该法案的共同发起人、加利福尼亚州民主党众议员罗·康纳表示，这次投票是一个独特联盟挺身而出对抗总统的特殊案例，该联盟获得了特朗普MAGA票仓的支持。

“In 48 hours, we went from the president threatening to un-endorse Republicans and hauling them into the Situation Room to his surrendering to math,” said Mr. Khanna, who also predicted a unanimous vote.

“48小时内，我们见证了总统从威胁不再支持共和党人，将他们传召到战情室施压，到最终向现实低头的全过程，”康纳说，他还预测，法案将获得全票通过。

That is in part because the measure has the backing of Representative Thomas Massie, Republican of Kentucky, who is often the lone dissident who breaks with his party to oppose legislation that Mr. Trump urges the conference to support. In this case, Mr. Massie is running the show: He and Mr. Khanna are co-sponsors of the Epstein transparency bill.

部分原因在于该法案得到了肯塔基州共和党众议员托马斯·梅西的支持。梅西经常违背党派立场，成为党内唯一的异议者，反对特朗普敦促党团支持的法案。但此次，梅西是主导者：他与康纳共同发起了这项“爱泼斯坦透明化法案”。

On Monday, Mr. Trump sounded eager to move past the episode and worried about the impact it could have on him and his party.

周一，特朗普似乎急于翻过这一页，同时担忧此事可能对他本人及政党造成影响。

“Let anybody look at it, but don’t talk about it too much, because honestly I don’t want to take it away from us,” Mr. Trump told reporters in the Oval Office, calling the Epstein files “a Democrat problem.” “The whole thing is a hoax, and I don’t want to take it away from really the greatness of what the Republican Party has accomplished over the last period of time.”

“任何人都可以去看这些文件，但别整天说这个，说实话，我不想让这件事盖过我们的风头，”特朗普在椭圆形办公室告诉记者，称爱泼斯坦文件是“民主党的问题”。“整件事都是骗局，我不想让它掩盖共和党过去一段时间取得的辉煌成就。”

Asked whether he would sign the measure, he told reporters, “Sure I would.”

当被问及是否会签署该法案时，他对记者说：“我当然会。”

That raised renewed questions about whether Senator John Thune, Republican of South Dakota and majority leader, would bring the bill to a vote in that chamber. Mr. Thune had previously hinted that moving ahead with a vote was not a priority.

这再次引发疑问：南达科他州共和党参议员、参议院多数党领袖约翰·图恩是否会将该法案提交参议院投票。图恩此前曾暗示，推进这项投票并非优先事项。

But a unanimous House vote — or even a lopsided one — in favor of releasing the files would place enormous pressure on him to allow the bill to be considered in the Senate.

但如果众议院全票通过（即便只是压倒性多数通过）支持公开文件，将给图恩带来巨大压力，迫使他允许参议院审议该法案。

Senator Jacky Rosen, Democrat of Nevada, wrote to Mr. Thune last week urging him to quickly schedule a vote.

内华达州民主党参议员杰基·罗森上周致信图恩，敦促他尽快安排投票。

The United Nations Security Council on Monday approved President Trump’s peace plan for Gaza, a breakthrough that provides a legal U.N. mandate for the administration’s vision of how to move past the cease-fire and rebuild the war-ravaged Gaza Strip after two years of war.

联合国安理会周一批准了特朗普总统提出的加沙和平计划。这一突破性进展意味着美国政府关于如何在停火的基础上推进、重建历经两年战火摧残的加沙地带的构想得到了联合国在法律上的授权。

The Council’s vote was also a major diplomatic victory for the Trump administration. For the past two years, as the conflict between Israel and Hamas has raged, the United States had been isolated at the United Nations over its staunch support for Israel.

此次投票也是特朗普政府的重大外交胜利。过去两年，以色列与哈马斯冲突愈演愈烈，美国因坚定支持以色列在联合国陷入孤立。

The U.S. resolution calls for an International Stabilization Force to enter, demilitarize and govern Gaza. The proposal, which contained Mr. Trump’s 20-point cease-fire plan, also envisions a “Board of Peace” to oversee the peace plan, though it does not clarify the composition of the board.

美国提交的决议呼吁组建一支“国际稳定部队”进入加沙，负责该地区的非军事化与治理工作。这份提案包含特朗普提出的20点停火计划，还设想成立“和平委员会”，监督和平计划实施，但未明确该委员会的构成。

The resolution passed with 13 votes in favor and zero votes against. Russia and China, either of which could have vetoed it, abstained, apparently swayed by the support for the resolution from a number of Arab and Muslim nations: Egypt, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, as well as Indonesia, Turkey and Pakistan, which is a member of the Council.

决议以13票赞成、0票反对的结果通过。本可行使否决权的俄罗斯和中国选择弃权，显然是受到多个阿拉伯和穆斯林国家支持态度的影响——包括埃及、约旦、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯、阿联酋，以及安理会成员国印度尼西亚、土耳其和巴基斯坦。

Mike Waltz, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, who addressed the Council before the vote, called Gaza “hell on earth” and held up a copy of the resolution, describing it as “a lifeline.” After the vote, Mr. Waltz thanked the Council for “joining us in charting a new course for Israelis, Palestinians and all the people in the region alike.”

美国驻联合国大使迈克·沃尔茨在投票前向安理会发表讲话，称加沙已成为“人间地狱”，并举起决议文本，形容它是一条“生命线”。投票结束后，沃尔茨感谢安理会“与我们一同为以色列人、巴勒斯坦人及该地区所有民众规划新道路”。

Security Council resolutions are considered legally binding international law, and although the Council does not have a mechanism for enforcing such resolutions, it can take measures to punish violators with penalties such as sanctions.

安理会决议具有国际法约束力，尽管安理会没有强制执行机制，但可采取制裁等惩罚措施，惩戒违反决议者。

“It’s a win-win,” said Richard Gowan, the U.N. director of the International Crisis Group, a conflict-preventing organization. “It’s a diplomatic victory for Trump but also a recognition that the U.N. matters.”

“这是双赢，”致力于预防冲突的国际危机组织联合国事务主任理查德·高恩表示，“既是特朗普的外交胜利，也彰显了联合国的重要性。”

Still, the path forward is plagued by many uncertainties, with Israeli strikes continuing in Gaza and outbreaks of violence erupting in the West Bank. Among the next steps would be naming members of the Board of Peace, the body in charge of overseeing the transition in Gaza, and clarifying under whose authority the stabilization forces would operate.

不过，未来之路仍充满不确定性：以色列对加沙的空袭仍在继续，约旦河西岸也爆发了暴力冲突。后续关键步骤包括任命负责监督加沙过渡事务的“和平委员会”成员，以及明确国际稳定部队应该在谁的指挥下运作。

美国决议要求国际稳定部队进入加沙地带，实施非军事化并接管该地区的治理工作。

The resolution says that if the Palestinian Authority, which partly governs the West Bank, undergoes reforms and the redevelopment of the shattered Gaza Strip advances, the conditions “may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.”

决议指出，若部分治理约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦民族权力机构完成改革，且满目疮痍的加沙重建取得进展，“巴勒斯坦人民实现自决与建国的可信路径或许终将具备条件。”

Algeria’s ambassador to the United Nations, Amar Bendjama, the only Arab member of the Council and who was negotiating on behalf of the United Nations’ Arab Group, thanked Mr. Trump for his personal engagement in bringing the conflict in Gaza to the end. But he said the aspirations of Palestinians for a state should not be overlooked.

阿尔及利亚驻联合国大使阿马尔·本贾马是安理会唯一阿拉伯成员国代表，同时代表联合国阿拉伯集团参与谈判。他感谢特朗普亲自介入，推动加沙冲突结束，但强调巴勒斯坦人的建国诉求不应被忽视。

“Genuine peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without justice, justice for the Palestinian people, who have waited for decades for the creation of their independent state,” he said.

“中东地区的真正和平离不开正义——为数十年来等待建立独立国家的巴勒斯坦人民争取正义，”他说。

Many Council members, including France, Guyana, Pakistan, Slovenia and Somalia, had issues with the fact that the resolution did not include clear language on Palestinian statehood. But they said that they had endorsed the proposal to support the political momentum, prevent the resurgence of violence and allow much-needed humanitarian aid to flow into the enclave. They reiterated that the territorial integrity of Gaza must remain intact, and that lasting peace must be rooted in a two-state solution.

法国、圭亚那、巴基斯坦、斯洛文尼亚和索马里等多个安理会成员国对决议未明确提及巴勒斯坦建国表示不满。但它们表示，为支持政治进程、防止暴力重燃、让急需的人道主义援助进入加沙，最终认可该提案。这些国家重申，加沙的领土完整必须得到维护，持久和平必须建立在两国方案基础之上。

Still, the language in the resolution about Palestinian statehood had drawn objections from Israel, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying on Sunday that “our opposition to a Palestinian state in any territory has not changed.”

尽管如此，决议中关于巴勒斯坦建国的表述遭到以色列反对。以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡周日表示，“我们反对在任何领土上建立巴勒斯坦国的立场从未改变。”

Among the challenges the International Stabilization Force will face is how to confront Hamas’s fighters, who are still armed and present in Gaza. The resolution states that the force would be responsible for destroying military infrastructure in Gaza and decommissioning the militant groups’s weapons.

国际稳定部队将面临多项挑战，其中包括如何应对仍在加沙地带并持有武器的哈马斯武装人员。决议规定，该部队负责摧毁加沙的军事基础设施，并收缴激进组织的武器。

But Arab and Muslim countries expected to send soldiers to Gaza — Egypt, Indonesia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates — are wary of their troops’ engaging in armed clashes with Palestinian militants and of any more bloodshed turning Arab public opinion against their involvement.

但预计将向加沙派遣士兵的阿拉伯和穆斯林国家——埃及、印度尼西亚、土耳其、阿联酋——对此心存顾虑，它们担心本国军队与巴勒斯坦激进分子发生武装冲突，且更多流血事件可能引发阿拉伯民众反对其介入。

The Trump administration sought the mandate at the United Nations because those countries said they needed Security Council authorization so that their troops would not be viewed by their own populations as occupiers in Gaza.

特朗普政府寻求联合国授权，正是因为这些国家表示需要安理会的批准，避免本国军队被民众视为加沙的占领者。

Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, said on Monday: “The demilitarization of Hamas is a basic condition of the peace agreement. There will be no future in Gaza as long as Hamas possesses weapons.”

以色列驻联合国大使丹尼·达农周一表示：“哈马斯非军事化是和平协议的基本条件。只要哈马斯仍持有武器，加沙就没有未来。”

The resolution went through multiple revisions in negotiations last week and faced significant pushback from many Council members, including Europeans, who demanded more clarity on Palestinian statehood and the Board of Peace.

该决议上周在谈判中经历多次修改，遭到包括欧洲国家在内的多个安理会成员国强烈反对，这些国家要求就巴勒斯坦建国问题及和平委员会的职能作出更明确的表述。

At one point late last week, objections by China and Russia, which typically coordinate their positions around resolutions by the United States, threatened to derail the resolution altogether. Russia drafted its own 10-point counterresolution on Gaza, which called outright for Palestinian statehood and said the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza should be joined as a state under the Palestinian Authority.

上周晚些时候，向来在涉美决议上立场协调一致的中俄两国曾提出反对，险些导致决议夭折。俄罗斯起草了自己的10点加沙提案，明确呼吁建立巴勒斯坦国，并主张以色列占领的约旦河西岸与加沙应合并为巴勒斯坦民族权力机构管辖下的统一国家。

The United States made minimal compromises on the resolution and instead rallied the support of the Arab and Muslim countries to pressure Russia and China not to be seen as obstacles to a breakthrough in Gaza. Diplomats said that Mr. Waltz, had also warned the countries during negotiations that if the resolution failed, the cease-fire in Gaza would collapse.

美国在决议上仅做出最低限度的妥协，转而争取阿拉伯和穆斯林国家的支持，施压中俄勿成为阻碍加沙突破性进展的一方。外交官透露，沃尔茨在谈判中还警告各国，若决议不能通过，加沙停火将彻底破裂。

周一，安理会就特朗普总统加沙和平计划进行表决之前，美国驻联合国大使迈克尔·沃尔兹（左）与以色列驻联合国大使丹尼·达农。

The stakes were high for all the major actors. Palestinians want the suffering and the war to end. Israelis want Hamas disarmed. And the United States hoped to be the major player bringing peace to the region.

对于所有主要相关方而言，该决议都利害攸关：巴勒斯坦人希望苦难与战争结束，以色列人希望哈马斯解除武装，美国则希望成为推动该地区和平的主要力量。

The resolution allows the World Bank, a U.N. entity, to allocate financial resources for the reconstruction of Gaza and calls for the establishment of a dedicated trust fund for this purpose.

决议授权联合国下属机构世界银行调配资金，用于加沙重建，并呼吁为此设立专门信托基金。

The resolution authorizes the Board of Peace to oversee Gaza at least until the end of 2027 and says that the enclave would be managed day-to-day by a “technocratic, apolitical committee of competent Palestinians from the Strip.”

决议授权和平委员会监督加沙事务至少至2027年底，并规定加沙的日常管理由“一支由加沙本土合格巴勒斯坦人组成的技术型、非政治性委员会”负责。

The stabilization force would also coordinate with Egypt and Israel to train and support Palestinian police personnel, protect civilians, work to secure humanitarian corridors and secure border areas.

国际稳定部队还将与埃及和以色列协调，培训并支持巴勒斯坦警察部队、保护平民、保障人道主义通道安全及边境地区安全。

South Korean officials pleased President Trump last month by presenting him with their nation’s highest honor and a replica of a gold crown. The next day he had a surprise for his hosts.

韩国官员上月向特朗普总统授予韩国最高荣誉勋章并赠送了一顶金冠复制品，令总统十分满意。次日，特朗普也给东道主带来了惊喜。

He gave the green light to South Korea’s long-cherished dream of deploying nuclear-powered attack submarines.

他批准了韩国长期以来梦寐以求的愿望——部署核动力攻击潜艇。

But the two nations have yet to sort out thorny issues such as where to build the subs, in the United States or in South Korea. It is also unclear how their enriched uranium fuel will be supplied.

但两国仍需解决一些棘手问题，比如潜艇将在美国还是韩国建造，浓缩铀燃料的供应方式也尚未明确。

Washington helped build Seoul’s nuclear energy industry in the 1970s on the condition that it would not enrich uranium, even for peaceful purposes, without American approval.

上世纪70年代，美国曾帮助韩国发展核能产业，条件是韩国未经美国批准不得进行铀浓缩活动，即便是用于和平目的也不例外。

Last month in Gyeongju, South Korea, President Lee Jae Myung made what appeared to be a compelling argument to Mr. Trump. South Korea wanted nuclear-powered attack subs to strengthen its defenses against North Korea and China and reduce the burden on allied U.S. forces, he said, but it needed American support in securing their fuel.

上月在韩国庆州，李在明总统向特朗普提出了一项看似有说服力的诉求。他表示，韩国希望通过核动力攻击潜艇加强对朝鲜和中国的防御能力，减轻美国盟军的负担，但需要美国在燃料供应方面提供支持。

South Korea already runs a fleet of its own diesel-powered submarines, and experts say those can do the job around the Korean Peninsula. Still, Seoul has been gearing up to build nuclear-powered ones, which can stay underwater longer and move faster than the diesel version. They would not carry nuclear weapons, it said.

韩国目前已拥有一支柴油动力潜艇舰队，专家称这些潜艇足以胜任朝鲜半岛周边的任务。尽管如此，韩国仍在积极筹备建造核动力潜艇——这类潜艇比常规动力潜艇水下续航时间更长、速度更快。韩国方面表示，这些潜艇不会搭载核武器。

Only a few countries have nuclear-powered subs — the United States, Russia, China, Britain, France and India.

目前全球仅有美国、俄罗斯、中国、英国、法国和印度等少数国家拥有核动力潜艇。

2024年，在韩国蔚山的现代重工业公司举行的交接仪式上，一艘3000吨级的柴油动力潜艇正式移交海军。

“The biggest hurdle has been how to secure fuel,” Won Jong-dae, the chief procurement officer in South Korea’s Defense Ministry, said during a cabinet meeting this month.

“最大的障碍是如何获得燃料，”韩国国防部采购主管元钟大（音）本月在内阁会议上表示。

Nuclear fuel was also a sticking point in the trade and security agreement reached in Gyeongju. Last week, the two allies released a joint fact sheet about the deal, but key questions remain unsettled.

核燃料问题同样是庆州达成的贸易与安全协议中的争议焦点。上周，美韩两个盟国发布了关于该协议的联合情况说明，但关键问题仍未解决。

Washington’s longstanding stance on not allowing Seoul to enrich uranium or reprocess spent nuclear fuel was part of a strategy to contain the technology needed to make fuel for nuclear weapons. South Korea today has a fleet of 26 nuclear reactors, all powered by imported fuel.

美国长期以来不允许韩国进行铀浓缩或核燃料再处理的立场是其遏制核武器燃料制造技术扩散战略的一部分。如今韩国拥有26座核反应堆，全部使用进口燃料。

Seoul now wants to enrich uranium on its own to build its own fuel supply chain and ensure its energy security. It is also running out of waste storage space at many plants and wants to reprocess the spent fuel for reuse and to reduce waste.

韩国现在希望自主进行铀浓缩，建立本国的燃料供应链，确保能源安全。此外，韩国多家核电站的废料储存空间即将耗尽，希望对乏核燃料进行再处理以实现回收利用，减少废料数量。

Many in South Korea support uranium enrichment for another reason.

韩国国内许多人支持铀浓缩还有另一个原因。

They say that, like Japan and Germany, their country must gain “nuclear latency.” That means possessing the capacity to quickly produce nuclear weapons should the country decide that it could no longer trust the U.S. commitment to protect it from a nuclear attack from North Korea, or that staying under America’s so-called nuclear umbrella had become too costly.

他们表示，与日本和德国一样，韩国必须获得“核潜在能力”。这意味着，若韩国认为无法信任美国对其抵御朝鲜核攻击的保护承诺，或认为留在美国所谓的核保护伞下代价过高，该国应具备快速生产核武器的能力。

Washington has long suppressed its allies’ desire for nuclear latency, preferring to keep them under its nuclear umbrella and to exert the leverage that came with such dependency.

美国长期以来一直压制盟国获取核潜在能力的诉求，更倾向于将它们置于自己的核保护伞之下，并利用这种依赖关系施加影响力。

2022年，韩国庆州半月城核电站附近的一处海滩。

Song Min-soon, a former foreign minister of South Korea, said that talks about nuclear-powered submarines were obscuring a more urgent need for South Korea to gain nuclear latency and provide more options for its diplomacy. If South Korea enriches uranium for nuclear power stations, the problem of nuclear sub fuel will also be resolved, he said.

韩国前外长宋旻淳表示，关于核动力潜艇的谈判掩盖了更迫切的需求——韩国需要获得核潜在能力，为其外交提供更多选择。他说，若韩国为核电站进行铀浓缩，核潜艇燃料问题也将迎刃而解。

“If you are not preparing for this, you are either incompetent or irresponsible,” said Mr. Song, author of a new book on diplomatic strategy for South Korea. “If South Korea acquires nuclear latency and is ready to go nuclear should the threat continue, it will prompt China to restrain North Korea. It will lead the United States to strengthen its nuclear umbrella protection for South Korea. It will also boost the South Korean people’s confidence in their security.”

“如果不为此做准备，要么是无能，要么是不负责任，”宋旻淳表示，他最近出版了一本韩国外交战略著作。“如果韩国获得核潜在能力，并准备在威胁持续存在时发展核武器，这将促使中国约束朝鲜，推动美国加强对韩国的核保护伞，同时也会提升韩国民众的安全信心。”

Last week’s joint fact sheet couched the subject in vague wording. The United States agreed to support “the process that will lead to” South Korea’s enrichment and reprocessing for peaceful uses, adding that such efforts should be subject to U.S. legal requirements and consistent with the existing bilateral treaty.

上周的联合情况说明对此问题的表述含糊其辞。美国同意支持韩国为和平目的开展铀浓缩和乏核燃料再处理的“相关进程”，同时表示此类行动需遵守美国法律要求，并符合现有双边条约。

The United States also agreed to seek “avenues to source fuel” for South Korean nuclear-powered subs, without clarifying where they would be built.

美国还同意为韩国核动力潜艇“寻找燃料供应渠道”，但未明确潜艇的建造地点。

“This is a Band-Aid solution,” said Lee Byong-chul, an analyst at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies in Seoul.

“这只是权宜之计，”首尔远东研究所分析师李炳哲（音）表示。

South Korea, a signatory of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, says it has no intention of producing atomic bombs. But calls for nuclear weapons and nuclear-powered subs have increased in South Korea in recent years as both North Korea’s nuclear weapons arsenal and its threats to use them have increased. In March, North Korea revealed the hull of what it said was its own nuclear-powered sub under construction.

作为《不扩散核武器条约》缔约国，韩国表示无意制造原子弹。但近年来，随着朝鲜核武器库规模扩大及核威胁升级，韩国国内呼吁发展核武器和核动力潜艇的声音日益高涨。今年3月，朝鲜公布了一艘它声称正在建造的国产核动力潜艇的艇体。

When President Lee met with President Trump on the sidelines of an Asia-Pacific forum in South Korea last month, the South Korean leader emphasized that his country was a faithful ally that has committed to hundreds of billions of dollars in U.S. investments and purchases of American weapons. Then he made his pitch.

上月，李在明总统在韩国举行的亚太论坛期间与特朗普会面时，强调韩国是美国的忠实盟友，已承诺对美投资数千亿美元并采购美国武器。随后他提出了自己的诉求。

“Our ability to chase submarines in waters near North Korea or China is limited because diesel-powered submarines lag behind in underwater capabilities,” Mr. Lee told Mr. Trump during the Oct. 29 summit. “If you approve the supply of fuel, we will use our own technologies to build several submarines carrying conventional weapons and use them to defend waters east and west of the Korean Peninsula. That would significantly lessen the burden on the U.S. military.”

“柴油动力潜艇的水下性能有限，我们在朝鲜或中国附近海域追踪潜艇的能力不足，”李在明在10月29日的峰会上对特朗普表示。“如果您批准燃料供应，我们将利用自主技术建造多艘搭载常规武器的潜艇，用于保卫朝鲜半岛东西两侧海域。这将显著减轻美军的负担。”

朝鲜官方媒体提供的一张照片显示，朝鲜领导人金正恩于3月视察某造船厂期间查看一艘核潜艇。

The next day, Mr. Trump surprised South Korean officials by announcing his approval for South Korea to build nuclear powered submarines. But he said South Korea would be building it “in the Philadelphia shipyards.”

次日，特朗普宣布批准韩国建造核动力潜艇，令韩国官员感到意外，但他表示，韩国将“在费城造船厂”建造这些潜艇。

Those shipyards — including Philly Shipyard, which the South Korean company Hanwha Ocean bought last year — don’t have facilities or engineers to build a nuclear-powered submarine. The U.S. industrial base is struggling even to meet the quota of two Virginia-class submarines per year set by the U.S. Navy. South Korea would have to spend years and billions of dollars to add new facilities in Philly Shipyard and clear a raft of U.S. regulatory hurdles if it decided to build its nuclear-powered submarines there and bring them home.

这些造船厂——包括韩国韩华海洋公司去年收购的费城造船厂——目前没有建造核动力潜艇的设施和工程师。美国的工业基础甚至难以完成美国海军设定的每年两艘弗吉尼亚级潜艇的生产指标。若韩国决定在费城造船厂建造核动力潜艇并将其运回国内，需花费数年时间和数十亿美元添加新设施，并通过美国的大量监管审批。

“All our talks were based on the precondition that South Korea will build its nuclear-powered submarines in South Korea,” Wi Sung-lac, Mr. Lee’s national security adviser, said Friday. “What we asked the United States for is cooperation in fuel supply.”

“我们所有的谈判都是基于韩国在本土建造核动力潜艇的前提，”李在明的国家安全顾问魏圣洛（音）周五表示。“我们向美国请求的是燃料供应方面的合作。”

But some analysts cautioned that building nuclear-powered submarines at home would also incur massive costs, which South Korea could better spend on acquiring other defense capabilities, such as unmanned underwater drones. At the cost of building one nuclear-powered submarine, South Korea can build several diesel subs, making them a more cost-effective option in guarding the relatively restricted boundary around the Korean Peninsula, they said.

但一些分析人士警告，本土建造核动力潜艇也将产生巨额成本，韩国将这些资金用于发展其他防御能力更为合理，比如水下无人航行器。他们表示，建造一艘核动力潜艇的成本足以建造多艘柴油动力潜艇，在保卫朝鲜半岛周边相对狭窄的海域时，传统动力潜艇是更具成本效益的选择。

Mr. Song, the former minister, said, “Let me put it this way — Which is more efficient in patrolling the crowded streets of Seoul: 10 Hyundai Sonata cars or one Mercedes-Maybach?”

前外长宋旻淳说：“这么说吧——在首尔拥挤的街道巡逻，10辆现代索纳塔轿车和一辆梅赛德斯-迈巴赫，哪个更高效？”