BEIJING — On a spring evening in 1989, with the student occupation of Tiananmen Square entering its second month and the Chinese leadership unnerved and divided, top army commanders were summoned to headquarters to pledge their support for the use of military force to quash the protests.

北京——1989年春，学生对天安门广场的占领进入了第二个月，中国领导层紧张不安、意见相左。一天傍晚，军方高级将领被召集到军区总部，表态支持动用武力镇压抗议者。

1989年5月19日凌晨，中共中央总书记赵紫阳出现在天安门广场，呼吁学生停止绝食，这是他最后一次公开露面，当时他已失去了权力。时任中央办公厅主任温家宝（右二）后来成为国家总理。

One refused.

有一个人拒绝了。

1989年6月4日，在天安门广场附近的尸体。学生们抗议的是腐败、不公和通货膨胀。

In a stunning rebuke to his superiors, Maj. Gen. Xu Qinxian, leader of the mighty 38th Group Army, said the protests were a political problem, and should be settled through negotiations, not force, according to new accounts of his actions from researchers who interviewed him.

在强大的第38集团军担任军长的徐勤先少将，令人震惊地违抗了上级。根据采访过徐勤先本人的几名学者新近对其举动做出的描述，他当时表示，抗议活动属政治问题，应该通过谈判解决，不应动用武力。

李晓明（左五）在北京和战友的合影。照片由李晓明本人提供。

“I’d rather be beheaded than be a criminal in the eyes of history,” he told Yang Jisheng, a historian.

“宁杀头，不做历史罪人，”他告诉历史学者杨继绳。

现居澳大利亚的李晓明，是1989年奔赴天安门广场的军人之一。他说，“我们的部队受到的教导是，我们不准朝学生开第一枪。”

Although General Xu was soon arrested, his defiance sent shudders through the party establishment, fueling speculation of a military revolt and heightening the leadership’s belief that the student-led protests were nothing less than an existential threat to the Communist Party.

尽管徐勤先很快被捕，但他抗命一事令党内权势集团深感震动，不仅加剧了对军队倒戈的猜忌，也让领导层更坚定地相信，由学生领导的抗议活动是关涉共产党存亡的重大威胁。

The new details of the general’s defiance and the tremors it set off are among a series of disclosures about the intrigue inside the Chinese military preceding the bloody crackdown in Beijing on June 3 and 4, 1989, some contained in army documents spirited out of China in recent years, and others revealed in interviews with party insiders, former soldiers and other people directly involved in the events 25 years ago.

得到披露的一系列信息揭示了，1989年6月3日到4日的血腥镇压前，解放军内部的角力，其中包括徐勤先抗命的新细节，以及由此引发的震动。这些信息中，有一部分包含在近年来流出中国的军方文件里，还有一些则是通过对直接参与25年前的事件的党内人士和退伍军人进行采访而获得。

Contrary to rumors at the time, the documents show that army units did not fight one another. But they show that General Xu’s stand against the threatened use of lethal force fanned leaders’ fears that the military could be dragged into the political schisms and prompted party elders to mobilize an enormous number of troops.

与当时的传闻不同，这些文献显示，解放军并未内斗。不过，它们的确表明，徐勤先对采取致命武力所表达的反对立场，激起了领导层的忧虑——军队可能会陷入政治分裂。他的表态也促使党内元老调集了规模庞大的部队。

Even after a quarter century, the night of bloodshed remains one of the most delicate subjects in Chinese politics, subjected to unrelenting attempts by the authorities to essentially erase it from history. Yet even now, new information is emerging that modifies the accepted understanding of that divisive event.

尽管四分之一个世纪已经过去，但是那个血腥的夜晚却依然是中国政治中最敏感的话题之一，当局将它实质上从历史中抹去的努力一直没有懈怠。然而，就算到了今天，也仍有新的信息浮出水面，修正人们对这起分歧深重的事件公认的理解。

At the time, Deng Xiaoping, the party patriarch who presided over the crackdown, praised the military for its unflinching loyalty, and the image of a ruthlessly obedient army lingers even in some foreign accounts. But the military speeches and reports composed before June 4 that year, and in the months after, show soldiers troubled by misgivings, confusion, rumors and regrets about the brutal task assigned to them. “The situation was fluid and confusing, and we underestimated the brutality of the struggle,” Capt. Yang De’an, an officer with the People’s Armed Police, wrote in one assessment found among military documents acquired by the Princeton University Library. “It was hard to distinguish foes from friends, and the target to be attacked was unclear.”

当时，主持镇压的党内元老邓小平赞扬军队忠诚不二，就连一些国外的报道也保留了部队坚定冷酷地服从命令的形象。不过，1989年6月4日前夕及后来几个月的军队讲话和报告显示，对于下达的残酷任务，官兵们心存疑虑、感到困惑，流言和悔恨也让他们颇为不安。在普林斯顿大学图书馆(Princeton University Library)取得的中国军方文献中，有一份评估报告写道，武警杨德安称，“情况多变，很混乱。我们对斗争的残酷性估计不足。敌友难分，攻击目标也不明确。”

Some former soldiers and officials who agreed to talk about their roles in the crisis said they were alarmed by the state-enforced censorship and silencing of witnesses that has left a younger generation largely ignorant about one of the most devastating episodes in modern Chinese history.

一些退伍官兵同意谈论自己在这场危机中扮演的角色。他们表示，国家强制实施的审查，再加上制止目击者发声的做法，使得年轻一代对中国当代史中堪称最为沉痛的这一事件基本一无所知，这让他们忧心忡忡。

“I personally didn’t do anything wrong,” said Li Xiaoming, who in 1989 was among the troops who set off toward Tiananmen Square, “but I feel that as a member, a participant, this was a shame on the Chinese military.”

李晓明说，“我个人没有做错事，但我觉得作为其中一个成员，作为一个参与者，这是中国军队的一种耻辱。”1989年的时候，他就身在向天安门广场进发的部队当中。

While official secrecy makes it difficult to confirm elements of the new accounts, scholars who have reviewed the army’s internal reports, including unit-level descriptions of mobilization as well as detailed accounts about the violent confrontations with protesters, say they are authentic. An earlier attempt to pierce the party’s imposed blackout, “The Tiananmen Papers,” a collection of documents published in 2001, has been dogged by controversy about its intent and authenticity.

虽然官方的遮掩使得这些新说法的细节难以得到确认，但是研究过解放军内部报告的一些学者表示，这些说法真实可信。他们浏览的报告包括对部队动员的描述，以及对军队与抗议人群暴力冲突的详尽叙述。此前也曾有人尝试还原共产党强行抹去的记忆，于是有了2001年发表的文献集《天安门文件》(The Tiananmen Papers)，但外界对其意图与真实性的争议一直挥之不去。

The interviews and documents show that even at the time few in the military wanted to take direct responsibility for the decision to fire on civilians. Even as troops pressed into Beijing, they were given vague, confusing instructions about what to do, and some commanders sought reassurances that they would not be required to shoot.

采访与文献显示，就连在当时，军队里也没什么人原意承担向平民开火的直接责任。就在部队迫近北京的当口，他们接到的行动指令仍然含糊不清、令人费解，还有部分军官希望得到保证，他们不会接到开枪的命令。

In an interview, a former party researcher with military ties confirmed the existence of a petition, signed by seven senior commanders, that called on the leadership to withdraw the troops.

一位与军队有联系的前党内研究人员在接受采访时确认，存在一份由七名军官联署的请愿书，呼吁领导层退兵。

“The people’s military belongs to the people, and cannot oppose the people,” stated the petition, according to the former researcher, Zhang Gang, who was then trying to broker compromise between the protesters and the government. “Even less can it kill the people.”

这名前研究人员名为张刚，当时曾试图协调抗议者与政府达成妥协。他表示，请愿书中写道，“人民军队是属于人民的军队，不能同人民对立，更不能杀死人民。”

There were fewer episodes of outright military defiance, like that of General Xu. No dissident, he had written a letter in blood during the Korean War begging to join the army as an underage youth, according to Mr. Yang, the historian who was among the few people to interview him after 1989. The elite 38th Group Army, which General Xu commanded from a base about 90 miles south of Beijing, was a bulwark protecting the capital.

像徐勤先那样直接违抗军令的事件则更为少见。历史学者杨继绳是少数几个在1989年后采访过徐勤先的人之一，根据他的说法，徐勤先并非异见人士，当初为参加朝鲜战争而写下血书，不到年龄的他才得以参军。徐勤先指挥的第38集团军是精锐部队，驻扎在北京以南约150公里处，担负着保卫首都的重任。

Having witnessed the student protests during an earlier visit to Beijing, where he was receiving treatment for kidney stones, he feared the consequences of quelling them with troops trained to fight foreign invaders. Sending armed soldiers onto the streets, he warned, would risk indiscriminate bloodshed and stain the reputation of the People’s Liberation Army.

在事件之前，他曾赴京治疗肾结石，亲眼目睹了学生的抗议活动。军队的训练目的是抵御外敌入侵，他担忧，动用军队镇压抗议会产生恶劣的后果。他警告，派全副武装的军人上街，可能会造成子弹不长眼的流血，玷污人民解放军的声誉。

“If there was a conflict with ordinary civilians, and you couldn’t tell the good guys from the bad guys, who would shoulder responsibility for problems?” he later said, according to Dai Qing, a Beijing writer who had access to separate interview notes with the general.

据北京的作家戴晴所看到的访谈资料，徐勤先后来表示，“和老百姓发生冲突，好人坏人又分不清，出了事谁负责？”

In the end, General Xu agreed to pass the orders to his officers, but not to lead armed troops into the capital. He was arrested, expelled from the party, and served four years in prison, Mr. Yang said.

杨继绳表示，徐勤先最终同意向手下的官兵传达命令，但他本人不会带领武装部队进入首都。徐勤先遭到逮捕，并被开除党籍，还在监狱服刑四年。

In poor health, General Xu lives in a sanitarium for military officials in Hebei Province in northern China, according to another researcher who interviewed him and demanded anonymity for speaking. The general declined to be interviewed for this article.

据另一位采访过徐勤先的研究人员透露，徐勤先身体虚弱，住在河北省一家军队领导专用的干休所里。这名研究人员要求匿名。徐勤先拒绝就这篇文章接受采访。

According to an internal history of the army among the Princeton documents, his act kindled rumors among soldiers that officers of the 38th Group Army had resigned en masse and that the army had refused to enter Beijing. To counter the hearsay, officers of the 38th were assembled to condemn their former commander and pledge unyielding obedience in enforcing martial law, according to the army documents.

普林斯顿文献中部队内部的历史档案显示，徐勤先的举动在士兵中催生了谣言：38军的军官集体辞职，该军拒绝入京。军方文件显示，为了破除谣言，38军的军官被召集在一起，谴责他们的前任军长，并宣誓坚决服从命令，实行戒严。

But General Xu was not the sole dissenter within the military elite. Col. Wang Dong, a People’s Liberation Army officer and aide to a respected veteran commander, organized the petition of military leaders opposed to martial law, said Mr. Zhang, the former researcher. With Colonel Wang now dead, Mr. Zhang and others decided that the time had come to step forward with details of his role organizing the petition.

但徐勤先并不是军队高层中唯一的异议者。前研究员张刚表示，人民解放军军官王东上校是一位受人尊敬的老司令员的助手，他组织反对戒严的军队高层进行请愿。王东如今已经去世，张刚和其他人认为现在是时候公布他组织请愿的细节了。

Mr. Deng and his allies were so alarmed by spreading misgivings about martial law that they disconnected many of the so-called red phones that allowed senior officials to speak with one another, Mr. Zhang said. But Colonel Wang offered to use his elite connections to organize a show of dissent from within the military.

张刚表示，军中对戒严令的疑虑的扩散让邓小平等人非常担心，以至于他们切断了很多所谓的“红机子”。高层官员本可以通过这种电话互相联系。但王东试图利用自己的高层关系，组织军队内部人士表达不同意见。

Copies of the petition spread around Beijing that May, but its origins and authenticity were unclear, diminishing its impact. But Mr. Zhang, who had contacts with senior military officers, now says that he wrote down the statement and names during a phone call from Colonel Wang and then passed it on to friends who made copies.

1989年5月，请愿书的复印件传遍北京，但其来源和真实性却并不清晰，因此削弱了它的影响力。张刚曾与军队高级军官有联系，他如今表示，自己边接王东的电话，边记下了请愿书的内容和名字，之后将请愿书交给朋友，由他们进行了复写。

In interviews, several of those who took part in back-channel efforts to defuse the crisis described how Colonel Wang held a secret meeting with Wang Juntao and Zhou Duo, two liberal intellectuals who were trying to avert a military assault, even as they chided protesters for disorganization and naïveté. Both men recalled a long night in Mr. Zhou’s home when they peppered Colonel Wang with questions about attitudes in the army. He played down the risk of mass bloodshed, both men recalled.

几名曾私下努力化解危机的人接受采访时称，王东与王军涛、周舵举行了秘密会议，这两名自由主义知识分子当时在设法阻止军队发起攻击，同时也斥责抗议者组织混乱，思维天真。两人回忆称，他们在周舵家待了一晚上，反复询问王东有关军队态度的问题。两人均称，王东淡化了出现大规模流血事件的风险。

“He said, ‘If the Communist Party fires on and kills ordinary people, then wouldn’t the Communist Party be committing suicide?'  ” Mr. Zhou, who lives in Beijing, said in a telephone interview. He said they “absolutely never imagined it would turn out as brutally as it did.”

目前居住在北京的周舵接受电话采访时表示，“他说，‘如果共产党射杀平民百姓，那共产党不是在自杀吗？’”周舵表示，他们“绝对没有想到，最后的结局会是那么残酷”。

Even as the petition circulated around Beijing, 180,000 to 250,000 troops from across the country were mobilizing to enforce martial law. Although the resistance by ordinary Beijingers is well established, the documents and interviews describe the dismay, frustration and rumors that unsettled the military when residents were galvanized into defiance, rather than being cowed by the rush of soldiers clutching guns.

就在请愿书被传至北京各处之时，共有18万至25万名士兵从全国各地赶来实施戒严。虽然北京普通民众进行反抗的举动已经得到充分证实，但相关文件及采访内容说明，荷枪实弹的士兵进入北京时，居民们没有感到害怕，而是奋起反抗，由此在部队内部引发了沮丧、失望的情绪及谣言，这些都让士兵们有所动摇。

Many Beijing residents were swept up by the idealism of the students and their grievances over corruption, inequality and inflation. From May 19, as word of impending martial law leaked, tens of thousands of them poured out of their homes to stop the troops at key intersections, pleading with them to understand the students’ demands.

学生们的理想主义及他们对腐败、不平等现象和通货膨胀的愤懑之情感染了很多北京居民。从5月19日开始，随着即将戒严的消息走漏至外界，数以万计的民众走出家门，来到主要路口阻止军队进城，并恳请他们理解学生的诉求。

One soldier, Chen Guang, then 17, from rural Henan Province, said his unit was enveloped by students after its convoy of 10,000 soldiers was halted on Chang’an Avenue on May 20.

当时，来自河南农村的士兵陈光只有17岁。陈光表示，他的部队被学生围了起来，在此之前，也就是5月20日，他所属部队的一万名士兵被拦在长安街上。

For three days, as the weary, marooned soldiers clutched their rifles in the wilting sun, he recalled how residents and students brought them food and escorted them to toilets, all the while bombarding them with the message that theirs was a just cause. “Even in the restroom, there was no reprieve,” Mr. Chen said in an interview. “If one student would go hoarse yelling, another would take his place.”

他回忆称，在三天的时间里，疲惫不堪、孤立无援的士兵在炙烈的太阳下紧握枪支，居民和学生给他们送来食物，并带他们上厕所，还无时不刻地向他们灌输信息——他们从事的是正义的事业。“就连上厕所都不会停，”陈光接受采访时说。“一个人讲累了讲哑了，另一个上来继续跟你讲。”

Rattled by the impasse and worried that troops might waver in their loyalties, the commanders ordered their withdrawal, the documents say. “We wrote our names and addresses in their notebooks and there were quite a few tears as we pulled out,” Mr. Chen said, recalling makeshift banners that hung from windows hailing their loyalty to the people. “It felt like a victory after a battle.”

文件显示，这一僵局和军队的忠诚可能出现动摇的情况让将领们非常担心，他们命令士兵们撤退。“我们走的时候还在本子上给他们留下名字和通信地址，撤走时很多人都哭了，”陈光说，“感觉跟打了场胜仗似的。”陈光回忆称，车窗内挂着临时做好的横幅，宣示着他们对人民的忠心。

Over the next 10 days, several former soldiers said they were fed a confusing diet of indoctrination at their encampments on the outskirts of Beijing. They studied the speeches of Mr. Deng and were told the demonstrations were the work of a subversive minority bent on toppling the Communist Party.

几名军人表示，在接下来的十天时间里，他们在北京郊区的营地被灌输了一些令人困惑的思想。他们学习邓小平的讲话，被告知示威活动是由少数颠覆分子发起的，目的是推翻共产党。

Even as the troops imbibed the propaganda, the notion that they might have to shoot the demonstrators appeared remote, recalled Mr. Li, who was then 25 and a radar operator in the 39th Group Army. “Our unit was educated that we mustn’t fire the first shot at students, and if we fired the first shot at the public, we’d be responsible to history,” he said in an interview from Australia.

李晓明回忆称，即便在士兵们学习这种宣传思想时，可能必须朝示威者开枪的概念似乎还很遥远。李晓明当时25岁，是第39军的一名雷达兵。他在澳大利亚接受采访时表示，“我们的部队受到的教导是，我们不准朝学生开第一枪，如果我们朝老百姓开了第一枪，我们就得对历史负责。”

Even after over a week of such training, commanders worried about the commitment of the troops to take the square.

即使是接受了一周这样的培训，将领们依然担心军队夺取广场的决心有多大。

“They’re baffled why so many members of the public have taken part in the demonstrations,” Gen. Yang Baibing, whose older brother was a confidant of Mr. Deng’s, told military officers on May 31, according to a compilation of party and military speeches at Princeton. “Some comrades have all kinds of views and doubts about stopping the turmoil.”

根据普林斯顿大学图书馆汇总的党内及军队讲话记录，杨白冰上将曾在5月31日对军官们说，“有些同志对为什么有这么多群众参加游行有些困惑不解。”杨白冰的兄长是邓小平的亲信。“有些同志对制止动乱还有这样那样的想法和疑惑。”

The messages of restraint were jettisoned on June 3, when the troops received orders to retake the square by early the next day “at any cost,” former soldiers said.

6月3日，保持克制的讯息被放弃了。一些当年的士兵表示，军队当天接到了命令，要求“不惜一切代价”在第二天清早夺回天安门广场。

“Reach Tiananmen or die,” party members from one battalion declared in a ceremony before they set off, according to one entry. In some units, troops recorded their determination with oaths signed in blood. But amid the bravado, there was also fear and confusion, magnified by rumors of mutinous units who might turn on other armies, according to soldiers who were there and the military documents.

根据一份记录，有一个营的党员在出发前的仪式上宣称，“誓死到达天安门。”有些部队的军人用写血书立誓的方式表决心。然而，根据现场士兵的描述和军方的文件，这种虚张声势还夹杂了恐惧和困惑，而后两种情绪因抗命部队可能会调转枪头的流言而被强化。

“At that moment, some officers and soldiers experienced some mental turmoil,” read an account by the 63rd Group Army, based in Shanxi in northern China, which was one of the principal forces mobilized for the crackdown. “Some felt the situation was grim and experienced some panic. Some felt that they had already tried to go in twice, and going in this time would be perilous.”

驻扎在山西省的第63集团军的一份记录显示，“当时部分官兵思想上出现了一些波动。”63军是被调集实施镇压的主要力量之一。“有的感到事态严重，心里有些恐慌。有的感到两次都没法进去，对这次开进有些畏难。”

When troops from the 39th Group Army’s 116th Division left its temporary base in far eastern Beijing, Mr. Li, the radar operator, recalled his biggest fear was that they might have to fight the 38th Group Army, whose loyalty had been thrown in doubt by General Xu’s defiance and rumors of wider defections. He grabbed a semiautomatic rifle and extra ammunition just in case.

雷达兵李晓明回忆，当39军116师离开北京东部远郊的临时驻地时，他最大的恐惧是，他们部队可能要打38军，因为后者的忠诚因徐勤先的抗命及存在更广泛背叛的传言而遭到质疑。

As the troops set out with their orders to take the square and other important positions, they lacked standard tools for crowd control as well as clear instructions about how and when to use their guns.

当军队带着夺取广场等重要场所的命令进发时，他们既缺乏控制群众的常规工具，又没有得到关于如何开枪及何时开枪的清晰指示。

“There was a lack of protective equipment and nonlethal weapons,” read one People’s Armed Police assessment of the crackdown in the documents. “Imagine if they had tear gas, flash grenades, shields, helmets and other protective equipment.”

“缺乏防护器材与非致命性武器，”文献中有一份关于武警部队对镇压行动的评估报告这样写道。“缺乏防护器材与非致命性武器。设想，若配有催泪弹、闪光弹、盾牌、头盔等防护器材。”

Mr. Li said he was spared the decision of whether to fire by his divisional commander, Xu Feng, who ignored instructions to plow toward Tiananmen. Instead, after learning of the unfolding bloodshed, Commander Xu kept his troops in the eastern suburbs, where the turmoil was less intense, and pretended his battalion’s communication radio had malfunctioned. Mr. Li can still recall the frantic calls: “Division 116, Division 116, where are you?”

李晓明说，他所在的116师的师长许峰没有理会向天安门广场进发的命令，他因而无需决定是否开枪。在得知军队展开血腥镇压后，许峰在冲突较为缓和的东郊按兵不动，还假装军中的无线电通讯出了故障。李晓明仍然能回忆起电台里疯狂的呼叫：“116师、116师，你们在哪儿？”

In the precincts where there was large-scale killing, confusion dogged the troops at every turn, the documents suggest.

文献显示，在发生大规模屠杀的区域，军队在每次行动的关头都颇为迷惘。

Chinese leaders approved the use of live fire around 9:30 to 10 that night, according to Wu Renhua, a scholar who took part in the protests. He has written two books in Chinese about the military crackdown and now lives in Los Angeles. Passed down orally, he said, the directive lacked guidance on when or how to shoot and it most likely did not reach all units.

根据参加了当时抗议活动的学者吴仁华的说法，领导层大约是在当晚9：30分到10点之间批准使用实弹。吴仁华撰写了两本关于军方镇压行动的中文书籍，目前生活在洛杉矶。他说，指令是口头传达的，关于何时开枪、如何开枪并没有给出指示，而且，很有可能未能传达到所有部队。

“Whether the shooting should be into the air or into the crowd was left unclear,” he said in a telephone interview.

他在电话采访中说，“朝天鸣枪，还是对人群开枪，没有说清楚。”

Wang Yongli, who was riding with the 38th Army, described how some civilians threw bricks and bottles at the troops and then attacked military vehicles with iron bars. He said that the soldiers, shaking with fear and rage, first shot into the air, but at some point, the rifle sights were aimed at the crowds. “No one said to shoot, but it was, like, ‘We’re going to teach them a lesson,’ and then those soldiers unleashed their fury,” he said. “You pulled the trigger and bang, bang, bang, it was like rain, the noise shaking the heavens.”

据与38军同行的王永利（音译）描述，一些民众向军队扔砖头和瓶子，然后用铁棍袭击军车。他表示，战士们又紧张又生气，一开始向天开枪，不过，到了某个时刻，他们的步枪瞄准了人群。“也没说打，（当官的）就说‘狠狠教训下这些人，’那战士手就发狠了，”他说。“啪，一扣那个扳机，轰轰轰轰轰，跟下雨似的，哗地就朝天上打去了。”

Although an accurate death toll may never be known, estimates of the number of civilians killed by gunfire or crushed by tanks range from the hundreds to more than 1,000. The government estimated that 300 lives were lost, many of them soldiers.

尽管确切的死亡人数或将永远不得而知，但据估计，被枪杀或遭坦克碾死的平民少说也有数百人，多则有逾千人。政府估算的数据是300人丧生，其中许多是士兵。

The next day at dawn, Mr. Yang, the historian, then a reporter with the Xinhua news agency, made his way to Muxidi, a neighborhood west of the square that was the scene of some of the fiercest resistance to the military attack.

第二天的黎明，当时是新华社记者的历史学者杨继绳设法赶到了木樨地。这一带位于天安门广场以西，军队的攻击行动在此遭遇到了某些最为激烈的抵抗。

He saw a tangle of abandoned bikes, charred vehicles and drying pools of blood. “Everywhere you looked there were bullet holes,” he recalled. But perhaps the most chilling sight, he said, was the crimson-colored graffiti slathered across a wall. “People’s Blood!” it read. “People’s Blood!”

他看到废弃的自行车凌乱地堆在地上，还有烧焦的车辆和一滩滩干涸的血迹。他回忆道，“到处都是枪眼。”不过他说，最让人不寒而栗的场景，也许是一面墙上涂抹的厚厚的血红大字，写的是“人血！人血！”

Finland’s prime minister apologized on Wednesday to China, South Korea and Japan in an effort to quash a growing racism scandal in the country.

芬兰总理周三向中国、韩国和日本致歉，试图平息在该国愈演愈烈的种族歧视丑闻。

Over the past few days, lawmakers in Finland’s most prominent anti-immigration party have posted pictures of themselves pulling back their eyelids, apparently in support of a Finnish beauty queen who was stripped of her crown last week for making a similar gesture.

过去几天，芬兰最具影响力的反移民政党的多名议员接连发布自己扯眼角的照片，显然是在支持一位因做出类似手势而被剥夺桂冠的芬兰选美皇后。

“I sincerely apologize for recent offensive social media posts by individual members of Parliament, which do not reflect Finland’s values of equality and inclusion,” Prime Minister Petteri Orpo said in a Chinese-language statement posted on social media on Wednesday by the Finnish Embassy in China.

芬兰驻华大使馆周三在社交媒体发布了总理佩泰里·奥尔波的中文声明，他在声明中表示：“对于近期个别议员在社交媒体上发表的冒犯性言论，我深表诚挚歉意。这些言论与芬兰倡导的平等与包容的价值观背道而驰。”

Finland’s embassies in South Korea and Japan shared similar statements on social media.

芬兰驻韩、驻日大使馆也在社交媒体上发布了类似致歉声明。

The controversy began this month when pictures surfaced on social media of Sarah Dzafce, Finland’s representative to the Miss Universe pageant, pulling her eyelids back at a slant, according to Helsingin Sanomat, Finland’s largest newspaper.

据芬兰最大报纸《赫尔辛基新闻报》报道，这场争议始于本月。当时，芬兰环球小姐参赛代表萨拉·扎夫采在比赛中向后拉扯眼皮形成斜眼的照片在社交媒体流传开来。

Ms. Dzafce apologized in an Instagram statement last week.

扎夫采上周在Instagram上发文致歉。

“One of the most important things for me is respect for people, their backgrounds and differences,” she said, adding, “I take responsibility for my actions and will learn from this.”

她表示：“对我而言，尊重每一个人、尊重不同的背景与差异是至关重要的事。我会为自己的行为负责，并从中吸取教训。”

The Miss Finland Organization then stripped her of her title, saying in a statement that her comment was “offensive, harmful and completely against the values” of the pageant.

随后，芬兰小姐组委会撤销了她的冠军头衔，并在声明中指出，她的这一行为“具有冒犯性和危害性，完全违背了选美赛事的核心价值观”。

前芬兰小姐萨拉·扎夫采上周在赫尔辛基的新闻发布会上。

Ms. Dzafce did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

截至目前，扎夫采尚未回应置评请求。

The loss of her title angered lawmakers in the Finns Party, a populist, anti-immigration party that is part of Mr. Orpo’s governing coalition.

扎夫采被夺头衔一事激怒了正统芬兰人党的议员们。这个民粹主义反移民政党属于奥尔波领导的执政联盟。

Two Finnish members of Parliament, Juho Eerola and Kaisa Garedew, and a Finnish lawmaker in the European Parliament, Sebastian Tynkkynen, posted social media images similar to the ones Ms. Dzafce posted. Ms. Garedew said in her caption that she was giving herself a temple massage; Mr. Eerola and Mr. Tynkkynen posted captions in support of Ms. Dzafce.

芬兰国会的尤霍·埃罗拉、凯萨·加雷杜以及欧洲议会中的芬兰议员塞巴斯蒂安·滕基宁均发布了与扎夫采动作相似的照片。加雷杜称自己只是在做太阳穴按摩；埃罗拉和滕基宁则在配文中表示支持扎夫采。

Mr. Eerola has since apologized. “I am deeply sorry that my photo caused offense to Asian people,” he told The Asahi Shimbun, a Japanese newspaper.

此后埃罗拉已公开致歉。他向日本《朝日新闻》表示：“我发布的照片冒犯了亚洲民众，对此我深感愧疚。”

Ms. Garedew declined to apologize in an interview with Iltalehti, a Finnish tabloid. Mr. Tynkkynen criticized China in a post on Instagram and said resisting Ms. Dzafce’s “cancellation” was the right choice.

而加雷杜在接受芬兰小报《晚报》采访时拒绝道歉。滕基宁则在Instagram上发文指责中国，还称抵制对扎夫采的“取消行动”才是正确选择。

The three lawmakers did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

这三位议员目前均未回应置评请求。

Mr. Orpo has denounced the posts as “childish” and “stupid.” But the controversy is still brewing in Finland. The national broadcaster, Yle, reported that the lawmakers’ party is set to meet on Thursday to discuss it.

奥尔波已公开谴责这些照片既“幼稚”又“愚蠢”，但争议在芬兰境内仍持续发酵。芬兰国家广播公司报道称，涉事议员所属政党将于周四召开会议，就此事展开讨论。

Robots made by Chinese start-ups have danced on television, staged boxing matches and run marathons. When one company debuted its most recent robot last month, people online in China thought it looked so much like a human that workers cut the robot’s leg open onstage to reveal its metal pistons.

中国初创企业研发的机器人已登上电视跳舞、登台打拳击，还跑马拉松。某公司上月推出最新机器人时，中国网友认为外观太像真人，现场工作人员只得当众剖开机器人腿部，展示其内部金属活塞结构。

Despite the public fascination, concerns are growing that China’s robotics industry is moving too fast. The robots can mimic human movement and even complete basic tasks. But they are not skilled enough to handle many tasks now done by people. And with so many companies rushing into the industry, Beijing is warning of a bubble.

尽管这类机器人引发了公众的广泛关注，外界对中国机器人产业发展过快的担忧也在不断加剧。目前这些机器人虽能模仿人类动作，甚至完成一些基础任务，却尚未熟练掌握人类当下承担的诸多工作技能。面对大批企业争相涌入的现状，中国政府已发出行业泡沫预警。

Over 150 manufacturers are vying for a piece of the market, the Chinese government said last month, warning that the industry was at risk for a crowd of “highly repetitive products.”

北京上月指出，国内已有超过150家制造商竞逐机器人市场，并警示称，该行业正面临“产品同质化严重”的风险。

“China has an attack-first approach when it comes to the adoption of new technology,” said Lian Jye Su, a chief analyst at Omdia, a tech research firm. “But this generally leads to a large number of vendors fighting for small chunks of market.”

“在新技术应用方面，中国向来采取先发制人的策略，”科技研究机构Omdia首席分析师苏连杰表示。“但这种模式通常会导致大量厂商瓜分有限的市场份额。”

As it did with electric vehicles, China has gained an early global lead in making robots. China is using more robots in factories than the rest of the world combined, moving farther ahead of Japan, the United States, South Korea and Germany. Robots have transformed Chinese factory lines, doing things like welding car parts and lifting boxes onto conveyor belts.

如同在电动汽车领域的发展路径，中国在机器人制造领域也已率先抢占全球领先地位。中国工厂的工业机器人使用量，已超过世界其他国家的总和，将日本、美国、韩国和德国远远甩在身后。机器人已然改变了中国工厂的生产线运作模式，承担起焊接汽车零部件、将箱子搬上传送带等一系列工作。

It’s not unusual to run into a robot in Beijing. Robotic machines deliver room service in hotels and buff the floors in airports. Four-legged robots help deliver packages on university campuses. Robots cooked and served food in canteens during the 2022 Winter Olympics.

在北京，偶遇机器人早已不是新鲜事：酒店里，机器人负责送客房服务；机场里有机器人承担拖地工作；大学校园里，四足机器人帮忙配送包裹；2022年冬奥会期间，食堂里有机器人负责烹饪和上菜。

But China is also working on the next frontier of robotics: robots that not only look but think and act like people. Public and private investors spent over $5 billion this year on start-ups making humanoid robots — the same amount spent in the last five years combined.

与此同时，中国正致力于攻克机器人领域的下一个前沿课题——研发不仅外形酷似人类，更能像人类一样思考、行动的机器人。今年以来，公共与私人投资者已向人形机器人初创企业投入超50亿美元，这一数额相当于过去五年的投资总和。

Chinese robot makers have significant advantages. They are able to draw on the world’s strongest manufacturing sector and the backing of multiple levels of government. They are getting better at making parts like the motors and specialized screws in robot joints.

中国机器人制造商具备诸多显著优势，他们能依托全球最完备的制造业体系，再加上各级政府的支持，企业在电机、机器人关节专用螺丝等零部件制造等技术方面正持续精进。

今年，中国多家公共和私营企业纷纷向机器人初创企业投入资金。政府宣称该行业将助力推动中国经济增长。8月，宇树及其他初创企业制造的人形机器人在北京参加了一场仅限机器人的体育赛事。一些中国创始人与投资者坚信，人形机器人可能是人工智能在现实世界中形成实体力量的途径。

What Chinese robot start-ups have not been able to do is make humanoid robots that could transform the economy.

然而，中国机器人初创企业至今未能实现的目标是打造出足以推动经济变革的人形机器人。

Experts say the humanoid robots that have been released so far struggle with unpredictable situations. They can be programmed to follow patterns, but they have a hard time reacting to events as they happen.

专家表示，目前已推出的人形机器人难以应对各类突发状况。它们可以按照预设程序完成重复性动作，却很难对实时发生的事件做出灵活反应。

Chinese companies are realizing that making robots is not enough, said P.K. Tseng, a research manager at TrendForce, a market research firm in Taipei, Taiwan. “Without use cases, even if they can ship the products, they don’t know where to sell them,” he said.

“中国企业逐渐意识到，光造出机器人还远远不够，”台湾市场研究机构集邦科技研究经理曾伯楷指出。“如果没有具体的应用场景，就算产品能生产出来，企业也不知道该卖给谁。”

Company founders and investors believe that artificial intelligence will be the answer and that humanoid robots could be how A.I. becomes a physical force in the world.

企业创始人和投资者坚信，人工智能将是破局的关键，而人形机器人有望成为人工智能在现实世界中发挥实际作用的载体。

In Silicon Valley, tech executives often talk about achieving what they call artificial general intelligence. There is no settled definition, but for many it is the idea that A.I. could match the powers of the human mind.

在硅谷，科技高管们常常提及实现“通用人工智能”的目标。这一概念目前尚无统一定论，但在很多人看来，通用人工智能指的是具备与人类大脑同等能力的人工智能。

In China, robotics companies claim they will make A.G.I. a reality.

在中国，机器人企业纷纷宣称将率先让通用人工智能成为现实。

“For people in China, A.G.I. should be something that benefits people in their everyday life,” said Sunny Cheung, a fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, which studies Chinese government influence. “Robotics is a testament of applied A.I. in real life.”

“对于中国人而言，通用人工智能理应是一种能切实惠及人们日常生活的技术，”研究中国政府影响力的机构詹姆斯敦基金会研究员桑尼·张（音）表示，“机器人技术正是人工智能在现实生活中落地应用的绝佳例证。”

But there is a big gap between this vision and the current abilities of robots. Many Chinese robotics start-ups are working on software they hope will transform robot behavior the way large language models have transformed A.I.

但这一愿景与当前机器人能力存在巨大鸿沟。许多中国机器人初创企业正着力研发相关软件，希望能像大型语言模型颠覆人工智能领域那样，彻底改变机器人的行为模式。

One way that robots can learn to act more like people is by repetitively doing basic tasks. For example, a limited number of robots made by UBTech Robotics, which is based in Shenzhen like dozens of other start-ups, have been lifting boxes over and over again at electric vehicle factories.

机器人要学会更贴近人类的行为方式，一种途径是通过反复执行基础任务积累经验。例如，与众多同行一样扎根深圳的优必选科技已在部分电动汽车工厂部署少量机器人，让它们反复练习搬箱子的动作。

Another way to train robots is by simulation, in which they watch a lot of videos of the thing they will do. Many of China’s leading robotics start-ups use software and chips made by the Silicon Valley company Nvidia to run their robots’ simulation training, Mr. Cheung said.

另一种训练方式是模拟教学，即让机器人观看大量相关任务的视频。桑尼·张称，中国多家头部机器人初创企业均采用美国硅谷企业英伟达研发的软件和芯片，开展机器人的模拟训练工作。

在7月于上海举行的世界人工智能大会上，与会者得以与松延动力公司一款具有逼真特征的人形机器人进行互动。宇树科技宣布了上市计划，这可能帮助它成为中国领先的人形机器人制造商。展会上的机器人零部件。中国机器人制造商在批量生产方面日益精进，使企业相较于外国竞争对手更具优势。

While no one is certain how useful humanoid robots will turn out to be, China has already put two million manufacturing robots to use. Factories in China installed nearly 300,000 new robots last year, while American factories installed 34,000.

尽管人形机器人未来的实用价值尚无定论，但中国目前已投入使用200万台工业机器人。去年，中国工厂新增工业机器人安装量近30万台，而美国工厂的安装量仅为3.4万台。

Chinese factories have also gotten better at making robots, a major advantage over foreign firms that struggle to manufacture them in large numbers.

中国工厂在机器人生产制造方面的能力也日益提升，使其相较于难以实现大规模生产的外国企业具备显著优势。

The start-up Unitree Robotics has announced plans to do an initial public offering, which could provide the capital it needs to help it become China’s leading humanoid robotics maker. Its latest basic humanoid robots are priced at about $6,000 in China, a fraction of the price of robots made by Boston Dynamics, long the leading American player in the industry. Boston Dynamics was acquired by the South Korean giant Hyundai Motor in 2020.

初创企业宇树科技已宣布计划启动首次公开募股，此次上市有望为其募集足够资金，助力其成为中国首屈一指的人形机器人制造商。该公司最新推出的基础款人形机器人，在中国市场的售价约为4.2万元，仅为长期领跑美国机器人行业的波士顿动力公司同类产品售价的一个零头。波士顿动力于2020年被韩国巨头现代汽车收购。

Major A.I. research labs, universities and start-ups in the United States have bought Unitree robots in recent months to test the robots’ abilities and interactions with their software.

近几个月来，美国多家顶尖人工智能研究实验室、高校以及初创企业纷纷采购宇树科技的机器人，用于测试其性能以及与自研软件的适配性。

Chinese robot makers can offer lower prices in part because they are getting a lot of funding from municipal governments and state-backed hedge funds. The Beijing government has started a $14 billion fund to invest in A.I. and robotics. Shanghai set up an embodied A.I. fund with an initial investment of about $77 million.

中国机器人制造商之所以能给出更低的售价，部分原因在于它们能获得大量来自地方政府和国有对冲基金的资金支持。北京市政府已设立规模达140亿美元的基金，专门用于人工智能和机器人领域的投资；上海市也成立了一支具身智能专项基金，初始投资额约为7700万美元。

机器人学习更接近人类行动的一种方式就是反复执行基础任务。宇树机器人的价格仅为波士顿动力公司所产机器人的一个零头。优必选公司于2019年进行的演示。

In Hangzhou, a tech hot spot, Unitree and a rival, Deep Robotics, are part of a group of A.I. and robotics start-ups that the Chinese media has crowned the “six dragons.” The A.I. start-up DeepSeek is another.

在科技热点城市杭州，宇树科技与其竞争对手云深处科技同属被中国媒体誉为“六小龙”的人工智能与机器人初创企业阵营，人工智能企业深度求索也位列其中。

This month, Deep Robotics said it had raised $70 million in its latest funding round.

本月，云深处科技宣布在最新一轮融资中募集到7000万美元资金。

The humanoid robot maker Robotera said in November that it had raised more than $140 million from investors, including the venture capital arm of Geely, an electric carmaker, and the Beijing city government’s dedicated investment funds for robotics and artificial intelligence.

人形机器人制造商星动纪元则于11月表示，已从投资者处筹集超1.4亿美元资金，投资方包括电动汽车制造商吉利集团的风险投资部门，以及北京市政府专门设立的机器人与人工智能投资基金。

In late November, the Chinese central government set up a committee to establish industry standards. Members included founders, university research labs, municipal government hedge funds and Chinese state officials working on cryptography.

11月下旬，中国中央政府成立专项委员会，负责制定机器人行业标准。委员会成员涵盖企业创始人、高校研究实验室代表、地方政府对冲基金负责人，以及从事密码学研究的中国政府官员。

On a leafy campus in eastern China, crews are working day and night to finish a mammoth round structure with two sweeping arms the length of aircraft carriers.

在中国东部一座绿树成荫的校园里，施工人员正夜以继日地建造一座庞大的环形建筑，两翼延伸的双臂长度堪比航空母舰。

On former rice fields in the country’s southwest, a hulking, X-shaped building is being built with equal urgency under great secrecy. That facility’s existence wasn’t widely known until researchers spotted it in satellite images a year or so ago.

在中国西南部一片昔日的稻田上，一座巨型X形建筑也在高度保密的状态下紧锣密鼓地施工。直到大约一年前，研究人员通过卫星图像发现了这一设施，其存在才被广泛知晓。

Together, the colossal projects are China’s most ambitious efforts yet to harness an energy source that could transform civilization: fusion.

这两项巨型工程是中国迄今为驾驭核聚变能源所做的最具雄心的尝试，这种能源或将彻底改变人类文明。

Fusion, the melding together of atoms to release extraordinary energy, uses fuels that are plentiful, carries no risk of meltdowns and leaves no long-lived radioactive waste. It promises near-limitless energy that might not only satisfy the surging demand for electricity to power artificial intelligence but also end reliance on the fossil fuels that are perilously overheating the planet.

核聚变是将原子聚合以释放巨大能量的过程，其使用的燃料资源丰富，不存在熔毁风险，也不会产生长期放射性废物。它承诺近乎无限的能源，不仅能满足人工智能发展带来的激增电力需求，还能终结人类对化石燃料的依赖——正是对化石燃料的过度使用，让地球面临危险的升温危机。

Scientists first mused a century ago about fusion, the energy of the stars. In recent decades, they have made major strides toward reproducing the process in the laboratory using magnets and lasers. Yet forcing unruly atoms to combine is vastly more difficult than splitting them, as in the fission process that produces nuclear power today.

一个世纪前，科学家们首次构想出核聚变这种恒星能源的可能性。近几十年来，他们通过磁体和激光技术在实验室中重现核聚变过程，取得了重大进展。然而，迫使难以控制的原子发生聚合，远比核裂变（当前核能发电所采用的原子分裂技术）困难得多。

A fusion reactor must first heat hydrogen to temperatures hotter than the sun, turning it into plasma, the fourth state of matter. Then it needs to hold this violent plasma together for long enough that the atoms fuse and disgorge energy. China, the United States and other countries are now racing to develop the machines that can pull all this off and survive to do it again and again, reliably enough to power a grid.

核聚变反应堆必须首先将氢加热到比太阳还高的温度，使其转化为物质的第四态等离子体，然后需要将这种处于剧烈状态的等离子体约束足够长的时间，直至原子发生聚变并释放能量。如今，中国、美国及其他国家正展开激烈竞赛，争相研发能够实现这一过程的设备，并确保其具备足够可靠性反复运行，最终为电网供能。

The world’s two superpowers are in a tightening contest to dominate the energy future. Under the Trump administration, the U.S. is intent on producing oil, gas and coal and selling it abroad. Its chief economic rival, China, has become the world’s dominant supplier of clean energy in the form of solar panels, batteries and electric vehicles.

中美这两个世界超级大国正围绕未来能源主导权展开一场日益激烈的角逐。特朗普政府执政期间，美国致力于石油、天然气和煤炭的生产与出口；而其主要经济竞争对手中国已成为太阳能电池板、电池和电动汽车等清洁能源领域的全球主要供应国。

Fusion could change the calculus for both nations and the globe. Whoever conquers it could build plants around the world and forge new alliances with energy-hungry countries. But the Americans and the Chinese have very different strategies for getting there.

核聚变可能会改变两国乃至全球的能源格局。任何一个率先掌握这项技术的国家都能在全球范围内建造核电站，并与能源需求旺盛的国家建立新的联盟。但中美两国实现这一目标的战略路径却截然不同。

The United States is counting on private industry and American innovation to deliver results, with government agencies providing targeted support. From coast to coast, a fleet of start-ups has brought new urgency and ingenuity to the quest.

美国寄望于私营企业和本国的创新能力来取得突破，政府提供有针对性的支持。从东海岸到西海岸，一批初创企业为这一探索注入了新的紧迫感和创造力。

On the other side of the world, China’s government has made fusion a national priority, marshaling resources at daunting speed. Recently, a Shanghai start-up essentially matched an engineering breakthrough by America’s best-funded fusion company, Commonwealth Fusion Systems, in much less time. Over the summer, the Chinese government and private investors poured $2.1 billion into a new state-owned fusion company. That investment alone is two and a half times the U.S. Energy Department’s annual fusion budget.

而在世界的另一端，中国政府将核聚变列为国家优先事项，正以惊人的速度调配资源推进相关研究。最近，上海一家初创企业在更短时间内基本实现了美国资金最雄厚的核聚变公司联邦聚变系统公司取得的一项工程突破。今年夏天，中国政府和私人投资者向一家新成立的国有核聚变公司注资21亿美元，仅这一笔投资就相当于美国能源部年度核聚变预算的2.5倍。

中国BEST托卡马克装置将于10月开工建设。几十年前，中国曾与法国合作开发其EAST托卡马克装置。

The two countries’ progress could soon be tested head-to-head.

两国的进展很快可能迎来正面较量。

Commonwealth says that by 2027, the experimental device it is building in Massachusetts will pull off a key feat: producing more energy than it takes to run. That would be a signal that fusion could someday generate electricity for data centers, steel mills and more.

联邦聚变系统公司表示，其在马萨诸塞州建造的实验装置将在2027年前实现一项关键成就：产生的能量超过运行该装置所需消耗的能量。这一突破将标志着核聚变有望在未来为数据中心、钢铁厂等设施提供电力。

China’s leading plasma-physics lab is aiming for its new machine, which has the modest name of BEST and will sit in the twin-armed building in the country’s east, to cross that milestone in the next few years, too.

中国顶尖的等离子体物理实验室也设定了类似目标——位于中国东部那座双臂形建筑之内的一个名为“夸父启明”(BEST)的新型装置，也计划在未来几年内实现这一里程碑。

对中国聚变企业的投资激增——按企业所在地划分的年度聚变股权投资额。注：2025年数据截至12月5日。其他国家包括德国、英国、加拿大、日本、法国、以色列、瑞典和澳大利亚。来源：聚变能源基地

“It’s a very tight schedule,” said Lian Hui, a scientist at the lab. Even so, “we are very confident we will be able to achieve BEST’s research goals,” he said.

“时间非常紧张，”该实验室的科学家连辉表示。“即便如此，我们对实现BEST的研究目标仍充满信心。”

A National Priority

国家优先事项

China’s commitment to science, and fusion, comes from the very top.

中国对科学研究及核聚变的重视源自国家最高领导层。

The government’s new five-year plan, covering 2026 through 2030, promises “extraordinary measures” to secure breakthroughs in fusion energy and other areas. China’s state-owned nuclear company is preparing detailed fusion research proposals, calling it “the main racetrack in future scientific and technological competition among the great powers.”

中国政府涵盖2026至2030年的五年规划承诺，将采取“超常规措施”，确保在核聚变能源及其他关键领域取得突破。中国国有核电企业正制定详细的核聚变研究提案，称其为“各大国未来科技竞争的主赛道”。

The country was a minnow in fusion only two decades ago, and it grew by teaming up with other nations. It worked closely with France to develop its most modern tokamak, a type of doughnut-shaped fusion machine. It became a key contributor to the 33-nation ITER fusion experiment (pronounced “eater”). During much of the past decade, American and Chinese researchers conducted joint experiments and extolled their nations’ “long-term friendship” in plasma physics.

仅在20年前，中国在核聚变领域还微不足道，但其通过与其他国家合作逐步发展壮大。中国曾与法国密切合作，研发出最先进的托卡马克装置（一种环形核聚变设备），并成为由33个国家参与的国际热核聚变实验堆(ITER)项目的关键贡献者。在过去十年的大部分时间里，中美研究人员开展联合实验，并盛赞两国在等离子体物理领域的“长期友谊”。

Now, Chinese labs and companies are pouring concrete for cutting-edge research facilities of their own. The Chinese Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Plasma Physics is building both the new BEST tokamak and a 100-acre complex nearby where researchers will develop and test components to operate under the extreme conditions of a fusion device. Scientists there are also sketching out another tokamak that would power a pilot fusion plant in the 2030s and ’40s.

如今，中国的实验室和企业正在建设自主研发的尖端研究设施。中国科学院等离子体物理研究所不仅在建造新型BEST托卡马克装置，还在附近建设一个占地约40公顷的综合园区，研究人员将在那里研发和测试能在核聚变装置极端条件下运行的组件。该所科学家还在规划另一台托卡马克装置，计划在21世纪30至40年代驱动一座示范性核聚变电厂。

Richard Pitts, a British-French physicist at ITER, visited the BEST site in January last year, when it was little more than an empty platform. Today, it’s half finished.

ITER的英裔法国物理学家理查德·皮茨于去年1月参观了BEST项目现场，当时那里还只是一片空旷的平台；而如今，该设施已完成一半建设。

China has learned a great deal from being part of ITER, and now it is applying that knowledge to make its own advances, Dr. Pitts said. “Every time I go there, I’m taken aback by the sheer numbers of people and the sheer efficiency with which things get done,” he said.

皮茨表示，中国从参与ITER项目中获益良多，现在正将这些知识应用于自主创新。“每次去那里，我都会被庞大的人力规模和极高的执行效率所震惊，”他说。

Even if the core technology works, however, fusion reactors won’t power the world until companies figure out how to build and operate them affordably and at industrial scale.

然而，即便核心技术可行，核聚变反应堆也无法为世界提供能源，除非企业能以经济可行的方式实现工业规模的建造与运营。

来自中国的核聚变研究增多——《核聚变》期刊作者分布占比。注：分析排除国籍不明的作者。来源：OpenAlex（通过特殊竞争性研究项目获取）

And on that front, China’s expertise in engineering and construction gives it a distinct advantage, said Jimmy Goodrich, a senior fellow at the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. “The risk for the United States is we create a viable technical pathway first, but then China engineers and scales it up before we can,” Mr. Goodrich said.

加州大学全球冲突与合作研究所高级研究员吉米·古德里奇表示，在这方面，中国在工程和建设领域的专业知识赋予了其独特优势。“美国面临的风险是，我们可能率先找到可行的技术路径，但中国会比我们更快实现工程化和规模化应用，”他指出。

Recently, Commonwealth got a glimpse at how quickly China is moving.

最近，联邦聚变系统公司得以窥见中国的推进速度。

Last year, scientists with the company published academic papers describing one of their biggest accomplishments: the enormous, D-shaped magnets that will sit inside its new tokamak in Massachusetts. They are made with materials that carry electricity with exceptionally low resistance, allowing them to produce superstrong magnetic fields.

去年，该公司的科学家发表学术论文，描述了他们的一项重大成就：即将安装在马萨诸塞州新型托卡马克装置内的巨型D形磁体。这些磁体采用超低电阻导电材料制成，能够产生超强磁场。

Then, this past summer, scientists with a Shanghai start-up, Energy Singularity, published a paper about their own, very similar magnet.

随后在今年夏天，上海初创企业“能量奇点”的科学家发表了一篇论文，介绍了他们自主研发的、与前者极为相似的磁体。

To Dennis Whyte, a Commonwealth co-founder, this was no mere feat of reverse engineering. Mobilizing the supply chains and manufacturing expertise needed to build and test such a magnet so quickly showed “really amazing skill,” Dr. Whyte said.

对联邦聚变系统公司联合创始人丹尼斯·怀特而言，这绝非简单的逆向工程。如此迅速地整合供应链、调动制造专业知识来建造和测试这种磁体，展现了“令人惊叹的技术实力”。

The Laser Path

激光路径

In the southwest, another front in China’s fusion ambitions is racing ahead with much less public fanfare.

在中国西南部，核聚变雄心的另一条战线正以低调得多的方式快速推进。

Scientists at the China Academy of Engineering Physics, in Sichuan Province, studied attentively as their counterparts at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California toiled for years before achieving a tantalizing demonstration of fusion’s potential. In late 2022, the lab’s lasers caused a pellet of hydrogen to “ignite,” meaning the reaction produced more energy than the energy from the lasers.

加州劳伦斯·利弗莫尔国家实验室的研究人员历经多年努力，终于在2022年底实现了令人振奋的核聚变潜力演示——其激光装置成功使氢靶丸实现“点火”，即反应产生的能量超过了激光输入的能量，与此同时，中国工程物理研究院的科学家们密切关注着这一进展。

实验室科学家连辉表示：“时间非常紧张。”他指的是中国政府设定的目标：未来几年内，BEST系统需实现短暂的能量产出超过运行消耗。

A senior scientist at China’s academy quickly called for his country to follow suit.

该院一位资深科学家迅速呼吁中国跟进这一路线。

Livermore’s achievement marked “a major scientific breakthrough that will be memorialized in the annals of human history,” Zheng Wanguo said in an interview in early 2023. China, he said, should “strengthen investment and research” in fusion energy, “taking laser fusion ignition as the main technical approach.”

“利弗莫尔实验室的成就标志着人类历史上一项重大科学突破，”郑万国在2023年初的采访中表示，中国应“加大对核聚变能源的投资和研究力度，以激光聚变点火为主要技术路径”。

Within a year and a half, an enormous X-shaped facility had arisen outside the city of Mianyang.

短短一年半后，一座庞大的X形设施在绵阳市郊拔地而起。

Chinese laser industry reports, scientific papers and a patent application suggest the site will house Shenguang IV, a new laser ignition facility. Proposals for such a facility, whose name means “Divine Light,” go back in some form over 15 years. But the Livermore lab’s success seemed to put it on the fast track.

 中国激光产业报告、科学论文和一项专利申请显示，该地点将容纳“神光四”——一座新型激光点火设施。这项以“神光”命名的设施提案，其雏形至少15年前就有了，但利弗莫尔实验室的成功似乎让这一项目驶入了快车道。

The speed of construction in Mianyang is “breathtaking,” said Livermore’s director, Kimberly Budil, given that it took her lab 20 years to build its ignition facility and get it fully running. Still, “operating that system reliably and effectively over time takes meaningful skills, and these are all lessons China will have to learn along the way,” Dr. Budil said.

利弗莫尔实验室主任金伯利·布迪尔表示，绵阳设施的建设速度“令人惊叹”——她所在的实验室花了20年时间才建成点火设施并全面投入运行。不过，“要长期可靠、有效地运行这套系统，需要具备深厚的技术积累，而这些都是中国在推进过程中必须学习的经验。”

Scientists at the China Academy of Engineering Physics have reason for secrecy. Like many at Livermore, they work in nuclear weapons research, and laser fusion offers a way to study the conditions of nuclear explosions without detonating actual weapons.

中国工程物理研究院的科学家们有充分理由去保密。与利弗莫尔实验室的许多研究人员一样，他们也从事核武器研究，而激光聚变技术为在不引爆实际武器的情况下研究核爆炸条件提供了途径。

As China’s nuclear stockpile has grown rapidly under the country’s top leader, Xi Jinping, its military has looked for ways to maintain and perhaps upgrade warheads without violating a global ban on test explosions, experts say.

专家表示，在中国国家领导人习近平治下，中国核武库迅速扩充，其军方正寻求在不违反全球核试验禁令的前提下，维护并可能升级核弹头的方法。

In recent months, the Academy of Engineering Physics has revealed plans to build another laser ignition facility in Chengdu, Sichuan’s provincial capital — a smaller, more commercial sibling to the one in Mianyang.

近几个月来，中国工程物理研究院透露，计划在四川省会成都再建一座激光点火设施——这将是一个比绵阳设施小、更偏向商业化的姊妹项目。

And Peng Xianjue, once an anonymous weapons designer, has transformed himself into an energy entrepreneur, promoting his vision of an untested type of reactor that would combine fusion and fission. China, Dr. Peng wrote in a proposal this year, should “aim for commercial application by 2040.”

曾经默默无闻的武器设计师彭先觉，如今已转型为能源创业者，力推一个从未尝试过的聚变裂变混合反应堆构想。彭先觉在今年的一份提案中写道，中国应“力争在2040年前实现商业化应用”。

Collaborate or Decouple

合作还是脱钩

The U.S.-China divide in fusion was glaring to Alain Bécoulet, an eminent French physicist, when he was in Chengdu in October for the International Atomic Energy Agency’s annual fusion conference. There were no Americans, Dr. Bécoulet said.

10月，法国著名物理学家阿兰·贝库莱在成都参加国际原子能机构年度核聚变会议时，清晰地感受到了中美在这一领域的分歧——会议上没有美国科学家的身影。

The Energy Department under President Trump had discouraged U.S. scientists from attending, three researchers told The Times. The department didn’t respond to a request for comment.

三位研究人员告诉《纽约时报》，特朗普政府领导下的美国能源部不鼓励美国科学家参会。该部门未回应置评请求。

“China is now innovative,” said Dr. Bécoulet, the chief scientist at ITER. “It’s not simply copying or redoing.”

“中国现在具备了创新能力，”作为ITER首席科学家的贝库莱表示。“不再是简单的复制或重复。”

China’s Institute of Plasma Physics announced in November that it welcomed partnerships with foreign scientists using its new BEST tokamak. “The door is always open,” said Dong Shaohua, who manages the institute’s overseas collaborations.

中国科学院等离子体物理研究所于11月宣布，欢迎外国科学家利用其新型BEST托卡马克装置开展合作。“大门始终敞开，”负责该所海外合作的董少华表示。

But, as energy security becomes increasingly vital to industries like A.I., many in American government and industry now see fusion as a win-or-lose battlefield for global influence.

然而，随着能源安全对人工智能等产业的重要性日益凸显，美国政府和产业界的许多人如今将核聚变视为一场关乎全球影响力的生死战场。

“Whoever wins and gets it together sets the foundation for the rest of the century,” said Ylli Bajraktari, head of the Special Competitive Studies Project, a research organization in Washington.

“无论谁赢得这场竞赛并成功实现技术落地，都将为本世纪余下的时间奠定基础，”华盛顿研究机构“特别竞争研究项目”负责人伊利·巴伊拉塔里表示。

The Energy Department in October released a new road map for helping the fusion industry grow and commercialize in the 2030s. The document calls for the building and upgrading of several scientific facilities. But it does away with an earlier initiative by the department to lead the design and construction of a pilot fusion plant by the 2040s.

美国能源部于10月发布了一份新路线图，旨在帮助核聚变产业在21世纪30年代实现发展和商业化。该文件呼吁建设和升级多个科学设施，但取消了此前由能源部牵头、计划在21世纪40年代设计和建造一座示范性核聚变电厂的倡议。

The reason, according to the department, is that American start-ups are already moving quickly toward erecting such a plant.

该部门表示，取消这一倡议的原因是，美国初创企业已在快速推进这类电厂的建设。

To some scientists, the U.S. government needs to do more.

一些科学家认为，美国政府需要采取更多行动。

Investors have poured about $14 billion into fusion companies worldwide, with $7.6 billion of that going to American firms. “That’s a lot of money, but it’s going to take a whole lot more of that to get this across the finish line,” said George Tynan, a plasma scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

投资者已向全球核聚变公司注入约140亿美元资金，其中76亿美元流向了美国企业。“这是一笔巨额资金，但要让这项技术最终落地，还需要更多投入，”麻省理工学院等离子体科学家乔治·泰南表示。

中国等离子体物理研究所表示，该所愿与外国科学家开展合作，这些科学家未来或将使用其新建成的BEST托卡马克装置。

Chang Liu worked for years as a physicist at the Energy Department’s Princeton Plasma Physics Laboratory. Recently, Dr. Liu tried to recruit some younger scientists for his team, but the lab said it didn’t have the budget, he said. Experiences like this, plus family reasons, led him to move to Peking University, one of China’s best. A Princeton spokeswoman said the lab didn’t comment on personnel matters.

刘畅曾在美国能源部普林斯顿等离子体物理实验室担任物理学家多年。他表示，最近他试图为自己的团队招募一些年轻科学家，但实验室称没有相关预算。这类经历再加上家庭原因，促使他跳槽至中国顶尖学府之一北京大学。普林斯顿实验室发言人表示，该实验室不对人事问题发表评论。

In America, the lack of government support is one reason so many fusion researchers are joining start-ups, Dr. Liu said.

刘畅表示，在美国，由于政府支持不足，许多核聚变研究人员转而加入初创企业。

Chinese officials, by contrast, are putting significant resources into a possible “ultimate solution” to humankind’s energy needs, he said. “They can really invest in things that are important,” he said.

他说，相比之下，中国官员正投入大量资源，寻求解决人类能源需求的“终极方案”。“他们真的能在重要领域投入资源。”

The nation’s capital was stunned on Tuesday by an explosive new article recounting a year’s worth of unguarded conversations with the usually guarded Susie Wiles, the White House chief of staff who spilled on everything from President Trump’s “alcoholic’s personality” to the brewing war in Venezuela.

周二，一篇爆炸性新报道让美国首都陷入震惊。该报道详细记述了向来谨慎的白宫幕僚长苏西·威尔斯一年内多次毫无顾忌的谈话，内容从特朗普的“酒鬼人格”到委内瑞拉酝酿中的战争，无所不包。

Ms. Wiles, who typically shuns publicity, gave 11 interviews over the course of Mr. Trump’s first year back in office to Chris Whipple, the author of a book on White House chiefs of staff who published her comments in Vanity Fair. She spoke candidly about the challenges of managing a volatile boss, the battles she had lost and the curious collection of people surrounding him.

在特朗普重返白宫的第一年里，向来回避公众关注的威尔斯接受了克里斯·惠普尔的11次采访，采访内容发表在《名利场》杂志上。惠普尔曾写过一本关于白宫幕僚长的书。威尔斯直言这位情绪多变的上司很难伺候，她谈了自己输掉的斗争，以及围绕在他身边形形色色的人物。

In response, Ms. Wiles went on social media after the story was published to call it “a disingenuously framed hit piece on me and the finest President, White House staff, and Cabinet in history.” She took no issue with any of the facts in the article, but said only that “significant context was disregarded and much of what I, and others, said about the team and the President was left out of the story.”

报道发布后，威尔斯在社交媒体上回应称，这是“一篇刻意抹黑我与美国历史上最优秀的总统、白宫幕僚及内阁的攻击文章”。她并未否认文章中的任何事实，仅表示“重要语境被忽略，我和其他人关于团队及总统的诸多言论未被纳入报道”。

Here are five takeaways:

以下是该文的五个要点：

Wiles tried to restrain Trump on Jan. 6 pardons, tariffs and his campaign of “score settling” against enemies.

威尔斯曾试图约束特朗普的1月6日事件特赦、关税政策以及对政敌的“清算”行动。

Ms. Wiles compared Mr. Trump to her father, Pat Summerall, the legendary sportscaster who was an absentee parent and alcoholic. While Mr. Trump does not drink, she suggested he had “an alcoholic’s personality” because he operates with “a view that there’s nothing he can’t do. Nothing, zero, nothing.” Her experience with her father, she said, made her “a little bit of an expert in big personalities.”

威尔斯将特朗普比作自己的父亲——传奇体育解说员帕特·萨默拉尔，萨默拉尔缺席了子女的成长，且有酗酒问题。尽管特朗普不饮酒，但威尔斯暗示他有着“酒鬼人格”，因为他总是抱着“没有他做不到的事，完全没有，零”的心态。她说，与父亲相处的经历让她“在应对强势性格的人方面算半个专家”。

She described several occasions when she had advised Mr. Trump to go slow or not as far as he wanted, only to have him bull ahead anyway. She said she had urged him not to pardon the most violent rioters from the Capitol attack on Jan. 6, 2021, which he ended up doing. She said she had tried to get him to hold off announcing the hefty tariffs in the spring because of a “huge disagreement” on his team, but he went ahead and did that too.

她描述自己多次建议特朗普放缓脚步或不要过于极端，但最终他还是我行我素。她表示，曾劝说特朗普不要赦免2021年1月6日国会山骚乱中最暴力的暴乱分子，但他最终还是这么做了。她还提到，由于团队内部的“巨大分歧”，她还曾试图让他推迟春季宣布高额关税，但他同样一意孤行。

Most intriguingly, perhaps, she said that she had forged a “loose agreement” with him to end the “score settling” against his political enemies after 90 days because she did not want it to distract from his real agenda, an idea that clearly did not work. And she acknowledged that some prosecutions were driven at least in part by his desire for payback.

或许最引人关注的是，她表示曾与特朗普达成“宽松的协议”——在90天后停止针对政治对手的“清算”行动，以免干扰核心议程——但显然并未奏效。她还承认，部分起诉行动至少在一定程度上是出于特朗普的报复意图。

“In some cases, it may look like retribution,” she said. “And there may be an element of that from time to time. Who would blame him? Not me.”

“在某些情况下，这可能看起来像是报复，”她说。“而且偶尔可能确实存在这方面的成分。谁能怪他呢？反正我不会。”

Trump’s circle includes “a conspiracy theorist,” a “right-wing absolute zealot” and an “odd, odd duck” who has admitted using drugs.

特朗普的圈子里包括“一个阴谋论者”、一个“彻头彻尾的右翼狂热分子”，以及一个承认自己吸毒的“很怪很怪的人”。

Ms. Wiles was more candid than White House officials typically are about the cast of characters around the president. She said that Vice President JD Vance had “been a conspiracy theorist for a decade” and called Russell T. Vought, the budget director, “a right-wing absolute zealot.”

威尔斯对总统身边人物的评价比白宫官员通常的公开表态更为坦率。她说副总统JD·万斯“十年来一直是阴谋论者”，并称预算主任拉塞尔·沃特是“彻头彻尾的右翼狂热分子”。

She was scathing about Elon Musk, the billionaire Trump ally who was given free rein early in the administration to take a wrecking ball to federal agencies and departments. “He’s an odd, odd duck, as I think geniuses are,” she said. “You know, it’s not helpful, but he is his own person.” She called him “an avowed ketamine” user, though she later told The New York Times that she did not have any actual knowledge of that beyond his own statements.

她对特朗普的盟友、亿万富翁埃隆·马斯克的批评尤为尖锐——马斯克在本届政府执政初期被允许随意整顿联邦机构和部门。“他是个很怪很怪的人，我觉得天才大抵如此，”她说。“你知道，这没什么帮助，但他是个特立独行的人。”她称马斯克“公开承认使用氯胺酮”，不过后来她告诉《纽约时报》，除了马斯克自己的表态外，她没有其他实际证据。

Ms. Wiles recounted Mr. Musk’s evisceration of the U.S. Agency for International Development in devastating terms. “I was initially aghast,” she told Mr. Whipple, noting that the foreign aid workers “do very good work.” Mr. Musk’s approach was “not the way I would do it” and added that “no rational person could think the U.S.A.I.D. process was a good one. Nobody.”

威尔斯以沉痛的语气讲述了马斯克对美国国际开发署的重创。“我起初感到震惊，”她告诉惠普尔，并称那些外国援助工作者“做得非常出色”。她说，马斯克的做法“不是我会采用的方式”，还说“没有任何理性的人会认为国际开发署这件事的操作是合理的，绝对没有”。

Trump keeps claiming that Bill Clinton visited Jeffrey Epstein’s island. But Wiles says he is “wrong about that.”

特朗普坚称比尔·克林顿曾到访杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的岛，但威尔斯表示他“是错的”。

Ms. Wiles acknowledged that Mr. Trump had not been telling the truth about former President Bill Clinton’s relationship with the sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein, and faulted Attorney General Pam Bondi for her handling of the investigative files about him.

威尔斯承认，特朗普关于前总统克林顿与这名性犯罪者的关系的指控并不属实，并指责司法部长帕姆·邦迪对相关调查文件的处理方式。

While Mr. Trump for years has repeatedly claimed that Mr. Clinton visited Mr. Epstein’s private island, Ms. Wiles said “there is no evidence” of that. Asked if there was any incriminating information about Mr. Clinton in the Epstein files, she said, “The president was wrong about that.”

尽管特朗普多年来一再声称克林顿曾到访爱泼斯坦的私人岛屿，但威尔斯表示“没有任何证据”支持这一说法。当被问及爱泼斯坦的文件中是否存在针对克林顿的罪证时，她说：“总统在这件事上是错的。”

As for Ms. Bondi, a friend of Ms. Wiles’s, she said the attorney general did not recognize the fervor of the president’s right-wing supporters about Mr. Epstein. “I think she completely whiffed on appreciating that that was the very targeted group that cared about this. First, she gave them binders full of nothingness. And then she said that the witness list, or the client list, was on her desk. There is no client list, and it sure as hell wasn’t on her desk.”

至于她的朋友邦迪，威尔斯表示，司法部长没有意识到总统的右翼支持者对爱泼斯坦事件的狂热程度。“我认为她完全没有意识到，这正是那个特定群体最关心的问题。首先，她给了他们一大堆无用的文件；然后又说证人名单或客户名单在她办公桌上。根本就没有什么客户名单，更不用说在她桌上。”

Wiles’s comments on Vance and Rubio stoke speculation about their rivalry to become Trump’s successor.

威尔斯对万斯和鲁比奥的评价加剧了外界对两人争夺特朗普继任者资格的揣测。

An important subtext of Ms. Wiles’s comments is the quiet rivalry between Mr. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who are vying for Mr. Trump’s nod to succeed him in 2028. The distinction she made between the two was seen as evidence that she is propping up Mr. Rubio, her fellow Floridian, over Mr. Vance, the more MAGA-friendly front-runner.

威尔斯言论的一个重要潜台词是关于万斯与国务卿鲁比奥之间悄然展开的竞争——两人都在争取特朗普的支持，希望在2028年接替他。她对两人的区别性言论被视为证据，表明她支持与她同样来自佛罗里达的鲁比奥，而非更受“让美国再次伟大”运动支持的领跑者万斯。

Here is the way she described how each of them went from being a sharp critic of Mr. Trump to a key deputy: “Marco was not the sort of person that would violate his principles,” she said. “He just won’t. And so he had to get there.” As for Mr. Vance, “his conversion came when he was running for the Senate. And I think his conversion was a little bit more, sort of political.”

她这样描述两人如何从特朗普的尖锐批评者转变为核心副手：“马可不是那种会违背自己原则的人，”她说。“他绝不会。所以他是不得不这样做。”至于万斯，“他的转变发生在竞选参议员期间，我认为他的转变更多是出于政治考量。”

Mr. Rubio told Mr. Whipple, as he has previously said, that if Mr. Vance runs, he will support him. But the ripple of rivalry was evident when Mr. Vance joked with the Vanity Fair photographer that he would give him $1,000 if he made Mr. Rubio look worse than him.

鲁比奥向惠普尔重申了此前曾经说过的话：如果万斯参选，他会支持对方。但当万斯向《名利场》摄影师开玩笑说，如果能把自己拍得比鲁比奥好看，就给摄影师1000美元时，两人之间的竞争显露无遗。

Trump seems intent on regime change in Venezuela but needs authority from Congress to launch “land strikes.”

特朗普似乎决心推动委内瑞拉政权更迭，但需国会授权才能发动“地面打击”。

Whether she meant to or not, Ms. Wiles set a new political and legal bar for her boss if he opts to escalate his conflict with President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela. While Mr. Trump has bombed boats of alleged drug traffickers, seized an oil tanker and declared Venezuelan airspace off limits, he has not sought congressional authorization so far. But if he orders the “land strikes” that he has been talking about, Ms. Wiles said he would need authority from Congress.

无论是否有意，如果特朗普选择升级与委内瑞拉总统尼古拉斯·马杜罗的冲突，威尔斯已为他设定了新的政治和法律门槛。尽管特朗普曾轰炸涉嫌贩毒的船只、扣押油轮并宣布委内瑞拉领空为禁区，但迄今为止尚未寻求国会授权。而威尔斯表示，如果他下令实施一直在谈论的“地面打击”，需要获得国会的批准。

She also made plain that regime change was Mr. Trump’s real goal. “He wants to keep on blowing boats up until Maduro cries uncle,” she said. “And people way smarter than me on that say that he will.”

她还明确表示，政权更迭才是特朗普的真正目标。“他想一直炸下去，直到马杜罗认输，”她说。“而在这方面比我聪明得多的人都说，马杜罗会的。”

Rob Reiner, the celebrated Hollywood actor and director, and his wife, the producer and photographer Michele Singer Reiner, had tried everything they could think of to help their son Nick Reiner overcome his struggles with drug addiction.

好莱坞著名演员、导演罗布·莱纳及妻子、制片人、摄影师米歇尔·辛格·莱纳曾想尽一切办法帮助他们的儿子尼克·莱纳克服毒瘾。

For years, the younger Reiner had been caught in an endless loop of drug abuse, rehab and relapse. He had experienced bouts of homelessness, and he once had a heart attack on an airplane because of his cocaine use. Initially, the challenges the Reiner family had experienced with their son, who began abusing drugs as a teenager, were largely kept private. As Nick grew into an adult, he openly discussed his addiction.

多年来，小莱纳一直陷于药物滥用、戒毒和复吸的无尽循环。他经历过无家可归的时期，还曾因吸食可卡因而在飞机上心脏病发作。他从青少年时期开始滥用药物，起初莱纳一家因此经历的种种挑战基本上不为外人所知。随着尼克长大成人，他开始公开谈论自己的毒瘾。

On Sunday, hours after Rob and Michele Reiner were found stabbed to death in their home in West Los Angeles, the police arrested Nick Reiner, now 32. On Tuesday, the county district attorney charged him with two counts of first-degree murder.

上周日，在罗布和米歇尔·莱纳被发现于洛杉矶西部家中被刺身亡数小时后，警方逮捕了现年32岁的尼克·莱纳。周二，县地区检察官以两项一级谋杀罪起诉了他。

The charges carry a maximum sentence of the death penalty or of life in prison without the possibility of parole.

这些指控最高可判死刑或终身监禁不得假释。

Here is what we know about Nick Reiner.

以下是我们对尼克·莱纳的了解。

He has struggled with drug abuse since childhood.

他的药物滥用问题始于年少时。

Nick Reiner, who was born in 1993, is the middle of three children born to Rob and Michele Reiner. He has an older brother, Jake, and a younger sister, Romy.

尼克·莱纳生于1993年，是罗布和米歇尔·莱纳三个孩子中的老二。他有哥哥杰克和妹妹罗米。

Nick began to abuse drugs as early as 15, when he entered his first drug-treatment program. As an adult, he was forthcoming in interviews about his struggles with addiction, estimating that he had been in drug treatment 18 times as a teenager.

尼克最早在15岁时开始滥用药物，当时进行了人生的第一次药物治疗。成年后，他在采访中坦率谈论了自己的毒瘾挣扎，估计自己在青少年时期接受过18次药物治疗。

In a 2018 interview, Nick Reiner recalled wrecking his parents’ guesthouse by “punching out different things” like a television and a lamp after being awake for days on cocaine. He also described having thrown a rock through a window at a treatment center in hopes of convincing officials that he needed medication.

在2018年的一次采访中，尼克·莱纳回忆说，在吸食可卡因几天未眠后，他曾砸毁父母的客宅，“打坏各种物品”，包括电视机和台灯等。他还描述自己在治疗中心扔石头砸窗户，希望说服工作人员给他开药。

“I was so lost — I didn’t know anything about myself or the world,” he said. “And that’s all I knew as a coping mechanism.”

“我当时非常迷失——我对自己和这个世界一无所知，”他说。“那是我唯一的应对机制。”

Rob and Michele Reiner were sometimes at a loss about how to help their son. A close friend of the family recalled that Michele had spoken of her son’s struggles a few years ago. “We’ve tried everything,” she said. “We don’t know what else to do.”

罗布和米歇尔·莱纳有时也不知道如何帮助儿子。一位家庭密友回忆，几年前米歇尔谈到儿子的挣扎时说：“我们已经尝试了一切。”“我们不知道还能做什么。”

He and his father made a movie that loosely resembled their stormy relationship.

他和父亲共同制作了一部电影，故事大致上基于他们之间起起落落的关系。

“Being Charlie,” a drama co-written by Nick Reiner and directed by his father, was released in 2016. Loosely inspired by their relationship, the film follows Charlie, a Los Angeles teenager who abuses drugs and who has a difficult relationship with his father, a big-time actor with political aspirations. Throughout the film, father and son butt heads over Charlie’s care and over his father’s motives as he pursues his career ambitions.

《成为查理》(Being Charlie)是一部由尼克·莱纳联合编剧、由其父执导的剧情片，于2016年上映。这部电影受他们的关系启发，讲述了洛杉矶青少年查理滥用药物，与怀有政治抱负的大牌演员父亲关系紧张的故事。整部电影中，父子二人就查理的治疗和父亲的职业野心反复争执。

Rob Reiner told The Los Angeles Times in 2015 that he had some regret over how he had handled his son’s crisis, including not listening to him after he had said a drug-treatment program was not working for him.

罗布·莱纳在2015年告诉《洛杉矶时报》，他对处理儿子危机的方式有些遗憾，包括在儿子说某个药物治疗项目无效后没有听他的话。

“We were desperate, and because the people had diplomas on their wall, we listened to them when we should have been listening to our son,” Rob Reiner said.

“我们当时走投无路，因为那些人墙上挂着文凭，我们就听了他们的话，我们本该听听我们的儿子怎么说，”罗布·莱纳说。

But the director said that making “Being Charlie,” which features Jake Reiner in a small part, had helped repair his troubled relationship with Nick Reiner.

但这位导演表示，制作《成为查理》（杰克·莱纳在片中客串一个小角色）帮助修复了他与尼克·莱纳的紧张关系。

“The whole process for me, I can just speak for myself, it did make me understand him a lot more and I think it made me a better father,” Rob Reiner said in an 2016 interview with AOL.

“就我个人而言，整个过程让我更加了解他，我认为这让我成为了更好的父亲，”罗布·莱纳在2016年接受AOL采访时说。

For his part, Nick Reiner told People that year that he had “very loving and supportive parents.”

而尼克·莱纳同年告诉《人物》杂志，他有“非常慈爱和支持的父母”。

He argued with his father the night before his parents’ bodies were found.

在父母尸体被发现的前一晚，他与父亲发生了争执。

Nick Reiner attended a holiday party with his father at the home of the comedian Conan O’Brien the night before his parents were found to have been killed. One guest at the party, who asked not to be named to protect relationships, said that Nick and Rob Reiner had gotten into a shouting match at the party, and recalled the director telling his son that his behavior was inappropriate.

尼克·莱纳在前一天晚上与父亲一起参加了喜剧演员柯南·奥布莱恩家中的节日派对。一位要求匿名以保护关系的派对客人说，尼克和罗布·莱纳在派对上大喊大叫，这位客人回忆，导演告诉儿子，他的行为不合适。

Another guest at the party, who also did not want to be named, said he had seen Nick Reiner hovering at the fringes of the gathering and that several guests had commented that he looked anxious and uncomfortable, in a way that unnerved them.

另一位同样不愿透露姓名的客人说，他看到尼克·莱纳在聚会边缘徘徊，好几位客人评论说他看起来焦虑紧张，让他们感到不安。

It was unclear what Rob Reiner and his son had argued about.

目前不清楚罗布·莱纳和儿子争执的内容。

He has been charged with murder.

他被指控谋杀。

Shortly after his parents’ bodies were discovered on Sunday, Nick Reiner was arrested. He was booked on suspicion of murder on Monday and has remained in jail without bail.

在父母尸体于上周日被发现后不久，尼克·莱纳被逮捕。他于周一作为谋杀嫌疑人被置于无保释拘留。

罗布·莱纳和米歇尔·辛格·莱纳的尸体于周日在洛杉矶布伦特伍德社区的家中被发现。

On Tuesday, the office of the Los Angeles County District Attorney formally charged Nick Reiner with two counts of first-degree murder. Those charges carry a maximum sentence of the death penalty or of life in prison without the possibility of parole. Prosecutors said they had not decided which route they would take.

周二，洛杉矶县地区检察官办公室正式以两项一级谋杀罪起诉尼克·莱纳。这些指控最高可判死刑或终身监禁不得假释。检察官表示尚未决定采取哪种量刑。

“Prosecuting these cases involving family members are some of the most challenging and heart-wrenching cases that this office faces because of the intimate and often brutal nature of the crimes involved,” said Nathan Hochman, the Los Angeles County district attorney.

“起诉涉及家庭成员的这些案件属于本办公室经手的最具挑战性和最令人心碎的一类，因为这些犯罪具有亲密且往往残酷的性质，”洛杉矶县地区检察官内森·霍克曼说。

Prosecutors said Nick Reiner had been arrested near Exposition Park in Los Angeles on Sunday without incident. Earlier on Tuesday, the Los Angeles Police Department confirmed that photographs appearing to show a blurred image of Nick Reiner being detained by officers near the park had been briefly posted online by its Gang and Narcotics Division. Those photos were later deleted.

检察官表示，尼克·莱纳于上周日在洛杉矶博览会公园附近被逮捕，过程中没有发生冲突。周二早些时候，洛杉矶警察局确认，其帮派和毒品调查部门曾在网上短暂发布过显示尼克·莱纳在公园附近被警察拘留的模糊照片。这些照片后来被删除。

His lawyer is one of L.A.’s most prominent.

尼克·莱纳的律师是洛杉矶最著名的律师之一。

Alan Jackson, whom Nick Reiner has enlisted as his attorney, is a high-profile criminal defense lawyer in Los Angeles. He has represented the Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, the actor Kevin Spacey and Karen Read, who was acquitted this year of murder charges in the death of her boyfriend in Massachusetts.

尼克·莱纳聘请的律师艾伦·杰克逊是洛杉矶知名刑事辩护律师。他曾代理好莱坞大亨哈维·韦恩斯坦、演员凯文·史派西，以及今年在马萨诸塞州被判无罪释放的凯伦·里德（她被控谋杀男友）。

Mr. Jackson was once a prosecutor in the major crimes division of the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office. He was the lead prosecutor in the murder case against the music producer Phil Spector, who was convicted in 2009.

杰克逊曾是洛杉矶县地区检察官办公室重大犯罪部门的检察官。他是音乐制作人菲尔·斯佩克托谋杀案的主检察官，斯佩克托于2009年被定罪。

President Trump announced last week that he would allow China to buy an advanced artificial intelligence chip, the H200, from the American company Nvidia, doubling down on a misguided decision he made over the summer to sell China another advanced chip, the H20. The H200 is about six times as powerful and will be an even greater boon to China’s military and A.I. development.

特朗普总统上周宣布，将允许中国从美国企业英伟达公司购买先进人工智能芯片H200。他在今年夏天已做出向中国出售另一款先进芯片H20的错误决定，如今更是错上加错。H200的性能约为H20的六倍，将为中国的军事和人工智能发展提供更大助力。

Mr. Trump explained that in return, the U.S. government will charge a 25 percent fee on all sales of the H200. But U.S. national security and technological dominance shouldn’t ever have a price — let alone such a low one.

特朗普解释称，作为交换，美国政府将对H200的所有销售额收取25%的费用。但美国的国家安全和技术主导地位绝不应被标价出售——更不用说以如此低廉的价格。

For years, both the Trump and Biden administrations had successfully sought as large a lead as possible over China in A.I. In 2018, the first Trump administration wisely cut off key companies in China from the most advanced chip-making equipment. In 2020, Mr. Trump helped reverse the deployment of nonsecure Chinese 5G telecommunications networks by Britain and other allies by banning the sale of advanced chips to the Chinese tech giant Huawei. The Biden administration substantially expanded those controls and added new ones. Both administrations said that China would use American-made chips to develop more sophisticated A.I. and modernize its military.

多年来，特朗普和拜登政府均成功致力于在人工智能领域尽可能扩大针对中国的领先优势。2018年，特朗普第一任期政府明智地切断了中国主要企业获取最先进芯片制造设备的渠道；2020年，特朗普通过禁止向中国科技巨头华为出售先进芯片，帮助英国及其他盟友放弃部署不安全的中国5G电信网络。拜登政府大幅扩展了这些管控措施，并新增了多项限制。两届政府均表示，中国会利用美国制造的芯片开发更尖端的人工智能技术，实现军事现代化。

Hampered by those policies, China has struggled to make advanced A.I. chips, despite a push of around $200 billion starting in 2014. None of China’s chips are close to matching the capacity of the H200. Huawei, a leading Chinese chipmaker, projects that it will not be able to match the H200’s performance until the end of 2027 at the earliest — and even that estimate sounds optimistic.

尽管中国自2014年起投入约2000亿美元推动芯片产业发展，但受上述政策限制，其先进人工智能芯片的研发与生产面临困难。目前中国生产的芯片性能均远未达到H200的水平。中国领先芯片制造商华为预计，其产品最早要到2027年底才能达到H200的性能标准——而这个预估本身就显得过于乐观。

In addition to making less capable chips, China struggles to make them in large quantities. Trump administration officials testified in June that China will make just 200,000 chips per year — not even enough for a single data center. By contrast, Taiwan, the United States and the rest of the democratic world will produce more than 10 million far-superior chips per year. All told, China will produce a total computing power that is a mere 1 percent to 3 percent of what U.S. companies will produce.

除了芯片性能不足，中国在大规模量产方面也面临挑战。特朗普政府官员今年6月作证称，中国每年仅能生产20万枚芯片，甚至不足以满足单个数据中心的需求。相比之下，台湾、美国及其他民主国家每年将生产超过1000万枚性能远超中国产品的芯片。总体而言，中国芯片提供的总算力仅为美国企业的1%至3%。

The chief executive of DeepSeek, a prominent A.I. company in China, admitted in 2024 that access to chips was the company’s biggest impediment. In the summer of 2025, DeepSeek reportedly tried and failed to train a new system on Chinese chips. When DeepSeek released its latest model several weeks ago, it acknowledged that the system still lags behind U.S. versions and cited computing limitations as the key reason.

中国知名人工智能企业深度求索的首席执行官于2024年承认，获取芯片是公司发展的最大障碍。2025年夏天，有报道称深度求索尝试用中国本土芯片训练新系统，但以失败告终。几周前该公司发布最新模型时也承认，其系统性能仍落后于美国同类产品，并指出算力限制是主要原因。

After Mr. Trump’s announcement last week, Chinese companies jumped at the chance to buy the H200 — more evidence that America’s chip advantage is real.

特朗普上周宣布相关决定后，中国企业纷纷抓住机会抢购H200——这进一步证明了美国的芯片优势是实实在在的。

The Trump administration argues that selling chips to China will keep China “addicted” to American products and undermine its efforts to improve production. But China knows better. In the days since Mr. Trump announced his decision to sell the H200, there have been reports that China will invest an additional $70 billion to improve its domestic production of chips. According to a report on Sunday in the Global Times, which is controlled by China’s ruling party, Nvidia’s advanced chips would be used only until Chinese tech companies can transition to domestic alternatives.

特朗普政府辩称，向中国出售芯片将使中国“依赖”美国产品，从而阻碍其提升本土产能的努力。但中国对此有着清醒的认识。特朗普宣布出售H200的决定后数日，就有报道称中国将追加投资700亿美元，用于提升本土芯片产能。据中共旗下《环球时报》上周日报道，英伟达的先进芯片仅会被中国科技企业用于完成向本土替代产品的过渡。

It’s all part of the same pattern, whether the product is solar panels, electric vehicles or telecommunications: China imports Western technology until its own production catches up; then it cuts out American companies. President Xi Jinping has long said that relying on others for core technology “is like building a house on someone else’s foundation.”

无论是太阳能电池板、电动汽车还是电信设备，中国都遵循着相同的模式：在本土产能赶上之前进口西方技术，随后将美国企业排挤出局。习近平主席长期以来一直强调，核心技术依赖他人就像“在别人的地基上盖房子”。

It should be obvious that the United States should not sell China advanced technology that China could use to target American troops and intelligence officers. Advanced A.I. will improve China’s cyber operations, intelligence analysis and weaponry. According to reports, the Trump White House has concluded that Alibaba, one of China’s biggest A.I. companies, provides technology support for the Chinese military, including some of its operations against U.S. targets. (Alibaba has denied this claim.) Other reports suggest that DeepSeek evades U.S. export controls and aids Chinese military and intelligence operations. Chinese procurement documents show that the People’s Liberation Army is also trying to get its hands on advanced U.S. chips.

美国显然不应向中国出售其可能用于攻击美军和情报人员的先进技术。先进人工智能将提升中国的网络作战、情报分析能力和武器装备水平。有报道称，特朗普政府已得出结论：中国最大的人工智能企业之一阿里巴巴为中国军队提供技术支持，包括部分针对美国目标的行动（阿里巴巴否认了这一说法）。另有报道显示，深度求索公司规避美国出口管制，为中国军事和情报行动提供协助。中国采购文件表明，中国人民解放军也在设法获取美国先进芯片。

The bipartisan House committee on China was right when it said last week that China will use the H200 to “strengthen its military capabilities and totalitarian surveillance,” and when it recommended tightening export controls rather than loosening them.

跨党派的众议院中国问题委员会上周指出，中国将利用H200“强化其军事能力和极权监控体系”，并建议收紧而非放宽出口管制——这一判断是完全正确的。

The Trump administration is well aware of how much A.I. matters to national security, which makes its decision even more baffling. Pete Hegseth, the defense secretary, last week proclaimed, “The future of American warfare is here, and it’s spelled ‘A.I.’” And when the Department of Justice recently announced charges against two individuals accused of smuggling H200s to China, it underscored the national security issues: “These chips are the building blocks of A.I. superiority and are integral to modern military applications. The country that controls these chips will control A.I. technology; the country that controls A.I. technology will control the future.”

特朗普政府深知人工智能对国家安全的重要性，这使其决策更令人费解。国防部长皮特·海格塞斯上周宣称：“美国战争的未来已至，其关键在于人工智能。”美国司法部最近对两名被控向中国走私H200芯片的个人提起诉讼时，也着重强调了国家安全问题：“这些芯片是人工智能优势的基石，对现代军事应用至关重要。掌控这些芯片的国家将掌控人工智能技术，而掌控人工智能技术的国家将掌控未来。”

For now, that country is the United States. In 2017, Li Keqiang, China’s premier at the time, told Mr. Trump during a meeting in Beijing that China would come to dominate all technologies, including A.I., and that America would export little more than soybeans and corn. Last week’s decision helps make that unlikely dream a reality.

目前，这个国家依然是美国。但在2017年，时任中国国务院总理李克强在北京会见特朗普时称，中国终将主导包括人工智能在内的所有技术领域，而美国届时除了大豆和玉米将几乎没有其他可出口的产品。特朗普上周的决定正助力这一看似遥不可及的梦想逐步成为现实。

The Trump administration plans to ramp up efforts to strip some naturalized Americans of their citizenship, according to internal guidance obtained by The New York Times, marking an aggressive new phase in President Trump’s immigration crackdown.

根据《纽约时报》获得的内部指导文件，特朗普政府计划以更强力的手段剥夺一些归化美国人的公民身份，这标志着特朗普总统移民打击行动进入了一个激进的新阶段。

The guidance, issued on Tuesday to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services field offices, asks that they “supply Office of Immigration Litigation with 100-200 denaturalization cases per month” in the 2026 fiscal year. If the cases are successful, it would represent a massive escalation of denaturalization in the modern era, experts said. By comparison, between 2017 and this year to date, there had been just over 120 cases filed, according to the Justice Department.

这份指导文件是周二向美国公民及移民服务局地方办公室下发的，要求这些机构在2026财年“每月向移民诉讼办公室提供100-200个剥夺公民身份案件”。专家表示，如果这些案件成功，将代表近现代以来剥夺公民身份行动的一次大规模升级。相比之下，司法部数据显示，从2017年到目前仅有逾120个案件被提交。

Under federal law, people may be denaturalized only if they committed fraud while applying for citizenship, or in a few other narrow circumstances. But the Trump administration has shown a zeal for using every tool at its disposal to target legal and illegal immigrants, leading activists to warn that such a campaign could sweep up people who had made honest mistakes on their citizenship paperwork and sow fear among law-abiding Americans.

根据联邦法律，只有在申请公民身份时犯下欺诈行为或在少数其他非常具体的情况下，才能剥夺公民身份。但特朗普政府表现出热衷于动用一切可用工具针对合法和非法移民，导致活动人士警告，这种行动可能波及那些在公民身份手续上犯下无心之失的人，并在守法美国人中播下恐惧。

The guidance comes as Mr. Trump has spent much of this year closing loopholes in the immigration system and throwing up roadblocks for people seeking to enter and stay in the country. The sweeping campaign, which has gone further than purging the country of unlawful migrants, has included blocks on asylum at the southern border, a pause on asylum applications inside the United States, and a ban on entry for travelers from predominantly African and Middle Eastern nations. Officials say their actions will make the country safer and preserve the country’s values

这一指导文件出台之际，特朗普今年大部分时间都在堵上移民系统的漏洞，并为寻求进入和留在美国的人设置障碍。这场全面行动已超出清除非法移民的范围，包括南部边境的庇护禁令、美国境内庇护申请的暂停，以及针对主要来自非洲和中东国家的旅行者的入境禁令。官员们表示，他们的行动将使国家更安全，并维护国家的价值观。

A targeted campaign to increase the number of American immigrants stripped of their citizenship represents an escalation of an already ambitious campaign.

针对性地加大剥夺美国移民公民身份的数量是对一项本已声势浩大的行动的升级。

“It’s no secret that U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services’ war on fraud includes prioritizing those who’ve unlawfully obtained U.S. citizenship — especially under the previous administration,” said Matthew J. Tragesser, a U.S.C.I.S. spokesman. “We will pursue denaturalization proceedings for those individuals lying or misrepresenting themselves during the naturalization process. We look forward to continuing to work with the Department of Justice to restore integrity to America’s immigration system.”

“美国公民及移民服务局的反欺诈战争优先针对那些非法获得美国公民身份的人——特别是在前一届政府时期——这已不是秘密，”局方发言人马修·J·特拉格瑟表示。“我们将对那些在归化过程中撒谎或虚假陈述的个人追究剥夺公民身份程序。我们期待继续与司法部合作，恢复美国移民系统的完整性。”

In interviews, some former agency officials expressed concern at the scale of the case goals for denaturalization pushed by U.S.C.I.S. leadership.

在采访中，一些前机构官员对公民及移民服务局领导层为剥夺公民身份行动设定的规模目标表示担忧。

“Imposing arbitrary numerical targets on denaturalization cases risks politicizing citizenship revocation,” said Sarah Pierce, a former U.S.C.I.S. official. “And requiring monthly quotas that are 10 times higher than the total annual number of denaturalizations in recent years turns a serious and rare tool into a blunt instrument and fuels unnecessary fear and uncertainty for the millions of naturalized Americans.”

“对剥夺公民身份案件施加任意的数字目标存在将公民身份撤销这一行动政治化的风险，”前服务局官员萨拉·皮尔斯表示。“要求每月配额达到近年来年度剥夺公民身份总数的10倍，这将把一个严厉且鲜少使用的工具变成钝器，并在数以百万计归化美国人中制造不必要的恐惧和不确定性。”

Proponents of stricter immigration laws said it was necessary to more aggressively root out people who had been improperly granted citizenship.

支持更严格移民法的倡导者表示，有必要更积极地清除那些不当获得公民身份的人。

“I don’t think we’re anywhere close to denaturalizing too many people,” said Mark Krikorian, the head of the Center for Immigration Studies, a group that favors restrictive immigration policies. Mr. Krikorian said that the country was “so far from denaturalizing” enough people that such an effort would not pull in people who should not be targeted.

“我认为我们远未达到剥夺太多人公民身份的地步，”持限制性移民政策的移民研究中心负责人马克·克里科里安表示。克里科里安说，国家“远未剥夺足够多人的公民身份”，这种努力不会波及那些不应被针对的人。

There are about 26 million naturalized Americans in the country, according to the Census Bureau. More than 800,000 new citizens were sworn in last year, most of whom were born in Mexico, India, the Philippines, the Dominican Republic or Vietnam, U.S.C.I.S. statistics show. Most people stripped of their citizenship revert to being legal permanent residents.

根据人口普查局数据，美国约有2600万归化公民。根据美国公民及移民服务局统计，去年有超过80万新公民宣誓入籍，其中大多数出生在墨西哥、印度、菲律宾、多米尼加共和国或越南。大多数被剥夺公民身份的人会恢复为合法永久居民。

The new guidance on Tuesday was part of a document laying out U.S.C.I.S. priorities for the 2026 fiscal year, which began in October. Listed alongside such goals as “provide employee feedback opportunities” and “strengthen management of high-risk cases” was “pursue denaturalization.”

周二的新指导文件是阐述2026财年美国公民及移民服务局优先事项的文件的一部分，该财年开始于10月。与“提供员工反馈机会”和“加强高风险案件管理”等目标并列的是“追究剥夺公民身份”。

The Justice Department previously also said it would make denaturalization a priority this year. In a memo distributed in the summer, officials laid out their approach, saying they would target individuals in an array of categories beyond committing fraud in obtaining citizenship. Categories of eligible people include gang members, those who committed financial fraud, individuals connected to drug cartels and violent criminals, according to the department.

司法部此前也表示将在今年将剥夺公民身份作为优先事项。在夏季分发的一份备忘录中，官员们概述了他们的方法，表示将针对各种情况，不仅限于使用欺诈手段获取公民身份。司法部称这其中包括帮派成员、有金融欺诈行为的人、与贩毒集团有关联的个人以及暴力罪犯等。

“The civil division shall prioritize and maximally pursue denaturalization proceedings in all cases permitted by law and supported by the evidence,” the agency wrote in June.

“民事部门应在法律允许并有证据支持的所有案件中优先并最大限度地追究剥夺公民身份程序，”该机构在6月写道。

根据联邦法律，只有在申请公民身份时犯下欺诈行为或在少数其他非常具体的情况下，才能剥夺某人的公民身份。

U.S.C.I.S. is a key player in the process of denaturalization. The agency refers cases to the Justice Department, which must go through a federal court to strip someone of their citizenship. The process can occur either through a civil or a criminal proceeding. During a civil case, government lawyers must have “unequivocal evidence” that someone obtained citizenship illegally or hid a material fact during the process.

美国公民及移民服务局是剥夺公民身份过程中的关键参与者。该机构将案件转交司法部，后者必须通过联邦法院剥夺某人的公民身份。这一过程可以通过民事或刑事程序进行。在民事案件中，政府律师必须有“明确证据”证明某人非法获得公民身份，或在过程中隐瞒了重大事实。

Because the government must go through a challenging court process, denaturalization cases have been rare since the 1990s. A Bloomberg Law analysis found that denaturalization cases brought by the government since then peaked in 2018, when 90 criminal and civil cases were filed. “The Supreme Court has repeatedly stated that citizenship and naturalization are too precious and fundamental to our democracy for the government to take it away on their whim. Instead of wasting resources digging through Americans’ files, U.S.C.I.S. should do its job of processing applications, as Congress mandated,” said Amanda Baran, a former senior U.S.C.I.S. official in the Biden administration.

因为政府必须经过艰难的法院程序，自1990年代以来剥夺公民身份案件一直罕见。彭博法律的一项分析发现，政府提起的剥夺公民身份案件在2018年达到峰值，当时提起了90个刑事和民事案件。“最高法院反复表示，公民身份和归化对我们的民主太过宝贵和根本，政府不能随心所欲地剥夺。移民及公民服务局不应浪费资源搜索美国人的档案，而应履行国会授权的处理申请职责，”拜登政府时期的前高级美国公民及移民服务局官员阿曼达·巴兰表示。

Mr. Trump stepped up denaturalizations in his first term as well. In one widely publicized case, a New Jersey man born in India, Baljinder Singh, was stripped of his citizenship after the Justice Department found that he had arrived in the country without travel documents or proof of identity and that he had used a different name.

特朗普在其第一任期内也加强了剥夺公民身份行动。在一个广受关注的案件中，新泽西一名出生于印度的男子巴尔金德·辛格在司法部发现他无旅行文件或身份证明入境并使用不同姓名后，被剥夺公民身份。

This year, the Justice Department has brought 13 denaturalization cases and won eight of them, according to Chad Gilmartin, an agency spokesman. Mr. Gilmartin said in a social media post earlier this year that there had been over 100 cases filed to the courts during the first Trump administration, compared with 24 during the Biden administration. In 2017, the Supreme Court ruled that the government must prove not only that someone had lied during the citizenship application process but that the lie had an impact on the underlying citizenship claim.

根据司法部发言人查德·吉尔马丁称，今年该部已提起13起剥夺公民身份案件，并胜诉八起。吉尔马丁今年早些时候在社交媒体上发帖表示，第一届特朗普政府期间向法院提起超过100个案件，而拜登政府期间为24个。2017年，最高法院裁定政府不仅必须证明某人在公民身份申请过程中撒谎，而且该谎言必须对潜在公民身份主张产生影响。

Experts said that despite the ramp-up in referrals, the process to actually denaturalize someone would likely remain quite difficult, raising questions on whether the government will actually be able to get many cases through.

专家表示，尽管提交案件增加，但实际剥夺某人公民身份的过程可能仍相当困难，这引发了政府是否真正能够让许多案件得以推进的疑问。

Still, some had concerns about what the guidance could portend.

尽管如此，一些人仍对这一指导文件可能预示的内容表示担忧。

“My fear would be that as we have seen in the arrest and removal context when D.H.S. employees are given arbitrary targets what happens is people who shouldn’t be swept up, get swept up and that you’re going to see that happening to people in this context as well,” said Margy O’Herron, a senior fellow at the Brennan Center, a nonpartisan law and policy organization. “That could incite fear and terror amongst naturalized citizens.”

“我的担忧是，正如我们在逮捕和驱逐中看到的那样，当国土安全部员工被赋予任意目标时，会发生不应被波及的人被波及的情况，这种情况也会发生在这些人身上，”无党派法律和政策组织布伦南中心高级研究员玛吉·奥赫伦表示。“这可能会在归化公民中引发恐惧和恐怖。”

On a recent Monday, Dougal Keith drove an electric car out of his dealership’s showroom in Leeds, in northern England, and hit the accelerator.

不久前的一个周一，杜格尔·基思驾驶着一辆电动汽车离开他位于英格兰北部利兹市的经销店，而后一脚踩下油门。

The car, a Chinese-made BYD Seal Excellence, can reach 60 miles per hour in 3.8 seconds — a key selling point. Another is the price tag, about 48,000 pounds ($64,400), which is 20 percent cheaper than a top-range Tesla Model 3.

这辆中国制造的比亚迪海豹卓越版能在3.8秒内加速至时速百公里——这是它的核心卖点之一。另一个亮点是售价约4.8万英镑（6.44万美元），比顶配版特斯拉Model 3便宜20%。

Mr. Keith, who has been selling cars for more than four decades, said customers were skeptical of buying vehicles made in China when he opened a showroom in 2023 for BYD, China’s largest automaker. Now, he has six dealerships devoted to the brand.

拥有40余年汽车销售经验的基思表示，2023年他的这家中国最大车企比亚迪的经销店开业时，消费者对中国产汽车仍心存疑虑。而如今，他已拥有六家专门销售该品牌的门店。

“Some people have the perception that because it's Chinese it’s going to be made cheaply,” he said. But then, he would ask them, “Where do you think your iPhone is assembled?”

“有些人认为，因为是中国制造，所以做工肯定粗糙，”他说。但随后他会反问：“你觉得你的iPhone是在哪里组装的？”

Chinese cars are rapidly gaining ground in Britain, driven by a combination of factors. The lack of steep tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles — unlike in the European Union or the United States, where officials see the levies as a way to protect domestic production — means the cars can be sold in Britain at better prices. And British car buyers are not particularly loyal to brands, with no major mass-market British carmaker to support.

多重因素推动下，中国汽车正迅速抢占英国市场。与将关税视为保护本土生产手段的欧盟或美国不同，英国对中国电动汽车没有征收高额关税，这意味着中国汽车能以更优惠的价格在英国销售。此外，英国消费者对汽车品牌并无强烈忠诚度，本土也没有大型大众市场车企可供国民支持。

Last month, roughly a dozen Chinese automakers, like BYD, Chery and Geely, accounted for 13 percent of new car registrations in Britain, roughly double their market share a year ago, according to data from the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders.

英国汽车制造商与贸易商协会的数据显示，上月，比亚迪、奇瑞、吉利等约十几家中国车企占据了英国新车注册量的13%，较去年同期的市场份额近乎翻倍。

“The pace is like nothing the market has ever seen before,” said Ian Plummer, the chief commercial officer of Autotrader, Britain’s largest online car marketplace. BYD and Chery, which sell brands Jaecoo and Omoda, are gaining market share in Britain five or six times as fast as previous entrants, like Tesla a decade ago and South Korea’s Kia in the 1990s, he noted.

“这种增长速度是市场前所未见的，”英国最大在线汽车交易平台Autotrader的首席商务官伊恩·普卢默表示。他指出，相比10年前的特斯拉、上世纪90年代的韩国起亚等品牌进入英国市场时，比亚迪以及旗下拥有杰酷和欧萌达品牌的奇瑞在英国的市场份额增长速度是前者的五到六倍。

道格尔·基思在英格兰北部利兹市经营的比亚迪汽车经销店。过去一年间，中国制造的汽车在英国新车注册量中的份额翻了一番。英国购车者没有一家大型本土汽车制造商可以去支持，这为中国品牌等新兴汽车制造商提供了市场机遇。

Britain’s domestic auto manufacturing industry has been in decline for years, and produced about 600,000 cars so far this year, about half the pace of production at the end of last decade. The largest producers include Japan’s Nissan; Jaguar Land Rover, owned by India’s Tata Motors; and Mini, which is part of BMW.

英国本土汽车制造业多年来持续衰退，今年以来产量约为60万辆，仅为上十年末产量的一半。目前英国最大的汽车生产商包括日本日产、印度塔塔汽车旗下的捷豹路虎，以及宝马集团旗下的MINI品牌。

China has grown to become the largest car exporter in the world, making inroads in countries as far-flung as Mexico, Brazil, Malaysia and South Africa. China produces far more electric vehicles than any other country, and its automakers have proved adept at meeting shifting regulations and consumer preferences, gaining market share with in-demand hybrids as well.

中国已崛起为全球最大汽车出口国，足迹远及墨西哥、巴西、马来西亚、南非等国。中国的电动汽车产量远超其他任何国家，中国车企也被证明善于适应不断变化的法规和消费者偏好，凭借备受青睐的混合动力车型同样持续扩大市场份额。

Beijing has encouraged exports as a way to deal with overcapacity at home, which has led to cutthroat competition and substantial losses. The surge of Chinese exports has triggered a backlash in Western countries with large domestic auto industries.

中国政府鼓励汽车出口，以此应对已导致市场竞争白热化和巨额亏损的国内产能过剩问题。中国汽车出口的激增引发了拥有庞大本土汽车产业的西方国家的反弹。

U.S. tariffs of 100 percent on Chinese electric cars have effectively banned the vehicles there. The European Union has imposed tariffs of up to 45 percent on battery-powered vehicles from China.

美国对中国电动汽车征收100%的关税，实际上已经相当于禁止该类车型进入美国市场；欧盟则对来自中国的电动汽车征收最高45%的关税。

Britain has not erected similar trade barriers, instead levying a 10 percent tariff on all imported cars. The British government has been pursuing closer economic ties with China.

英国并未设置类似贸易壁垒，仅对所有进口汽车统一征收10%的关税。英国政府一直致力于与中国建立更紧密的经济联系。

Around two million new cars are sold in Britain every year. Since 2019, the number of different brands registering sales has nearly doubled, to more than 70, according to Autotrader. No single brand commands the same loyalty, or market share, as Volkswagen in Germany or Renault and Peugeot in France.

英国每年新车销量约为200万辆。Autotrader的数据显示，自2019年以来，在英国注册销售的品牌数量已翻倍至70多个。没有任何一个品牌能像大众在德国、雷诺和标致在法国那样拥有极高的消费者忠诚度和市场份额。

利兹停车场内的电动汽车充电站。作为全球最大的汽车出口国，中国同时也是最大的电动汽车制造国。

Chinese-made cars got a jump start in Britain thanks to SAIC Motor, a Chinese state-owned carmaker, which acquired the British sports car brand MG after its collapse in the mid-2000s. More and more production was shifted to China until, in 2016, SAIC closed MG’s factory in the Midlands, the center of British car manufacturing.

中国汽车在英国的起步得益于中国国有车企上汽集团。2000年代中期，英国跑车品牌名爵破产后，上汽集团将其收购。此后，该品牌的生产逐渐转移至中国，直至2016年，上汽关闭了位于英国汽车制造业中心米德兰的名爵工厂。

MG cars imported from China accounted for more than 4 percent of new registrations in Britain so far this year, the largest share for a Chinese-owned brand. BYD accounted for just over 2 percent, about the same as Tesla.

今年以来，进口自中国的名爵汽车占英国新车注册量的4%以上，是中国品牌中占市场份额最大的；比亚迪的占比略超2%，与特斯拉相当。

Mr. Keith, the auto dealer in Leeds, sold his first car at age 16 in 1980. Over the next decade, he gradually took over his father’s gas station and repair shop, which also sold Skoda cars, then made in Communist Czechoslovakia. In the early 1990s, he took a bet on the brand and opened a showroom just after Skoda was acquired by Volkswagen but before it gained a reputation for value and reliability.

利兹市的经销商基思在1980年他16岁时卖出了人生第一辆车。在接下来的10年里，他逐渐接管了父亲的加油站和维修店，那家店当时也销售斯科达汽车（当时产自共产主义国家捷克斯洛伐克）。上世纪90年代初，在斯科达被大众收购、尚未以高性价比和可靠性成名前，他就大胆押注该品牌，为其开设了经销店。

By the early 2020s, China’s BYD had caught Mr. Keith’s attention. With a group of other independent dealerships, he pitched the automaker and two and a half years ago became one of the first franchised dealers for the brand in Britain.

21世纪20年代初，中国的比亚迪引起了基思的关注。他联合其他几家独立经销商向比亚迪提出合作申请，并在两年半前成为该品牌在英国的首批特许经销商之一。

Initially, it was “very hard work,” Mr. Keith said. Few car buyers had heard of BYD, and he offered only an all-electric model.

基思表示，起初的经营“非常艰难”。当时很少有消费者听说过比亚迪，而且他最初只提供纯电动车型。

But as more models came out — particularly plug-in hybrids — sales increased. His sales staff emphasized the fully loaded vehicles’ perks, with rotatable touch screens, wireless phone chargers, voice controls and even karaoke features.

但随着更多车型推出——尤其是插电式混合动力车型——销量开始增长。他的销售团队着重宣传这些配置齐全的车型所具备的优势：可旋转触摸屏、无线手机充电器、语音控制，甚至还有卡拉OK功能。

Customers “are beginning to understand it’s not a budget brand,” said Fozia Siddique, who has been selling BYD cars since the Leeds showroom opened.

消费者“开始明白这不是一个廉价品牌”，自利兹店开业以来就一直销售比亚迪汽车的福齐亚·西迪基说。

道格尔·基思作为D·M·基思公司的合伙人，从事汽车销售工作已有45年。他预计公司明年的销售额将达到约5亿英镑。史蒂夫·瓦因一家和他们新买的车：一辆比亚迪插电式混合动力车。

Ms. Siddique recently helped sell a new BYD plug-in hybrid S.U.V. to Steve Vine. He bought the car, which retails for about £33,000, in part because of its spaciousness and the battery’s long range. Mr. Vine, 55, regularly drives more than 300 miles from his home near Leeds to the southwest coastal town of Cornwall, and wanted to be able to do so without needing to stop and charge for too long.

西迪基最近帮助史蒂夫·瓦因购买了一辆新的比亚迪插电式混合动力SUV。这款车零售价约为3.3万英镑，瓦因购买它的部分原因是空间宽敞且续航里程长。55岁的瓦因经常从利兹附近的家驱车约500公里前往西南沿海城镇康沃尔郡，他希望能在途中无需长时间停车充电。

In Derbyshire, Roger Lyons, 60, recently bought a £48,000 electric BYD Seal Excellence after trying out models from Audi, Hyundai and Porsche. The BYD was “as nice to drive almost as a Porsche, and it’s got more toys than any of the other cars,” he said. His accountant had urged him to switch to an electric car to save on fuel costs, since his penchant for used luxury automobiles left him with two Audi sports cars that can be pricey to run and maintain.

在德比郡，在试驾了奥迪、现代和保时捷的车型后，60岁的罗杰·莱昂斯最终购买了一辆售价4.8万英镑的比亚迪海豹卓越版电动汽车。“这辆车的驾驶体验几乎和保时捷一样好，而且比其他任何车的配置都更丰富，”他说。他的会计师建议他换一辆电动汽车以节省燃油成本——他偏爱二手豪华车，名下已有两辆奥迪跑车，使用和维护成本不菲。

罗杰·莱昂斯最近买了一辆比亚迪电动汽车，他表示，“这辆车的驾驶体验几乎和保时捷一样好，而且比其他任何车的配置都更丰富。”

Encouraged by the success of his BYD dealerships, this month Mr. Keith opened two locations to sell cars made by Changan, a Chinese state-owned automaker.

受比亚迪门店成功的鼓舞，基思本月又开设了两家门店，销售中国国有车企长安汽车的产品。

Next year, Mr. Keith expects sales at his company, which runs 28 dealerships selling a variety of global brands, to hit about £500 million, more than 50 percent higher than in 2024, boosted by the demand for Chinese cars.

基思的公司目前运营着28家门店，销售多个全球品牌的汽车。他预计，明年公司销售额将达到约5亿英镑，较2024年增长逾50%，这主要得益于对中国汽车需求的推动。

In September, the BYD dealership in Leeds sold more cars than any of his other dealerships in the area. “It’s pretty good going for a brand that two years ago nobody had heard of,” he said.

今年9月，利兹市的比亚迪门店销量超过了他在该地区的其他所有门店。“对于一个两年前还无人知晓的品牌来说，这已经非常不错了，”他说。

德比郡峰区国家公园的乡村风光。凭借其长续航电池技术，比亚迪吸引了众多希望长途驾驶无需频繁停靠充电的消费者。

In 2020, a Chinese citizen had heard reports about China’s mass detention and surveillance of Uyghurs. But he wanted to see if they were true for himself.

2020年，一位中国公民听闻中国大规模拘禁和监视维吾尔人的报道。但他想亲自验证这些报道是否属实。

So the citizen, Heng Guan, 38, said that he made a hugely risky decision, driving across the country from eastern China to Xinjiang, where he tracked down and secretly shot video of hulking re-education and detention centers mostly holding Uyghurs, a Muslim ethnic group. The footage later became rare visual evidence of the scale and forcible nature of China’s clampdown, despite Beijing’s claims that they were voluntary re-education camps.

这位38岁的公民关恒表示，他做出了一个极度冒险的决定，从中国东部开车穿越全国前往新疆，在那里，他追踪并秘密拍摄了主要关押穆斯林少数民族维吾尔人的庞大再教育和拘禁中心。这些视频后来成为罕见的视觉证据，证明了中国镇压行动的规模和强制性，尽管北京声称这些是自愿的再教育营。

In 2021, Mr. Guan fled to the United States, where he applied for asylum. Then, this August, as he was living in New York, he was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. His supporters and family members feared he might be sent back to China, where human rights activists say he would almost certainly face retribution from the government.

2021年，关恒逃往美国，并在那里申请庇护。今年8月，居住在纽约的关恒被移民与海关执法局拘留。支持者和家人担心他可能被遣返回中国，人权活动人士表示，他几乎肯定会面临政府的报复。

On Monday, after a public outcry, the Trump administration moved to continue deportation proceedings against Mr. Guan, but argued that he should be sent to Uganda, which has close economic ties to China.

周一，在受到舆论强烈抗议后，特朗普政府继续推进对关恒的驱逐程序，但主张应将他遣送至乌干达，后者与中国有密切的经济联系。

At a virtual immigration hearing on Monday, Niles Gerry, a lawyer for the Department of Homeland Security, cited an agreement that allows asylum seekers in the United States who might face persecution in their home country to be removed to what the government calls safe third countries, where they can apply for asylum. Administration officials, under pressure from President Trump to carry out mass deportations, have moved swiftly to resume third-country deportations after the Supreme Court cleared the practice in July.

在周一的线上移民听证会上，国土安全部律师奈尔斯·格里引用了一项协议，允许将可能在祖国面临迫害的美国庇护申请者遣送到政府称为“安全第三国”的国家，他们可以在那里申请庇护。在特朗普总统推动大规模驱逐的压力下，政府官员迅速恢复了第三国驱逐做法，此前最高法院在7月对这一做法予以认可。

Mr. Guan’s case underscores the immense breadth of Mr. Trump’s mass deportation campaign, which is ensnaring even those who would appear to have obvious claims to asylum.

关恒的案件凸显了特朗普大规模驱逐行动的范围之广，甚至连那些看似有明显庇护理由的人也卷入其中。

The Chinese government’s wide-scale repression of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang — and the extreme lengths to which officials have gone to distort or stymie any information about its efforts in the region — has been the subject of numerous international media investigations and human rights reports in recent years.

中国政府在新疆对维吾尔人的大规模镇压——以及官员为歪曲或阻挠有关该地区行动的信息而采取的极端措施——近年来已成为众多国际媒体调查和人权报告的主题。

新疆达坂城的一处拘留设施，摄于2021年。

China and Uganda share strong economic and defense ties, and the two governments have also promoted their cooperation on fighting crime. And Mr. Guan’s lawyer, Chuangchuang Chen, said that, given that close relationship, Mr. Guan would be in great danger in Uganda.

中国和乌干达在经济和国防领域有密切联系，两国政府还推动了在打击犯罪方面的合作。关恒的律师陈闯创表示，鉴于这种密切关系，关恒在乌干达将面临巨大危险。

“It’s more likely than not for such a highly sensitive person like Mr. Guan that Uganda would send him back to China,” Mr. Chen said in a telephone interview after the hearing.

“对于像关先生这样高度敏感的人，乌干达很有可能将他遣返回中国，”陈闯创在听证会后的电话采访中说。

In recent days, word of Mr. Guan’s possible deportation set off a furor in the United States. An editorial in The Wall Street Journal decried his possible deportation, and Raja Krishnamoorthi, a Democratic congressman from Illinois who is a ranking member of a House select committee on the Chinese Communist Party, called for Mr. Guan’s release.

最近几天，关恒可能被驱逐的消息在美国引发轩然大波。《华尔街日报》的一篇社论对他可能被驱逐一事予以谴责，伊利诺伊州民主党议员、众议院中共问题特设委员会少数党领袖拉贾·克里希纳穆尔蒂呼吁释放关恒。

At Monday’s hearing, Judge Charles Ouslander scheduled another hearing on Mr. Guan’s removal for Jan. 12, citing among several reasons the heightened interest in the case.

在周一的听证会上，查尔斯·奥斯拉德法官就关恒的驱逐问题又安排了一场听证会，定于1月12日举行，他列举了几个原因，其中包括本案引起的高度关注。

Mr. Chen said that he would file a motion on Mr. Guan’s behalf to allow him to stay in the United States and continue with his asylum application. The Department of Homeland Security said, “More information on this case is forthcoming.”

陈闯创表示，他将代表关恒提交动议，请求允许他留在美国并继续其庇护申请程序。国土安全部表示，“关于此案的更多信息即将公布。”

Mr. Guan was detained in August by immigration officials who had been carrying out an action against his landlord in upstate New York, according to Mr. Chen. A source familiar with the case said that Mr. Guan had been arrested during a raid led by the F.B.I. and Homeland Security Investigations, but that the man had no apparent criminal history.

据陈闯创称，关恒在8月被移民官员拘留，当时官员正在针对他在纽约州北部的房东采取行动。一位熟悉此案的消息人士表示，关恒是在联邦调查局和国土安全调查局主导的一次突查中被捕的，但他看起来并没有犯罪记录。

On Monday, Mr. Guan joined the hearing through a video link wearing an orange jumpsuit from a jail in Binghamton, N.Y., where he is currently being held.

周一，关恒身着橙色囚服，通过视频连线从纽约州宾厄姆顿市监狱参与听证会，目前他被羁押于该处。

The detention centers in Xinjiang were part of a draconian campaign under the Chinese leader Xi Jinping to indoctrinate Uyghurs and root out what the Communist Party said were dangerous ideas fueling resistance and extremist violence. Hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs and members of other mostly Muslim ethnic groups — some estimates said a million or more — were rounded up and held in re-education centers, detention sites or prisons.

新疆的拘禁中心是中国领导人习近平领导下的一项严酷运动的一部分，旨在对维吾尔人进行思想灌输，并根除共产党所称的助长抵抗和极端主义暴力的危险思想。数十万维吾尔人和其他主要穆斯林少数民族成员——一些估计称超过一百万人——被围捕并关押在再教育中心、拘禁设施或监狱中。

During Mr. Trump’s first presidency, the Chinese government’s treatment of Uyghurs emerged as a major source of tension between the two sides. In 2021, on the last full day of Mr. Trump’s first term, the State Department officially declared the Chinese government’s actions in Xinjiang a “genocide.”

在特朗普的第一届总统任期内，中国政府对维吾尔人的待遇成为双方紧张关系的主要来源。2021年，在特朗普第一届任期的最后一天，美国国务院正式宣布中国政府在新疆的行为构成“种族灭绝”。

And Marco Rubio, then a Republican senator from Florida and now the secretary of state, was among the most outspoken members of Congress on the issue.

时任佛罗里达州共和党参议员、现任国务卿的马尔科·鲁比奥是国会中最积极发声的成员之一。

Recent reports show that the Chinese government has sent Uyghurs out of Xinjiang to other parts of the country on government work programs that many experts believe are forcible in nature.

最近的报告显示，中国政府将维吾尔人从新疆遣送到全国其他地区，参加政府工作项目，许多专家认为这些项目本质上是强迫性的。

The Chinese government, for its part, has rejected any accusations of genocide or human rights violations and has defended its efforts in Xinjiang as necessary to fight against terrorism. Over the years, the government has systematically quashed efforts to question that narrative. It has asserted control through the use of mass surveillance and censorship, heavy policing of the local population as well as intimidation and threats to silence Uyghurs and other critics abroad.

中国政府则否认任何种族灭绝或侵犯人权的指控，并为其在新疆的行动辩护，称这是打击恐怖主义的必要措施。多年前，政府通过大规模监视和审查、对当地人口的严密警务管控以及恐吓和威胁来系统性地压制质疑这一叙事的努力，从而确立了控制。它还恐吓和威胁海外的维吾尔人和其他批评者。

The government has also severely restricted independent media access to the region, which is what made Mr. Guan’s footage — which provided a rare, close-up look at the detention camps detailing their high walls, guard towers and barbed wire — so revelatory.

政府还严格限制独立媒体进入该地区，这使得关恒的视频具有重大的揭示意义，它们提供了对拘禁营的高墙、警卫塔和铁丝网的罕见近距离观察。

“It had a big impact for people to see that, wow, this is real stuff happening to people,” said Tahir Imin, a Uyghur activist based in Washington.

“看到这些视频，会给人带来巨大冲击感：哇，这真的是发生在人们身上的真实事情，”华盛顿的维吾尔活动人士塔希尔·伊明说。

Mr. Guan visited Xinjiang as a tourist in 2019, when the detention campaign was at its height, and was shocked by the heavy-handed security he encountered, he told Human Rights in China, a group that is seeking his release from detention.

关恒在2019年作为游客访问新疆，当时拘禁运动正处于高峰期，他告诉寻求他获释的团体“中国人权”组织，当时他对遇到的严苛安保感到震惊。

中国新疆地区和田市郊外，一处被认为是再教育营的设施附近的瞭望塔，摄于2019年。

Later, evading China’s internet censorship firewall, he read a report from Buzzfeed News about the re-education centers in Xinjiang and decided to try to document them. He figured out the likely locations of centers from the Buzzfeed report and drove from site to site across several days in 2020, using a video camera to film the centers from a distance. Mr. Guan realized that, if he released the video, he would almost surely be arrested if he stayed in China, he told Human Rights in China.

后来，他绕过中国的互联网审查墙，阅读了BuzzFeed News关于新疆再教育中心的报道，并决定尝试记录这些中心。他从BuzzFeed报道中推断出中心的可能位置，并在2020年的几天内开车从一个地点到另一个地点，使用摄像机从远处拍摄这些中心。他对“中国人权”说，他意识到，一旦发布视频，如果继续留在中国，几乎肯定会被捕。

In 2021, after China began relaxing its pandemic-related restrictions on travel, Mr. Guan traveled to Hong Kong and then flew to Ecuador, which at the time allowed visa-free entry for Chinese passport holders. From there he flew to the Bahamas and then bought a small boat to make a grueling journey to Florida. Mr. Guan then released the video footage taken in Xinjiang on the internet, attracting widespread attention.

2021年，在中国开始放松疫情相关旅行限制后，关恒前往香港，然后飞往厄瓜多尔，当时该国允许中国护照持有人免签入境。他接着从那里飞往巴哈马，然后买了一艘小船，历经艰辛抵达佛罗里达。随后，关恒在互联网上发布了他在新疆拍摄的视频，引起广泛关注。

“Those unwilling to be enslaved are also unwilling to see others enslaved,” he said in the voice-over for his 19-minute documentary.

“不愿被奴役的人也不愿看到别人被奴役，”他在19分钟纪录片的画外音中说。

Mr. Guan’s mother, Luo Yun, who has lived in Taiwan for nearly 20 years, said that their family members in China, including Mr. Guan’s father and Ms. Luo’s four sisters, had all been questioned by police officers. The officers asked them about their contacts with Mr. Guan and their knowledge of his activities, Ms. Luo said in an interview.

关恒的母亲罗云已在台湾生活近20年，她表示，他们在中国的家人，包括关恒的父亲和罗云的四个姐妹都曾被警察盘问。警察询问他们与关恒的联系以及他们对他的活动的了解，罗云在采访中说。

“He’s definitely on the Chinese Communist Party’s blacklist,” Ms. Luo said of her son. “Even our family members who had no relationship with him after he became an adult have been investigated.”

“连我们家人跟他长成一个成年人以后完全没有关系的都遭到调查。中国政府一定是密切关注了他的案子，”罗云谈到儿子时说。

In a verdict long foretold by China’s Communist Party, a Hong Kong court on Monday convicted Jimmy Lai, a media mogul and rambunctious critic of the rulers in Beijing, finding him guilty of crimes endangering national security.

周一，香港一家法院宣判媒体大亨、对北京统治者持激烈批评态度的黎智英犯有危害国家安全罪。这一判决早在中国共产党的预料之中。

The conviction, swathed in the formal garb of a nominally independent judicial system left over from British rule, was never in any real doubt. Mr. Lai, 78, has been pilloried for years by China’s ruling party and its loyalists in Hong Kong as a traitor, a crook and the leader of a subversive “gang of four” who must be severely punished.

这一判决披着英国统治时期遗留的、名义上独立的司法体系的正式外衣，从来没有任何真正的悬念。现年78岁的黎智英多年来一直被中国执政党及其在香港的支持者诋毁为叛徒、骗子和颠覆性“四人帮”的头目，必须受到严惩。

In this case, he was convicted of two counts of conspiring with foreign forces to impose sanctions against Hong Kong and another of publishing seditious material in the former British colony. He had already been convicted and imprisoned on fraud charges.

在本案中，他被裁定两项罪名成立，一项是串谋外国势力对香港实施制裁，另一项是在这个前英国殖民地出版煽动性材料。此前他已经因欺诈指控被定罪并入狱。

When Mr. Lai was arrested five years ago and released briefly on bail, a group of self-declared Chinese “patriots” gathered outside his home in Kowloon and waved banners warning ominously that “traitors who bring disaster to Hong Kong will not have a good end.”

当黎智英五年前被捕并短暂保释期间，一群自称是中国“爱国者”的人聚集在他位于九龙的家外，挥舞着横幅，上面写着“祸港汉奸，无好下场”这样恶狠狠的警告。

Monday’s verdict delivered on that warning and brought nearer to a close a case that has crystallized the changes that have swept Hong Kong since the introduction of a harsh national security law in 2020 in response to months of antigovernment street protests that the authorities suppressed.

周一的判决兑现了这份警告，也意味着本案离结案更近一步。此案折射出2020年严苛的国家安全法颁布后席卷香港的巨变——该法正是当局为镇压持续数月的反政府街头抗议而制定。

2019年，数万人走上街头抗议引渡法案，示威活动逐渐演变成一场更广泛的运动，反对北京方面对香港事务日益增加的干预。

Mr. Lai, who took part in the protests and supported them through his now defunct newspaper, Apple Daily, was seen by many outside the city’s elite as a symbol of what once made Hong Kong special: noisy irreverence, freewheeling rags-to-riches ambition and an impish disregard for the pomposity of British colonials and the turgid, often menacing, pronouncements of mainland officials.

黎智英曾参与抗议活动，并通过其现已停刊的《苹果日报》支持抗议。在本地精英阶层之外，许多人视他为香港昔日独特精神的象征：喧闹的叛逆、白手起家闯天下的自如，以及对英国殖民者浮夸做派和大陆官员冗长且常带威胁的声明所展现的顽童般的漠视。

His preferred language is Cantonese, the dialect of Chinese spoken by most people in Hong Kong, over the Mandarin used by Beijing. Apple and a sister publication, Next magazine, also now shuttered, used Cantonese slang popular with readers while at the other end of the spectrum, party-controlled newspapers in Hong Kong, which sold far fewer copies, wrote in a bloated mix of communist jargon and formal Chinese.

比起北京使用的普通话，他更喜欢粤语，这是香港大多数人所说的一种汉语方言。苹果及其姊妹刊物、如今也已停刊的《壹周刊》使用深受读者欢迎的粤语俚语，而在另一端，中共控制的香港报纸的销量要少得多，它们使用的是累赘的共产主义术语和正式中文的混合体。

Mr. Lai delighted in taunting fellow tycoons, many of whom repeatedly told him to shut up and parroted Communist Party talking points in pursuit of business on the mainland. He reveled in riling an elite polite society saturated with the hypocrisies of the colonial era and also of the Communist Party. Apple Daily feasted on entertainment gossip, gory crimes and for a time published a regular brothel review by a columnist who went by the name Fat Dragon. But it was also heavy on serious political coverage slanted in favor of demands for more democracy and exposing the riches of China’s top political families and cronyism.

黎智英喜欢嘲笑其他商业大亨，他们中的许多人一再叫他闭嘴，为获取大陆的生意机会而复述中共论调。他热衷惹恼精英阶层的优雅社交圈，这个圈子充斥着殖民时代的虚伪，也浸透着中共的伪善。《苹果日报》有大量娱乐八卦和血腥犯罪报道，曾长期刊登署名“肥龙”的专栏作家撰写的妓院评论；但它也有大量严肃的政治报道，倾向于要求更多民主，揭露中国高层政治家族的财富和裙带关系。

2021年在香港印刷的《苹果日报》。这份报纸在当年停刊。

“The establishment hates my guts,” Mr. Lai said in a 2019 interview with The New York Times. “They ask, ‘Why don’t you just let us make money in peace?’ They think I’m a troublemaker,” he said, adding: “I am a troublemaker, but one with a good conscience.”

“建制派对我恨之入骨，”黎智英在2019年接受《纽约时报》采访时说。“他们问，‘你为什么不能让我们安安静静赚钱？’他们觉得我是搅局者，”他说，并补充道：“我是搅局者，但却是有良心的搅局者。”

On the eve of Monday’s court ruling, members of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, once a boisterous mainstay of the city’s legislative assembly and its largest opposition force, voted to formally disband. The decision left an already crimped political landscape entirely in the hands of carefully vetted politicians whom the authorities have judged sufficiently patriotic to take part in limited elections.

在周一法院作出裁决的前夕，香港民主党的成员投票决定正式解散。民主党曾是香港立法会中喧闹的中坚力量，也是香港最大的反对派力量。这一决定使得本已遭受束缚的政治格局完全落入当局精心筛选的政治人物手中，这些人士被认定爱国程度足够高，得以参与有限的选举。

China took back control of Hong Kong in 1997, ending 156 years of colonial rule, after promising in a 1984 agreement with Britain that the “previous capitalist system and lifestyle shall remain unchanged for 50 years.” The agreement promised legal protection for rights and freedoms, including those of speech and assembly.

中国于1997年收回香港主权，终结了156年的殖民统治。根据1984年与英国达成的协议，中国承诺“保持原有的资本主义制度和生活方式，50年不变”，并保障包括言论和集会自由在内的各项权利与自由。

1997年7月1日，中英香港主权移交仪式。

But the arrangement known as “one country, two systems” has frayed as the Hong Kong government, at the party’s behest, has not only snuffed out public protest, previously a regular feature of life in the city, but viewed even mild criticism of Beijing as a threat. It has vowed to uproot “soft resistance,” citing what officials see as signs of foreign subversion in a book fair, music lyrics, a U.S. holiday celebration and environmental groups.

但是，在中共的要求下，香港政府不仅扼杀公众抗议，而且将对北京的温和批评视为威胁，这种被称为“一国两制”的安排已经受到损害。公众抗议曾是香港生活的常态。中国誓言要铲除“软对抗”，官员们列举了书展、歌词、美国节日庆祝活动和环保组织的例子，称其中存在外国颠覆的迹象。

Space for free expression has become so constricted that Hong Kong’s national security police have arrested more than a dozen people since the city’s deadliest fire in decades, a late-November blaze that engulfed seven apartment towers and killed at least 160 people. The authorities have been on heightened alert for what they say are “anti-China forces” looking to exploit the tragedy, but critics have said that the authorities are targeting people who call for greater government accountability.

言论自由空间日益收缩，自11月下旬香港发生数十年来最严重的火灾以来——大火吞没了七座公寓楼，造成至少160人死亡——香港的国家安全警察逮捕了十几人。当局一直高度警惕他们所称的“反华势力”试图利用这场悲剧，但批评人士表示，当局针对的实际上是那些呼吁加强政府问责的人。

The charges on which Mr. Lai was convicted can be punished by up to life in prison. A pre-sentencing hearing is set to begin Jan. 12.

黎智英被定罪的指控最高可判处终身监禁。量刑前听证会定于1月12日开始。

In Beijing, the Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiankui welcomed Mr. Lai’s conviction. The court’s “actions are reasonable, lawful and beyond reproach,” he said, while condemning what he described as a “blatant defamation and smear campaign” by “certain countries” critical of the Hong Kong judiciary.

在北京，外交部发言人郭嘉昆对黎智英被定罪表示欢迎。他说，法院“合情合理合法，不容置喙”，同时谴责批评香港司法的“个别国家”是在“公然诋毁抹黑”。

周一，等待对黎智英的判决结果期间，法院外的警察。

The guilty verdict drew quick condemnation from Britain’s foreign minister, Yvette Cooper. (Mr. Lai is a British citizen.) In a statement posted on X, Ms. Cooper said “the UK condemns the politically motivated prosecution of Jimmy Lai that has resulted in today’s guilty verdict.”

英国外交大臣伊维特·库珀迅速对有罪判决表示谴责——黎智英是英国公民。在X上发布的声明中，库珀表示，“英国谴责出于政治动机对黎智英的起诉，这导致了今天的有罪判决。”

There was no immediate reaction from President Trump, who before his election last year promised “100 percent I’ll get him out. He’ll be easy to get out.” His administration has since curbed its hopes of extracting favors from China. In recent weeks it has worked to calm turbulent relations with Beijing following a trade war truce reached in October during a meeting in South Korea between President Trump and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping.

特朗普总统没有立即做出反应，他在去年当选前曾承诺“我百分之百能把他弄出来。要把他弄出来很容易”。此后，他的政府已收敛从中国获取利益的期望。10月，特朗普总统与中方最高领导人习近平于韩国会晤，达成贸易战休战协议，美方近几周正努力平息与北京的紧张关系。

Media outlets in Hong Kong controlled by China’s Communist Party had pronounced Mr. Lai guilty long before the trial started.

中国共产党在香港的媒体早在审判开始前就已宣判黎智英有罪。

A 2020 enumeration of his alleged misdeeds by Wen Wei Po, a party-controlled Hong Kong newspaper, listed 10 “unpardonable crimes,” which ranged from treason to a lack of filial piety and drug use. These, the newspaper predicted, “make it extremely difficult for him to clear his name.”

2020年，中共控制的香港报纸《文汇报》列举了他所谓的罪行，称他“十恶不赦”，包括卖港、不孝和吸毒。《纽约时报》预测，这些“将使他极难洗清自己的罪名”。

That Mr. Lai had no real chance of doing that was clear even before his arrest. In a 2017 speech celebrating the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule, Mr. Xi, China’s leader and the general secretary of its Communist Party, described the red lines which he said it was “absolutely impermissible to cross.” These included “any challenges to the power of the central government in Beijing,” a line that Mr. Lai, an irreverent critic of Beijing authorities, crossed repeatedly.

黎智英根本没有机会洗清罪名，这在他被捕前就已显而易见。2017年，中国领导人、中国共产党总书记习近平在庆祝香港回归中国20周年的演讲中，阐述了所谓“绝不能允许”触碰的底线。其中包括“挑战中央权力”——而这位对北京当局直言不讳的批评者黎智英，早已屡次越界。

2017年，中国国家主席习近平访问香港。他在此次访问期间阐述了“绝不能允许”触碰的红线，其中包括任何挑战北京权威的行为。

Mr. Lai, in the party’s telling, was not just a lone troublemaker, a label he welcomed, but the mastermind of a plot to sow chaos. Officials also condemned those they saw as supporting him, including the American diplomat Julie Eadeh, who is now the U.S. consul general in the city; her bosses in the State Department; and other so-called anti-China elements, including a former U.S. naval intelligence officer, Mark Simon, who worked as a business adviser to Mr. Lai.

在共产党的叙事中，黎智英不仅是一个孤立的麻烦制造者（他本人喜欢这个标签），还是策划制造混乱的幕后主使。官员们还谴责了他们认为支持黎智英的人士，包括现任美国驻香港总领事、外交官伊珠丽(Julie Eadeh)和她在国务院的上司，以及其他所谓的反华分子，其中包括曾担任黎智英商业顾问的前美国海军情报官员马克·西蒙。

The newspaper Wen Wei Po described Mr. Lai as the “number one political agent painstakingly cultivated by the United States in Hong Kong.”

《文汇报》形容黎智英是“美国反华势力的头号代理人”。

The evidence for this, rolled out in a fiery propaganda article since his arrest and in prosecutors’ arguments during 156 days of court proceedings, consists mainly of the fact that he met at various times with American officials, made disparaging remarks about the Communist Party, and supported foreign sanctions for the curtailment of basic freedoms guaranteed in the 1984 agreement with Britain. In their 855-page ruling on Monday, the judges said the evidence against Mr. Lai clearly proved him guilty.

在他被捕后一篇激烈的宣传文章以及检方在156天庭审的陈述中，主要列举的证据包括他多次与美国官员会面，发表贬低共产党的言论，并支持外国以1984年中英协议保障的基本自由遭到限制为由发起制裁。在周一长达855页的判决书中，法官们表示，针对黎智英的证据充分证明他有罪。

An ebullient self-made millionaire and churchgoing Roman Catholic, Mr. Lai fled to Hong Kong at age 12 from China’s neighboring Guangdong Province. He made a fortune from a retail clothing chain, Giordano, but later threw himself into publishing, founding Next, a weekly magazine, and Apple Daily.

黎智英是一位白手起家、精力充沛的百万富翁，也是虔诚的天主教徒。12岁时，他从临近的中国广东省逃到香港。他通过零售服装连锁品牌佐丹奴积累财富，后投身出版业创办《壹周刊》及《苹果日报》。

Unlike many in Hong Kong, he disagreed with young pro-democracy activists who voiced indifference over the state of China and insisted they were not Chinese, but Hong Kongers. A few even called for “independence” for Hong Kong, a cause Mr. Lai never supported.

与香港多数人不同，他反对年轻民主人士对中国现状漠不关心、坚称自己是香港人而非中国人的态度。少数人甚至呼吁香港“独立”，黎智英从未支持过这一主张。

2019年，黎智英在香港参加守夜活动，悼念1989年在北京天安门广场及周边地区遇难的人们。

Each year he attended a candlelight memorial event in Hong Kong for those killed in the Chinese military’s assault on peaceful protesters in and around Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, and voiced support for Chinese dissidents who shared his concern over their country’s direction. The Hong Kong authorities have effectively banned the Tiananmen vigil since 2020, bringing the city into line with the rest of China, where any mention of the 1989 bloodshed is taboo.

每年他都会参加在香港举行的烛光悼念活动，悼念1989年在中国军队镇压北京天安门广场及周边地区和平抗议者事件中遇难的人士，并声援那些与他同样担忧国家走向的中国异见人士。自2020年起，香港当局实质上禁止了天安门守夜活动，使香港与大陆保持一致——在大陆，提及1989年的血腥镇压仍是禁忌。

Mr. Lai’s quarrel with Beijing, he said in the 2019 interview, was never over patriotism — literally “loving country” in Chinese — but over “loving the party,” a fusion of political and national loyalties at the heart of Mr. Xi’s concept of nation.

黎智英在2019年的采访中表示，他与北京的分歧从来不在于爱国，而在于“爱党”——这种将政治忠诚与民族忠诚融合的理念是习近平国家观的核心。

“I always feel Chinese because I belong to the older generation,” Mr. Lai said. “I had always hoped that China was changing and would become a democracy. I was wrong. It was wishful thinking.”

“我总感觉自己是中国人，因为我属于老一代，”黎智英说。“我一直希望中国改变，成为民主国家。我错了。这只是一厢情愿。”

To a Hong Kong national security court, Jimmy Lai’s only intent was to “seek the downfall” of China’s ruling Communist Party. To Hong Kong’s leader, Mr. Lai’s actions were “malicious.” And to the police, his guilty verdicts on Monday amounted to “justice served.”

在香港国安法庭看来，黎智英的唯一意图是“寻求推翻”中国执政的共产党。对香港特首而言，黎智英的行为是“歹毒”的。而对警方来说，周一作出的有罪裁决“彰显了法律的正义”。

But to the small group of supporters who gathered quietly outside the courthouse on Monday before the verdict, the media tycoon and outspoken critic of Beijing was someone who stood up for them. He was also someone who joined pro-democracy protesters in the streets of Hong Kong until 2020 when China imposed an expansive national security law.

但对于周一宣判前静静聚集在法院外的一小群支持者而言，这位媒体大亨和直言不讳的北京批评者是一个曾为他们挺身而出的人。他也曾在街头与香港的民主派示威者并肩而行，直到2020年中国实施了一部全面覆盖的国家安全法。

In a sign of how much things have changed in this city since, Mr. Lai’s supporters were reluctant to speak to reporters. Many wore masks to cover their face. One supporter ushered a New York Times reporter to a corner away from police, who stood nearby looking on, before saying that the landmark trial marked the end of a chapter for the once-freewheeling media outlets in the city. Another supporter said she had attended every single hearing, of which there have been more than 150, over the past two years.

这座城市自那以后发生了巨大变化，这一点从一个细节中可见一斑：黎智英的支持者不愿接受记者采访。许多人戴着口罩遮住面部。警察站在附近注视着人群，一名支持者将《纽约时报》记者引到远离警察的角落，随后表示，这场里程碑式审判标志着这座城市曾经自由奔放的媒体时代已经终结。另一名支持者说，过去两年里，她参加了全部150多场庭审中的每一场。

The verdicts — which she correctly assumed would be guilty — were a watershed moment, she said. Who would stand up for the beliefs of people like her now, she wondered.

她说，这些她早已料到会定罪的裁决是一个分水岭。她不禁发问，如今还有谁会站出来支持像她这样的人所坚守的信念？

周一，香港，人们排队进入法院等待黎智英案的判决。

Presided over by a panel of three judges handpicked by Hong Kong’s leader, the trial did not have a jury, in a break from the city’s traditional common-law system that applies to national security cases.

该案由香港特首亲自挑选的三名法官组成的合议庭审理，没有设立陪审团——这偏离了香港传统的普通法制度，国家安全案件也适用于这一制度。

Esther Toh, one of the three judges, read from the concluding remarks of an 855-page ruling for nearly 40 minutes on Monday.

周一，三名法官之一的杜丽冰法官用了近40分钟，宣读了一份长达855页的裁决书的结语部分。

Dressed in a light-colored blazer and wearing black-rimmed glasses, Mr. Lai, who turned 78 last week, looked ahead as she read the decision that he had been found guilty on two counts of “conspiracy to collude with foreign forces,” in part over meetings he had held with politicians in the United States, and one count of conspiracy to publish seditious material in Apple Daily, the now-shuttered Chinese-language newspaper he founded in 1995.

上周刚刚过完78岁生日的黎智英身着浅色西装外套，戴着黑框眼镜，当杜丽冰法官宣读裁决时，他目视前方，神情平静。判决裁定他两项串谋勾结外国势力罪名（部分源于他与美国政界人士的会面）以及一项串谋发布煽动刊物罪（指其1995年创办、现已停刊的中文报纸《苹果日报》）罪名成立。

There was “no doubt” that Mr. Lai’s actions were motivated by “resentment and hatred” for China, Judge Toh said. She described Mr. Lai as “gleeful” about the prospect of the U.S. government imposing sanctions on the city after the authorities had suppressed monthslong mass antigovernment protests that erupted in 2019.

杜丽冰法官表示，“毫无疑问”，黎智英的行为动机源于对中国“心怀仇恨”。她形容在当局镇压2019年爆发并持续数月的大规模反政府抗议活动后，黎智英“乐见”美国政府对香港实施制裁的前景。

2023年，黎智英在狱中。

The judges painted Mr. Lai as a wealthy man who used his money and influence to lobby foreign countries, and, in particular, the United States. These actions, they said, were akin to an American national working with Russia to bring down the U.S. government under the banner of helping the state of California.

法官将黎智英描绘成一名利用财富和影响力游说外国、尤其是美国的富商。他们表示，这些行为类似于一名美国公民打着帮助加州的旗号与俄罗斯合作试图推翻美国政府。

From inside a glass box in the courtroom, Mr. Lai sat mostly still as he listened.

黎智英坐在法庭内的玻璃隔间中，几乎一动不动地聆听裁决。

The self-proclaimed “troublemaker” — whose Apple Daily once gave blanket coverage to the pro-democracy demonstrations — now faces up to life in prison. The court has set four days aside for a pre-sentencing hearing starting on Jan. 12 and the punishment would be announced “as soon as possible,” Judge Toh said.

这位自称“麻烦制造者”的人——他拥有的《苹果日报》曾对民主派示威活动进行全面报道——如今面临最高可判处终身监禁的刑罚。法庭已安排自1月12日起用四天时间举行量刑前听证会，杜丽冰表示，刑罚将“尽快”宣布。

After hearing the verdict, Mr. Lai stood up and waved to his wife, Teresa, who was sitting with one of his sons, Lai Shun Yan, and Cardinal Joseph Zen, the former Roman Catholic bishop of Hong Kong and an outspoken supporter of democracy.

听到判决后，黎智英站起身来，向坐在旁听席上的妻子李韵琴致意，李韵琴的身边是他们的儿子黎顺恩，以及天主教香港教区荣休主教、民主运动的公开支持者陈日君枢机。

左起：黎智英的妻子李韵琴、儿子黎顺恩，以及陈日君枢机周一抵达法庭。

Mr. Lai was already behind bars for five years, having previously been convicted of fraud for violating the terms of a lease agreement. Long known for his broad features, he now appears much slimmer. His family says his health is deteriorating from being held in solitary confinement, a point that police disputed in a news conference following the hearing on Monday.

黎智英此前已因违反租赁协议条款而被判欺诈罪获刑五年，正在服刑。他一向体型魁梧，如今却显得消瘦了许多。他的家人表示，长期被单独关押正在损害他的健康；警方在周一听证会后的新闻发布会上对此提出异议。

Hong Kong officials say Mr. Lai is receiving “adequate and comprehensive” medical care and that he had requested to be held in solitary confinement.

香港当局称，黎智英获得了“完备”的医疗服务，并表示他是主动要求被单独关押的。

International human rights groups condemned the guilty verdict as further evidence of the wider crackdown on free speech in Hong Kong. Sarah Brooks, Amnesty International’s China director, said it showed how the city’s national security laws were designed to “silence” its people.

国际人权组织谴责对黎智英的有罪裁决，认为这进一步证明香港当局正在更广泛地打压言论自由。国际特赦组织中国事务总监莎拉·布鲁克斯表示，这表明香港的国家安全法律旨在“噤声”民众。

Mr. Lai’s verdict comes as Hong Kong is still dealing with the aftermath of its most deadly fire in decades, an apartment complex blaze that killed at least 160 people last month. The national security police have made more than a dozen arrests since the fire and have been on heightened alert for what they say are “anti-China forces” looking to exploit the disaster to undermine social stability. Critics have said the authorities are targeting people calling for greater government accountability.

黎智英的判决出炉之际，香港仍在应对数十年来最严重火灾的后续影响——上个月，一个公寓楼群发生火灾，造成至少160人死亡。事发后，国安警察已逮捕十几人，并高度警惕他们所称的企图利用这场灾难破坏社会稳定的“反华势力”。批评人士指出，当局实际上是在针对呼吁政府承担更多责任的人。

上个月宏福苑大火后，香港的志愿者。

Mr. Lai’s verdicts will bring attention to what analysts say is Hong Kong’s shrinking tolerance for dissent against the government and free speech, as well as the continued erosion of the “one country, two systems” framework that was supposed to guarantee the city some autonomy from Beijing until 2047.

分析人士表示，黎智英的裁决将再次引发外界对香港政府日益收紧对异议和言论自由容忍度的关注，也凸显了对“一国两制”框架的持续侵蚀，这一框架本应保障香港在2047年前享有一定自治。

The political changes have been largely driven by two national security laws, one imposed by Beijing in 2020 and another law introduced by the Hong Kong government in 2024 that expanded its scope and specifically targeted treason, secession, subversion and sedition. Both laws were largely a response to the widespread and sometimes violent demonstrations that engulfed the Asian financial center in 2019.

这些政治变化主要由两部国家安全法律推动：一部由北京于2020年实施，另一部由香港政府于2024年推出，这部法律扩大了适用范围，明确针对叛国、分裂、颠覆和煽动行为。两部法律在很大程度上是对2019年席卷这一亚洲金融中心、规模广泛且有时伴随暴力的示威活动的回应。

They have served to muzzle much of the once-open forum for debate and discussion in Hong Kong, according to experts.

专家指出，这两部法律已基本扼杀了香港曾经开放的辩论与讨论空间。

Before the hearing on Monday morning, the police were on high alert. As the sun began to rise, dozens of officers jumped out of police vans, spilling into the streets and onto the sidewalks. Officials herded reporters and cameramen into two pens several hours before the trial began. Two officers walked around with bomb-sniffing dogs, and an anti-riot armored vehicle from mainland China, known as the “saber-toothed tiger,” rolled by.

周一早上开庭前，警方处于高度戒备状态。随着太阳升起，数十名警员从警车中跃出，涌上街道和人行道。开庭前数小时，官员将记者和摄影师集中在两个指定区域内。两名警员牵着搜爆犬巡逻，一辆来自中国内地、被称为“剑齿虎”的防暴装甲车驶过。

Emily Lau, a former chair of the Democratic Party, who attended the hearing on Monday, said she could not comment on the verdict. But she had a message for Hong Kong residents who felt impacted by the political changes that have swept through the city in recent years, including the disbanding of the Democratic Party, Hong Kong’s largest opposition party, on Sunday.

民主党前主席刘慧卿周一出席了庭审，她表示，自己无法就裁决发表评论。但她向那些因近年来席卷香港的政治变化而深受影响的香港市民（包括香港最大反对党、于周日解散的民主党）传递了一条信息。

“We have to be tough to survive in such an environment,” said Ms. Lau. “We can see the authorities keep giving people examples of just how tough things are, but life has to go on.”

“在这样的环境中，我们必须坚强才能生存下去，”刘慧卿说。“我们可以看到，当局不断通过一些案例向人们展示现实有多么严酷，但生活仍要继续。”

Kunshiro Kiyozumi is a small man with gray hair and a stooped back who lives alone and still pedals his bicycle to the supermarket. At 97, he cuts an unprepossessing figure to the younger shoppers busy texting while filling their carts, unaware his life contains a dramatic story shaped by history’s deadliest war.

清住薰四郎（音）是一位身材瘦小的独居老人，头发花白，脊背佝偻，至今仍骑自行车去超市购物。97岁的他在那些忙着边购物边发信息的年轻顾客中显得毫不起眼。他们不知道，他的人生中藏着一段由史上最惨烈战争塑造的戏剧性故事。

At age 15, Mr. Kiyozumi became the youngest sailor aboard the I-58, an attack submarine of the Imperial Japanese Navy. In the closing days of World War II, it prowled the Pacific Ocean, torpedoing six Allied ships, including the heavy cruiser U.S.S. Indianapolis, which it sank.

15岁时，清住成为日本帝国海军伊号第五十八攻击潜艇上最年轻的水兵。“二战”末期，这艘潜艇在太平洋活动，击沉了六艘盟军船只，其中包括重型巡洋舰“印第安纳波利斯”号。

1946年，驻扎在佐世保的伊号第五十八攻击潜艇。该潜艇曾对盟军舰船发动鱼雷攻击，并击沉了美国的印第安纳波利斯号战列舰。

He served in a military that committed atrocities in a march across Asia, as Japan fought in a brutal global conflict that was brought to an end with the atomic bombings of two of its cities. All told, World War II killed at least 60 million people worldwide.

他服役的军队在横扫亚洲的过程中犯下了暴行，日本参与了这场残酷的全球战争，最终以两座城市遭原子弹轰炸而结束。据统计，“二战”在全球造成至少6000万人死亡。

But the living veterans like Mr. Kiyozumi were not the admirals or generals who directed Japan’s imperial plans. They were young sailors and foot soldiers in a war that was not of their making. Most were still in their midteens when they were sent to far-flung battlefields from India to the South Pacific, where some were abandoned in jungles to starve or left bearing dark secrets when the empire fell.

但像清住这样的在世老兵，并非那些主导日本帝国计划的海军或陆军将领。他们只是年轻的水兵和步兵，卷入了一场并非由他们发起的战争。大多数人在十五六岁时就被派往从印度到南太平洋的偏远战场，帝国覆灭时，有些人被遗弃在丛林中饿死，有些人活下来，但要背负黑暗的秘密。

After Japan surrendered on Aug. 15, 1945, they returned to a defeated nation that showed little interest in their sacrifices, eager to put aside both painful memories and uncomfortable questions about its wartime aggression. Mr. Kiyozumi lived a quiet life, working at a utility company installing the electrical wires that helped power Japan’s reconstruction. Over time, his former crewmates died, but he rarely spoke about his wartime experiences.

1945年8月15日日本投降后，他们回到了一个战败的国家。这个国家对他们的牺牲漠不关心，急于抛开战争期间侵略行为带来的痛苦记忆和尴尬问题。清住过着平静的生活，在一家公用事业公司工作，负责铺设电线，为日本的战后重建提供电力支持。随着时间的推移，他以前的船员战友们相继离世，但他很少谈及自己的战时经历。

清住薰四郎前往松山市的一家餐厅吃午餐。他是伊号第五十八攻击潜艇最年轻的船员。

“I am the last one left,” Mr. Kiyozumi said in his home, showing fading photographs of the sub and himself as a young sailor.

“我是最后一个了，”清住在家中说，他展示了褪色的潜艇和他年轻时当水兵的照片。

As the 80th anniversary of the war’s end approaches, the number of veterans still alive is rapidly dwindling. There were only 792 Japanese war veterans still collecting government pensions as of March, half the number of a year earlier.

随着“二战”结束80周年临近，在世的老兵数量正迅速减少。截至3月，仍在领取政府养老金的日本“二战”老兵仅792人，是一年前的一半。

Now in their upper 90s and 100s, they will take with them the last living memories of horrors and ordeals, but also of bravery and sacrifice — powerful accounts that hold extra meaning now, as Japan builds up its military after decades of pacifism. Here are some of their stories.

如今他们已年过90多，甚至达到百岁，他们带走的将是关于恐惧与磨难，也包括勇气与牺牲的最后鲜活记忆。这些有力的叙述在当下更具特殊意义，因为日本在经历数十年和平主义后正在建立军事力量。以下是他们的部分故事。

Starved in the Jungle

丛林中的饥饿

Kenichi Ozaki was 15 when he enlisted in 1943, as most young men were expected to do as the tide of war turned against Japan. Told that it was a righteous cause, he joined the Imperial Army out of middle school in rural western Japan over his parents’ objections.

1943年，15岁的尾崎健一（音）应征入伍，当时战争局势已经开始对日本不利，大多数年轻人都被期望参军。他被告知这是一项正义的事业，他不顾父母反对，从日本西部农村的一所中学毕业后加入了日本陆军。

Less than halfway through his training to become a radio operator, Mr. Ozaki was rushed to the Philippines, where the Americans had arrived to try to reclaim their former colony from the Japanese. Poorly equipped and ill-prepared, the Japanese force was quickly routed.

接受无线电操作员训练尚未过半，尾崎就被紧急派往菲律宾，当时美军已抵达那里，试图从日军手中夺回这块前殖民地。日军装备简陋、准备不足，很快溃败。

1944年，美军在菲律宾的莱特岛攻击日军阵地。

The demoralized survivors fled into the jungle, where they wandered for months. Mr. Ozaki watched those around him fall from attacks by Philippine guerrillas or starvation. While he survived on leaves and stolen crops, Mr. Ozaki saw soldiers eat what appeared to be the bodies of dead comrades.

士气低落的幸存者逃进丛林，在那里游荡了数月。尾崎眼睁睁看着身边的人要么遭菲律宾游击队袭击身亡，要么饿死。他靠树叶和偷来的庄稼存活，却目睹士兵们似乎在食用阵亡战友的尸体。

After the war he returned to Japan, where he made a career at a company making electrical parts, rising to executive. For half a century, he didn’t speak of the war. He broke his silence when he realized how few people knew what his fallen comrades had endured.

战后回到日本，他在一家电器零件公司工作，后来升任高管。半个世纪里，他从未谈及战争经历。当意识到很少有人知道他牺牲的战友们所承受的苦难时，他才打破沉默。

尾崎现在在家中进行日间交易。

Now 97, Mr. Ozaki still dreams of those left behind, told they were dying for the glory of the empire, but sent into combat with no hope of victory.

如今97岁的尾崎仍会梦到那些被留下的人，他们被告知要为帝国荣耀献身，却被派去打一场毫无胜算的仗。

“In their last breaths, no one shouted for the long life of the Emperor,” said Mr. Ozaki, who lives in Kyoto with his son, also retired. “They called out for their mothers, whom they would never see again.”

“他们生命的最后时刻，没人高呼‘天皇万岁’，”尾崎说，他和同样已经退休的儿子住在京都，“他们呼唤着自己的母亲，却再也见不到她了。”

Kept a Dark Secret

深藏的黑暗秘密

For more than 70 years, Hideo Shimizu kept silent about the horrors that he experienced.

70多年来，清水英男（音）对自己经历的恐怖一直守口如瓶。

Born in the village of Miyata in mountainous central Japan, he didn’t know much about the war when he was forced to enlist in a youth brigade in 1945 at the age of 14. Because he was dexterous, a teacher recommended him for a special assignment.

他出生在日本中部山区的宫田村，1945年14岁时被迫加入青年团，当时他对战争知之甚少。由于手巧，一位老师推荐他接受一项特殊任务。

After days of travel by ship and train, Mr. Shimizu arrived in Harbin in Japanese-controlled Manchuria, where he learned he would be joining Unit 731, a secretive group developing new weapons.

经过几天的舟车劳顿，清水抵达了日本控制的满洲地区的哈尔滨，在那里他得知自己将加入731部队——一个研发新式武器的秘密组织。

二战结束后，哈尔滨附近仅存的731部队遗址。该设施曾是秘密进行生物和化学武器实验的人体实验基地。

At first, Mr. Shimizu dissected rats. Then he was taken to see the unit’s real experiments. He never forgot the sight: Chinese civilians and captured Allied soldiers preserved in formaldehyde, their bodies flayed open or cut into pieces. They had been infected with bacteria and dissected alive to see the effects on living tissue.

起初清水只是解剖老鼠。后来，他被带去观看部队真正的实验。那景象他永生难忘：中国平民和被俘的盟军士兵被泡在福尔马林里，身体被剥开或切成碎片。他们被感染细菌，然后被活体解剖，以观察细菌对活体组织的影响。

When the war ended, his unit escaped the advancing Soviets by rushing back to Japan, where he was told never to speak again about their work. Despite constant nightmares, Mr. Shimizu obeyed as he started a new life running a small construction company.

战争结束后，他所在的部队躲避推进的苏联军队仓皇逃回日本，并被告知此后不得再提及他们的工作。尽管饱受噩梦困扰，清水还是遵守命令，开始了新生活，经营一家小型建筑公司。

清水在其位于宫田的家中。战争结束后数十年间，他一直遵照命令对所见到的惨状守口如瓶。

In 2015, he accompanied a relative to a museum where a photograph of Unit 731’s base was displayed. When he started explaining the buildings in detail, the museum’s curator happened to overhear, and persuaded him to speak in public.

2015年，他陪一位亲戚去博物馆，那里展出了一张731部队基地的照片。当他详细讲解那些建筑时，博物馆馆长恰好听到，说服他公开讲述。

Now 95 years old, Mr. Shimizu tries to combat the denials proliferating online about atrocities committed by Unit 731.

如今95岁的清水试图反驳网上泛滥的那些否认731部队暴行的言论。

“Only the very youngest of us are left,” Mr. Shimizu said. “When we are gone, will people forget the terrible things that happened?”

“我们中只剩下最年轻的几个人了，”清水说，“等我们都不在了，人们会忘记那些可怕的事情吗？”

Marched into a Trap

踏入陷阱的行军

Sitting in the living room of his wooden home in the rice-growing village of Osonogo in mountainous Niigata Prefecture, Tetsuo Sato, 105, still seethes with anger over a battle fought long ago.

坐在新潟县山区种稻村落大曾根家中的木屋客厅里，多年前的一场战役仍然让105岁的佐藤哲夫怒火中烧。

After growing up as one of 12 children who didn’t always have enough to eat, Mr. Sato left this village in 1940 to join the army. He ended up in Japanese-occupied Burma (now Myanmar) just as Japan was planning an offensive against the city of Imphal, across a mountain range in British-ruled India.

佐藤有11个兄弟姐妹，从小经常吃不饱饭。1940年，他离开村庄参军，最终来到日本占领的缅甸，当时日本正计划进攻英属印度境内的因帕尔市，两地隔着一座山脉。

佐藤居住在日本新潟县北部的一个村庄。

Proclaiming that their soldier’s fighting spirit would prevail, the Japanese generals sent them without adequate weapons or supply lines, ordering them never to retreat. At first, the enemy troops appeared to flee, but it was a trap. When the British surrounded them, Mr. Sato escaped only because his commander disobeyed the orders and pulled back.

将军们宣称士兵的武士精神将会压倒对方，却不给他们配备足够的武器和补给线，还下令绝不撤退。起初，敌军似乎在撤退，但这是个陷阱。当英军包围他们时，佐藤之所以能逃脱，是因为他的指挥官违抗命令撤退了。

Even then, many died from starvation and disease as they fled back to Burma.

即便如此，在撤回缅甸的途中，许多人死于饥饿和疾病。

“They wasted our lives like pieces of scrap paper,” Mr. Sato said. “Never die for Emperor or country.”

“他们像对待废纸一样浪费我们的生命，”佐藤说，“绝不要为天皇或国家而死。”

佐藤家中一张日本天皇裕仁在的照片。他说：“绝不要为天皇或国家而死。”

Enlisted at 14

14岁入伍

Tadanori Suzuki was also keen to help his country when he enlisted in the Imperial Navy at age 14. He regretted it right away when the officers regularly struck the new recruits. The beatings stopped only when he was sent to the tropical island of Sulawesi, now in Indonesia, which the Japanese had seized from the Dutch.

铃木忠信（音）14岁时也热切地想为国家效力，加入了日本帝国海军。但很快他就后悔了，因为军官经常殴打新兵。直到他被派往热带的苏拉威西岛（现属印度尼西亚，当时被日本从荷兰手中夺走），殴打才停止。

1942年，印度尼西亚苏拉威西岛上的日本设施发生爆炸。

There, he trained on a small torpedo boat, spending sleepy weeks in the heat and tasting bananas for the first time. The idyll ended when a U.S. destroyer was spotted.

在那里，他在一艘小型鱼雷艇上接受训练，在酷暑中度过了慵懒的几周，还第一次吃到了香蕉。一艘美国驱逐舰的出现打破了这种宁静。

His boat was one of eight sent to intercept it. As they sped toward the gray enemy vessel, Mr. Suzuki heard the “bam-bam-bam” of its guns. When he pulled a lever to launch a torpedo, he saw a pillar of flame rise from the American ship. “A hit! A hit!” he yelled. But three of the Japanese boats never returned.

他所在的鱼雷艇是被派去拦截的八艘舰艇之一。当他们加速冲向那艘灰色的敌舰时，铃木听到了“砰砰砰”的枪声。他拉动操作杆发射鱼雷，看到美国军舰上升起一团火焰。“命中！命中！”他大喊。但有三艘日本舰艇再也没有回来。

Lacking fuel and ammunition, his squadron never forayed out again. Captured at the war’s end, it took him six months to get home. When he knocked on his door, his mother burst into tears. “I thought you were dead,” she said, then prepared him a bath.

由于缺乏燃料和弹药，他所在的中队再也没有出击过。他战争结束时被俘，六个月后才回到家。当他敲门时，母亲泪流满面：“我以为你死了。”然后为他准备了洗澡水。

铃木在他位于东京的家中。如今，他告诫学生们不要参战。

After retiring from his job as a carpenter, he started speaking to elementary schools near his home in Tokyo, warning them that there is no romanticism in war.

从木匠岗位退休后，他开始到东京家附近的小学演讲，告诫孩子们战争中没有浪漫可言。

“I tell the younger generations, ‘A long time ago, we did something really stupid,’” says Mr. Suzuki, now 96. “Don’t go to war. Stay home with your parents and families.”

“我告诉年轻一代，‘很久以前，我们做了一件非常愚蠢的事情，’”现年96岁的铃木说。“不要去打仗。和父母家人待在家里。”

Fought for the Empire

为帝国而战

One sunny April day, Masao Go, 97, was at a Buddhist temple near his home in Yokohama to watch placement of a stone with calligraphy etched into its face: “Taiwan our fatherland, Japan our motherland.”

4月一个晴朗的日子，97岁的吴正男在横滨离家不远的一座寺庙里，看着一块刻有书法的石碑被安放好，上面写着：“祖国台湾，母国日本。”

Mr. Go was born in Taiwan when it was a Japanese colony. His parents sent him to school in Tokyo, where he learned to be a proud citizen of the Japanese empire. In 1944, he joined the Imperial Army, eager to fight for a cause that he embraced as his own.

吴出生在当时还是日本殖民地的台湾。父母送他去东京上学，在那里他学会了以身为日本帝国公民为荣。1944年，他加入日本陆军，热切地为一项他视为己任的事业而战。

工人们正在横滨放置一块刻有“祖国台湾，母国日本”的纪念碑。

Trained as a radio operator on a bomber, he was assigned to an air base in Japanese-occupied Korea. His unit was told to prepare for a final attack against American forces on Okinawa, but Japan surrendered before the order came. Captured by Soviet troops, he was sent to a prison camp in Kazakhstan.

接受轰炸机无线电操作员培训后，他被派往日据朝鲜的一座空军基地。他的部队接到命令，准备对冲绳的美军发动最后一次攻击，但日本在命令下达前就投降了。他被苏联军队俘虏并送往哈萨克斯坦的一座战俘营。

By the time of his release two years later, Taiwan was part of China. Mr. Go went instead to Japan, where he became a banker in Yokohama’s vibrant Chinatown.

两年后获释时，台湾已成为中国的一部分。吴转而前往日本，在横滨繁华的唐人街成为一名银行家。

After hiding his military service for years, he now talks about it, concerned that Japan and Taiwan face a new threat, this time from China seeking to expand its dominance in Asia. He erected the stone, which honors the 30,000 Taiwanese who died fighting for Japan in World War II, to remind Japan of its connection to Taiwan, now a self-governing island that China vows to reclaim by force.

在隐瞒军旅经历多年后，他如今开始谈论此事，担忧日本与台湾正面临新的威胁，此次威胁来自寻求在亚洲扩大主导地位的中国。他竖立这块石碑，是为了纪念在二战中为日本作战而牺牲的3万名台湾人，以此提醒日本与台湾的联系——如今台湾是一个自治岛屿，中国誓言要以武力收回。

“A threat to Taiwan is a threat to Japan,” Mr. Go said. “We are bound by history.”

“对台湾的威胁就是对日本的威胁，”吴说，“我们被历史所束缚。”

Forgotten by His Nation

被国家遗忘

Mr. Kiyozumi, the youngest sailor aboard the I-58, still vividly remembers the day in July 1945 when the I-58’s lookouts spotted an approaching American warship. The submarine dove to fire its torpedoes. The captain watched through the periscope as the enemy vessel capsized and sank.

伊号第五十八潜艇上最年轻的水兵清住仍清晰记得1945年7月的一天，潜艇瞭望员发现一艘驶来的美国军舰。潜艇下潜发射鱼雷。舰长通过潜望镜看到敌舰倾覆沉没。

Years later, Mr. Kiyozumi learned their target had been the U.S.S. Indianapolis, which had just delivered parts of the atomic bombs to the island of Tinian for use against Japanese cities to end the war. Of the American ship’s 1,200 sailors, only 300 survived.

多年后，清住才得知他们的目标是印第安纳波利斯号，该舰刚将原子弹部件运到提尼安岛，这些部件后来被用于轰炸日本城市以结束战争。这艘美国军舰上的1200名水兵中，仅300人幸存。

“It was war,” Mr. Kiyozumi said, expressing sorrow but not regret. “We killed hundreds of theirs, but they had just transported the atomic bomb.”

“那是战争，”清住说，他感到悲伤，但不后悔，“我们杀了他们几百人，但他们刚运送了原子弹。”

清住在松山市的一家餐厅。

While Mr. Kiyozumi once corresponded with a survivor of the American warship, he feels forgotten and alone. His wife died three decades ago; his best friend on the I-58 died in 2020. No one in his town asks about the war.

清住曾与那艘美国军舰的一名幸存者通信，但他感到被遗忘和孤独。他的妻子30年前去世，他在伊号第五十八潜艇上最好的朋友于2020年离世。镇上没人问起战争的事。

“Young people don’t know what we went through,” he said. “They are more interested in their smartphones.”

“年轻人不知道我们经历了什么，”他说，“他们更感兴趣的是智能手机。”

In the first part of his life, Jimmy Lai rose from refugee from mainland China and child laborer to owner of a casual apparel empire, becoming a millionaire.

在人生的第一阶段，黎智英从一名来自中国内地的难民、童工一步步成为休闲服饰帝国的掌舵人，跻身百万富翁之列。

In the second, he made a move few tycoons would, throwing his wealth and influence into backing mass pro-democracy protests and creating a popular newspaper in Hong Kong that regularly challenged China’s ruling Communist Party.

在第二阶段，他做出了鲜有富豪会采取的行动，将自己的财富和影响力投入到支持大规模民主抗议活动中，并在香港创办了一份广受欢迎的报纸，该报经常挑战执政的中国共产党。

He has always attributed his rags-to-riches ascent to the freedoms of Hong Kong. And he has paid a hefty price for his refusal to back away from defending those rights.

他一直将自己白手起家的经历归功于香港的自由。他拒绝在捍卫这些权利的问题上退让，也为此付出了沉重代价。

On Monday, judges in Hong Kong convicted him of two counts of conspiracy to collude with foreign forces and one count of conspiracy to publish seditious material. He had pleaded not guilty to all three counts in his landmark national security trial.

周一，香港法院裁定他犯有两项“串谋勾结外国势力罪”和一项“串谋发布煽动刊物罪”。在这场里程碑式国家安全案件的审理中，他此前对这三项指控均不认罪。

Here’s a look at how he advocated for democracy and challenged leaders over the years, and why he became a longtime enemy of the Communist Party.

以下是多年来他如何倡导民主并挑战当权者，以及为何成为中共长期敌人的历程。

1940s-1980s

1940到80年代

Jimmy Lai was born on Dec. 8, 1948 in Guangdong, China, to a wealthy business family shortly before the Communist Party assumed power in the country.

黎智英1948年12月8日出生在中国广东一个富裕的商人家庭，不久共产党掌握了国家政权。

His father attempted suicide after the family home and business were seized, and later left his family for Hong Kong. Labeled a class enemy, his mother was sent to labor camps. Mr. Lai worked as a child porter at a railway station during years of famine. A taste of chocolate from a Hong Kong passenger inspired him to move there — still a British colony — as a stowaway on a boat in 1961. He worked his way up in the city’s garment factories, starting a knitwear manufacturing business in 1975 and then the casual clothing chain, Giordano, in 1981.

在家宅和生意被没收后，他的父亲曾试图自杀，但后来离开家人独自前往香港。被贴上“阶级敌人”的标签后，他的母亲被送去劳改。在大饥荒年代，黎智英曾在火车站当童工做搬运。在第一次尝到一位香港乘客给的巧克力后，他产生了前往当时仍是英国殖民地的香港的念头。1961年，他坐船偷渡来到香港。他在这座城市的制衣工厂一步步打拼，1975年开始了自己的针织品制造生意，1981年又创立了休闲服装连锁品牌佐丹奴。

1993年，黎智英在香港的一个自家店面。

1989

1989

Like many in Hong Kong, Mr. Lai was galvanized by students who occupied Tiananmen Square in Beijing to call for a greater say in government. Giordano printed T-shirts calling for China’s then-leader, Deng Xiaoping, to step down. (The slogan subverted a slogan — “Hello, Xiaoping” — that portrayed Mr. Deng as a man of the people.)

和许多香港人一样，黎智英深受北京天安门广场学生运动的触动。学生们占领天安门广场，呼吁在政府事务中拥有更大的发言权。佐丹奴曾印制要求当时的中国领导人邓小平下台的T恤。（这一口号是对把邓小平塑造成人民领袖的宣传口号“你好，小平”的颠覆。）

隐晦呼吁邓小平下台的佐丹奴T恤。

The crackdown on the protesters inspired Mr. Lai to launch a political and entertainment weekly, Next Magazine, the following year.

对示威者的镇压促使黎智英在第二年创办了一本兼具政治与娱乐内容的刊物——《壹周刊》。

1994

1994

Mr. Lai published an open letter in Next Magazine insulting China’s then-premier Li Peng, who was seen as a force behind the Tiananmen crackdown, and telling him to “drop dead.” The authorities closed down the Giordano store in Beijing and Mr. Lai later resigned and sold his stake in the business to focus on media ventures.

黎智英在《壹周刊》上发表公开信，大骂当时的中国总理李鹏——外界普遍认为他是天安门镇压的幕后推手之一——并对他说“去死吧”。当局随即关闭了佐丹奴在北京的门店，黎智英后来辞职并出售了在该公司的股份，转而专注于媒体事业。

1995

1995

Mr. Lai founded Apple Daily, a Chinese-language newspaper in Hong Kong. Covering news, entertainment and politics, the full-color, often-sensationalist tabloid grew to become one of the highest-circulation papers in the city. Its slogan — “an apple a day keeps the liars away”— was also printed on souvenirs like watches.

黎智英在香港创办了中文报纸《苹果日报》。这份报道新闻、娱乐和政治的全彩小报常带有耸人听闻的风格，逐渐成为该市发行量最高的报纸之一。其口号——“每日一苹果，冇人呃到我”还被印在手表等纪念品上。

His decision was seen as bold, even provocative, at a time when thousands were emigrating from the city, two years ahead of its handover by the British to China. Other tycoons were careful not to fall afoul of China’s ruling Communist Party. Many speculated about whether Mr. Lai would be arrested. Still, he portrayed himself as a firebrand.

在距离英国将香港主权移交中国还有两年、成千上万的人正移民离开这座城市之际，他的这一决定被视为大胆甚至是挑衅的举动。其他商界大亨都小心翼翼，生怕得罪执政的共产党。许多人猜测黎智英是否会被捕。尽管如此，他仍将自己塑造成一个激进敢言的人物。

报纸的口号“每日一苹果，冇人呃到我”也被印在了纪念手表上。

To promote the first issue on June 25, 1995, Mr. Lai appeared in a television advertisement where he sits calmly with an apple on his head while shadowy figures shoot arrows at him. At the end, he takes the apple and bites into it.

为了宣传1995年6月25日出版的创刊号，黎智英出现在一则电视广告中：他神情镇定地坐着，头顶一只苹果，周围射来冷箭。广告结尾，他取下苹果，咬了一口。

“I love the intensity of trouble,” he said in a BBC interview that year. “I think that’s great fun.”

“我喜欢麻烦带来的紧张刺激感，”他在当年接受BBC采访时说。“我觉得这非常有意思。”

“I believe in the media, by delivering information, you’re actually delivering freedom,” Mr. Lai said in an interview in 2020 with The New York Times.

“我相信通过传递信息，媒体实际上在传播自由，”黎智英在2020年接受《纽约时报》采访时说。

A television ad pegged to the founding of Apple Daily, shows Jimmy Lai being shot by multiple arrows.

一条为《苹果日报》创刊而制作的电视广告中，黎智英被多支箭射中。

1996-2013

1996-2013

In its early years, the newspaper sometimes sided with China on patriotic topics, such as territorial conflicts with Japan over the islands known in China as Diaoyu and in Japan as Senkaku. On the 1997 handover, it struck an optimistic note with the headline “A great new era begins: Hong Kong believes there will be a tomorrow.”

在创刊初期，这份报纸有时会在爱国议题上与中国立场一致，例如在中国称为钓鱼岛、日本称为尖阁诸岛的岛屿主权争端中支持中方立场。1997年香港回归时，它也以乐观的口吻报道，头版标题写道：“一个大时代的开始：香港信有明天。”

But it and its sister publication were better known for their role in encouraging readers to take to the streets in political protests. The paper would publish colorful cutout posters within its pages in the lead-up to planned demonstrations.

但这份报纸及其姊妹刊物更广为人知的是它们在鼓励读者走上街头进行政治抗议方面所扮演的角色。在计划举行示威之前，报纸常常在内页中刊登色彩鲜艳、可剪下使用的海报。

In 2003, Next Magazine published a cover illustration portraying Tung Chee-hwa, Hong Kong’s first post-colonial leader, being hit in the face by a cream pie. That came after he tried to pass an unpopular security law.

2003年，在香港首位后殖民时代的领导人董建华试图推动一项引发广泛不满的安全法之后，《壹周刊》在封面刊登了一幅漫画，画中董建华被奶油派砸中脸部。

2003年7月1日的一场示威中，一名抗议者举着《壹周刊》封面海报，画面是一只奶油派砸在时任香港特首董建华的脸上。

Mr. Lai spent vast sums of his own money to publish political advertisements in Apple Daily and other outlets in the lead-up to a major demonstration that was attended by half a million people.Mr. Tung eventually resigned.

在一次吸引了约50万人参加的大型示威活动前夕，黎智英自掏腰包，在《苹果日报》和其他媒体上投放了大量政治广告。最终，董建华辞职下台。

Later, in 2012 and 2013, as the opposition increasingly pushed for democratic reform in Hong Kong, posters portrayed another top leader, Leung Chun-ying, as Pinocchio and included slogans such as “I am a Hong Konger, I want real elections.”

后来，在2012年和2013年，随着反对派日益推动香港的民主改革，海报将另一位最高领导人梁振英描绘成匹诺曹，并配上“我是香港人，我要真普选”等口号。

2014

2014

Apple Daily gave blanket and sympathetic coverage to a movement that became known as the Umbrella Revolution, where protesters occupied the roads of Hong Kong’s central business district for 79 days in the hopes of pressuring the government to allow freer elections. Mr. Lai was a regular presence at the protests. He was among those who were tear-gassed and was briefly detained by police.

《苹果日报》对后来被称为“雨伞革命”的运动进行了全面且充满同情的报道。在那次运动中，抗议者占领了香港中环商业区的街道长达79天，希望以此向政府施压，争取自由度更大的选举。黎智英经常出现在抗议现场。他也曾遭遇警方施放催泪瓦斯，并被短暂拘留。

2014年11月，黎智英（左）在香港政府总部外的一处“占领”区域。

Mr. Lai became the target of attacks as he and Apple Daily became more closely associated with the protest movement. Oriental Daily, a pro-Beijing tabloid, published a fake obituary in August 2014, claiming that Mr. Lai had died and that there would be no funeral. Two months earlier, the website of Apple Daily was bombarded by cyberattacks that forced it to shut down for several hours.

随着黎智英本人及《苹果日报》与抗议运动的联系日益紧密，他开始成为攻击目标。亲北京的小报《东方日报》在2014年8月刊登了一条虚假讣告，宣称黎智英已经去世，且不会举行葬礼。两个月前，《苹果日报》的网站曾遭到大规模网络攻击，被迫停运数小时。

In October, dozens of protesters barricaded the headquarters of Apple Daily and tried to physically prevent the paper from leaving the printing press for several nights in a row. Employees used cranes to lift the newspapers into delivery trucks. A headline on the incident read: “Fearless and undaunted: Apple Daily continues to publish.”

10月，数十名抗议者封堵《苹果日报》总部，并连续数晚试图以肢体阻拦的方式阻止报纸从印刷厂运出。员工用起重机将报纸吊装到配送卡车上。关于此事件的一个标题写道：“无畏无惧：《苹果日报》继续出版。”

2014年10月，抗议者封堵《苹果日报》总部，迫使员工动用起重机将印好的报纸吊装到配送卡车上。

In November, a few men dumped bags of animal organs on Mr. Lai while he was at the protest site.

11月，黎智英出现在抗议现场时，几名男子将几袋动物内脏倾倒在他身上。

2019

2019

Apple Daily gave blanket coverage to a new wave of antigovernment protests that began as peaceful demonstrations against an extradition law, and evolved into months of violent standoffs between police and protesters, leaving streets filled with tear gas, Molotov cocktails and broken glass. Apple Daily sided firmly with the protesters, using headlines such as “the tyrannical government has fired at us” to denounce the heavy use of tear gas.

《苹果日报》对新一轮的反政府抗议活动进行了铺天盖地的报道。这场抗议最初是反对一项引渡条例的和平示威，后来演变成了警察与抗议者之间持续数月的暴力对峙，街头弥漫着催泪瓦斯，遍地是燃烧瓶和碎玻璃。《苹果日报》坚定站在示威者一边，使用诸如“暴政向我们开枪”等标题，谴责警方大量使用催泪瓦斯。

2019年6月12日，一名抗议者手持《苹果日报》制作的黄伞。

Mr. Lai also traveled to the United States to meet with politicians, such as then-vice president Mike Pence, to discuss protests in Hong Kong. These meetings, photos of which were published in Apply Daily, would be used against him in his trial.

黎智英还曾前往美国，与时任副总统迈克·彭斯等政界人士会面，讨论香港的抗议活动。这些会面的照片后来刊登在《苹果日报》上，并在审判中用作指控他的证据。

2020

2020

Beijing imposed a national security law criminalizing most forms of dissent and Mr. Lai was one of its first targets.

北京实施了《国家安全法》，将大多数形式的异议定为犯罪，黎智英成为最早被针对的对象之一。

In August, Apple Daily was raided by hundreds of police officers and he was arrested, then released on bail.

8月，《苹果日报》遭数百名警察突击搜查，黎智英被捕，随后获准保释。

For the next few months, he gave numerous interviews and hosted several online chats with prominent officials. He was rearrested in December.

接下来的几个月里，他接受了大量采访，并主持了多场与有影响力官员的线上对谈。12月，他再次被捕。

黎智英在家中，摄于2020年8月。

Playing cards were distributed anonymously in mailboxes in residential areas depicting Hong Kong’s “most wanted” pro-democracy figures in an apparent attempt at intimidation. Mr. Lai was depicted as the joker.

有人匿名向住宅区的信箱投放国安通缉扑克牌，上面印着香港的民主派人物，这明显带有恐吓意味。黎智英在扑克牌中是小丑。

印有民主派人物照片的扑克牌被匿名散发。

2021-2025

2021-2025

The police froze the accounts of Apple Daily and arrested six editors and executives during a second raid of the newspaper.

在对报社的第二次搜查中，警方冻结了《苹果日报》的账户，并逮捕了六名编辑和高管。

The newspaper announced it would close a few days later after rushing out a final issue that was snapped up by readers across the city. Some supporters lined up outside the newsroom, holding up their mobile phone flashlights as the papers left the press for the final time.

报社随后宣布将在几天后停刊，并仓促印刷了最后一期报纸，被全城读者抢购一空。一些支持者在编辑部外排队，打开手机里的手电筒，目送报纸最后一次送出印刷厂。

2021年6月24日凌晨，正在印刷的最后一期《苹果日报》。

In December 2021, Mr. Lai was convicted and sentenced to 13 months in prison for participating in a June 4, 2020, vigil for Tiananmen victims that the government had banned. He had already been sentenced in other cases related to the 2019 pro-democracy protests.

2021年12月，黎智英因2020年6月4日参与一场被政府禁止的天安门事件悼念活动，被判有罪并处13个月监禁。他此前已因与2019年民主抗议活动相关案件获刑。

In 2022, Mr. Lai was given a five-year sentence after being convicted of violating the terms of a lease agreement related to his newspaper.

2022年，黎智英被裁定违反与其报纸相关的租约条款，被判处五年徒刑。

2023年7月，黎智英在狱中。

His national security trial began in December 2023, after lengthy procedural delays, including over his legal representation. Mr. Lai had sought to be represented by Timothy Owen, a senior British lawyer, but the authorities barred him from the case.

他的国安案件审判于2023年12月开始，此前因多项程序问题而拖延多时，其中包括围绕其法律代理人的争议。黎智英曾希望由英国资深大律师蒂莫西·欧文为其辩护，但当局禁止欧文参与此案。

Mr. Lai, who turned 78 last week, is now thin and frail. A diabetic, his health has been deteriorating from being held in solitary confinement, his family has said.

上周刚满78岁的黎智英如今身形消瘦、身体虚弱。他的家人表示，他患有糖尿病，健康状况因长期被单独关押不断恶化。

Update: The authorities in Rhode Island were still searching for a gunman who killed two people and injured nine others at Brown University, after a man who had been detained was released, the mayor of Providence, R.I. announced at a news conference late Sunday night.

更新：罗德岛州普罗维登斯市市长在周日晚间的新闻发布会上宣布，此前被拘留的一名男子已被释放，罗德岛州当局仍在搜捕在布朗大学枪造成两人死亡、九人受伤的枪手。

It began at little after 4 p.m., when a masked man burst into a lecture hall at Brown University with a rifle, yelled something incomprehensible, and began spraying bullets at the 60 or so students that were there for an economics study session ahead of final exams.

事件始于下午4点刚过，一名蒙面男子手持步枪闯入布朗大学的阶梯教室。当时约60名学生正在复习经济学，为期末考试做准备。男子大喊了一些，随即向学生扫射。

Some students were able to escape through the side doors of the hall. Others could only hide, ducking under chairs and behind desks. Two were killed, and nine wounded.

部分学生从教室侧门侥幸逃脱，另一些人只能躲藏起来，蹲在椅子下或课桌后。有两人丧生，九人受伤。

Joseph Oduro, a 21-year-old senior and teaching assistant who was leading the study session, said he took cover behind a desk with about 20 others. “The students in the middle were impacted the most,” he said. “Many of them were lying there and they were not moving.”

21岁的大四学生、主持复习课的助教约瑟夫·奥杜罗表示，他与约20名学生一同躲在一张课桌后。“坐在中间的学生受创最严重，”他说，“很多人躺在那里，一动不动。”

Twelve hours after the shooting began, U.S. marshals and local officers detained a suspect, a man in his 20s, at a hotel in Coventry, R.I., about 15 miles south of campus.

枪击事件发生12小时后，联邦法警与当地警方在校园以南约24公里的罗得岛州考文垂镇的一家酒店内逮捕了20多岁的男性嫌疑人。

周六，警方在布朗大学搜寻枪手。

For most students, the night of terror began as a phone alert, at 4:22 p.m., a few minutes after sunset on a wintry day, while many of them were studying for final exams. The alert blared a shocking warning: There was an active shooter at the Barus and Holley engineering and physics building. The alert directed people on the Providence, R.I., campus to shelter in place.

对大多数学生而言，这个恐怖之夜始于下午4点22分的手机警报。寒冬时节，天色正在暗下来，许多学生仍在准备期末考试。这是一条令人心惊胆颤的警报：巴勒斯-霍利工程与物理大楼内有仍在活动的枪手，并指示罗得岛州普罗维登斯市校园内人员就地避难。

John Goncalves, a Brown alumnus who represents the neighborhood on the Providence City Council, said he was at a public event Saturday when his phone was overwhelmed with incoming messages. As he pieced together the startling information about what had happened, “it was almost impossible to process,” he said. “This is a community where people feel safe.”

布朗大学校友、代表该社区的普罗维登斯市议员约翰·贡萨尔维斯表示，周六他正在参加一场公共活动，手机突然收到大量信息。当他拼凑出事件的惊人真相时，“几乎让人无法接受，”他说。“这个社区一直让人感觉很安全。”

But on Saturday night, students and nearby residents on lockdown peeked from their windows to see an overwhelming police response, with officers wearing armor and helmets and toting weapons, something entirely out of character for their neighborhood.

但周六当晚，处于封锁状态的学生和附近居民从窗户向外窥视，看到了大规模的警方部署：身着防弹衣、头戴头盔、手持武器的警员遍布街区——与这里平日的宁静氛围格格不入。

The streets near the school are a popular entertainment spot for both students and residents of Providence, who come for restaurants, bars and a theater. The neighborhood, decked out for the holidays, was transformed on Saturday, abandoned by residents and swarming, instead, with armed police.

学校附近的街道本是普罗维登斯市学生与居民喜爱的休闲场所，餐厅、酒吧和剧院林立。节日装饰点缀下的街区，在周六彻底变了模样：居民纷纷撤离，取而代之的是荷枪实弹的警察。

Military-style vehicles idled in intersections. Circling helicopters thrummed overhead. The hundreds of officers stood out in particular for the rifles and shotguns they carried — fearsome weaponry not often seen on the streets of an Ivy League college town. The officers fanned out through the neighborhood, searching for the shooter, shining powerful lights down alleyways and into parked cars.

军事化的车辆在十字路口待命，直升机在头顶盘旋。数百名手持步枪和霰弹枪的警员尤其引人注目，这样令人胆寒的武器在常春藤盟校大学城的街头并不常见。警员在街区内散开搜寻枪手，用强光手电照亮小巷和停放的车辆内部。

Dozens of ambulances, lights flashing, queued up ominously in long lines on side streets, in case there were more shooting and more victims.

数十辆救护车闪着警灯，在侧街排出令人不安的长队，随时准备应对可能出现的更多枪击事件和伤员。

Providence Mayor Brett Smiley said he met with a wounded student at the hospital who was thankful for active shooter drills in high school. “We shouldn’t have to do active shooter drills, but it helped,” the mayor said, “and the reason it helped, and the reason we do these drills, is because it’s so damn frequent.”

普罗维登斯市市长布雷特·斯迈利表示，他在医院探望了一名受伤学生，该学生称高中时参加的校园枪击事件应急演练帮了大忙。“我们本不该需要进行这类演练，但它确实起到了作用，”市长说。“而演练之所以有帮助、我们之所以要坚持开展演练，是因为这类事件发生得太频繁了。”

Spencer Yang, 18, who was shot in the leg in the science lecture hall, recalled little about the shooter, who entered at the rear of the auditorium-style classroom. He remembered vividly, though, that at the bang of gunshots, students began to run toward the front of the downward-sloping classroom.

18岁的斯宾塞·杨（音）在科学阶梯教室腿部中弹。他对从阶梯式教室后排闯入的枪手没什么印象，但清晰记得枪声响起时，学生们纷纷向教室前方的下坡方向奔跑。

“I didn’t make it all the way to the front — I just laid down between some seats,” Mr. Yang said.

“我没能跑到最前面，只能躺在座位之间，”斯宾塞·杨说。

“After the shots rang out, it was kind of silent,” he said. “Once he was gone, I just remember a bunch of people started screaming.”

“枪声停止后，周围陷入寂静，”他回忆。“枪手离开后，我只记得一群人开始尖叫。”

Many sheltered in place for hours after the initial alert, until the police arrived to search them and their buildings. Some 2,000 students were evacuated; many ended up initially at a nearby athletic center, before being relocated to stay with friends or in hotels.

最初的警报发出后，许多人就地避难数小时，直到警方前来搜查人员及所在的建筑。约2000名学生被疏散，起初大多被安置在附近的体育中心，之后再转移至朋友家中或酒店暂住。

Annelise Mages, 17, a first-year pre-med student from San Diego, was studying for her chemistry final in the high-rise Sciences Library, which overlooks the building where the shooting took place. She first noticed police lights, and then received the university alert.

17岁的安妮莉丝·梅格斯是来自圣迭戈的大一医学预科生，当时正在高层的科学图书馆备考化学期末考试，这里可以俯瞰枪击事件发生的大楼。她先是注意到警灯闪烁，随后收到了学校的警报。

From the windows on the fourth floor, she and other students watched emergency medical teams tend to injured people; one student was brought out on a stretcher, holding his arm.

从四楼的窗户望去，她和其他学生看到急救人员正在救治伤者；一名学生被担架抬出，手臂受伤。

She and dozens of other students barricaded doors with white boards and chairs. Some hid in bathrooms.

她与数十名学生用白板和椅子封堵了门窗，有些人躲进了卫生间。

袭击造成两名学生死亡，九人受伤。

Two or three hours later, about seven police officers broke down the barricades. With the shooter still at large, the police evacuated the students at gunpoint, screaming at them to hold their hands up, Ms. Mages said. Some students were in tears.

两三个小时后，约七名警察突入。梅格斯说，当时枪手仍在逃，警方荷枪实弹疏散学生，大声命令他们举起双手，部分学生吓得泪流满面。

The group then spent another four to five hours in the building’s basement, before they were bused to the university’s athletic center. There, they were split into male and female lines and patted down. Hundreds of students waited in a line for food.

随后，这群学生又在大楼地下室待了四五个小时，之后被大巴送往学校体育中心。在那里，他们被分成男女两队接受搜身，数百名学生排队领取食物。

When Ms. Mages exited the athletic center on Sunday morning around 3 a.m., after nearly 12 hours of lockdown in several different locations, the first thing she noticed was the newly fallen snow.

周日凌晨3点左右，经过近12小时、多个地点的封锁后，梅格斯走出体育中心。她首先注意到的是刚落下的雪花。

“The first snow of the year,” she said. “We’re all in mourning, and it’s winter, and I’m not sure what the spring at Brown will look like.”

“这是今年的初雪，”她说。“我们都沉浸在悲痛中，现在是冬天，我不知道布朗大学的春天会是什么样子。”

A U.S. special operations team boarded a ship in the Indian Ocean last month and seized cargo headed to Iran from China, a U.S. official said, a rare operation at sea aimed at blocking Tehran from rebuilding its military arsenal.

一名美国官员表示，一支美国特种作战小组上月在印度洋登上一艘船，扣押了从中国运往伊朗的货物。这是一次罕见的海上行动，目的是阻止德黑兰重建其武器库。

The seizure, which was first reported by The Wall Street Journal, occurred amid a strategic stalemate between Iran and the United States over its nuclear weapons program.

《华尔街日报》最先报道了这起扣押事件，当时伊朗和美国正就其核武器计划陷入战略僵局。

Iran faced off against Israel and the United States in a short war this summer that killed more than 1,000 people over 12 days of intense long-range missile and air strikes. A fleet of U.S. stealth bombers struck Iranian nuclear facilities during that war, an attack that U.S. officials said had “significantly degraded” Iran’s nuclear weapons program, but regional officials and analysts fear that a renewed conflict is inevitable.

今年夏天，伊朗与以色列和美国进行了一场短暂的战争，在12天的激烈远程导弹和空袭中，有1000多人丧生。在那场战争中，一支美国隐形轰炸机编队袭击了伊朗的核设施，美国官员称此举“大大削弱了”伊朗的核武器计划，但地区官员和分析人士担心，冲突重燃是不可避免的。

The United States had been tracking the shipment as it made its way from China to Iran, the U.S. official said on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to speak publicly, and the ship was sailing several hundred miles off the coast of Sri Lanka when U.S. special operations forces launched the operation. The commandos boarded the ship and confiscated its cargo before letting the vessel proceed.

这名美国官员说，美国一直在跟踪这批货物从中国运往伊朗的过程，因为没有被授权公开发言，这名官员要求匿名。当美国特种作战部队发起行动时，这艘船正在离斯里兰卡海岸约几百公里的地方航行。突击队员登上这艘船，没收了船上的货物，然后让船只继续航行。

It was unclear what exactly the ship was carrying, but the cargo, the official said, consisted of dual-use components that could be used either for civilian applications or to make conventional weapons. The boarding occurred several weeks before the recent seizure of an oil tanker off the coast of Venezuela.

目前尚不清楚这艘船究竟装载了什么，但该官员称，货物包含可用于民用或制造常规武器的两用部件。此次登船检查发生在近期委内瑞拉近海扣押油轮事件数周之前。

A spokesman for the United States Indo-Pacific Command, which oversees military operations in the regions, declined to comment.

负责该地区军事行动的美国印太司令部发言人拒绝置评。

Iranian factories are working around the clock to replenish stockpiles of long-range missiles and drones that can be used to strike Israel. In the war this summer, Iran had sought to overwhelm Israel’s air defense network through sheer numbers, and will likely seek to import components to build as many new weapons as possible ahead of a renewed conflict.

伊朗的工厂正在夜以继日地补充可用于袭击以色列的远程导弹和无人机的库存。在今年夏天的战争中，伊朗曾试图以数量优势压倒以色列的防空网络，而且很可能会寻求进口零部件，在新的冲突爆发之前制造尽可能多的新武器。

The United States has increasingly sought to control the delivery of dual-use goods, especially the microelectronics and software needed to manufacture guided weapons systems and remote drones. Many of these components are much harder to explicitly ban or embargo because of their plausible use in nonmilitary applications.

美国正不断加强对两用商品的管控，特别是制造制导武器系统和远程无人机所需的微电子和软件。由于这些部件在非军事领域具有合理用途，许多此类产品很难被明确禁止或禁运。

Over the course of the war in Ukraine, U.S. officials have sought to interrupt the supply of these goods being shipped from firms in China to Russia. But that effort had never escalated to launching military operations against commercial shipping traffic.

在乌克兰战争期间，美国官员曾试图阻断中国企业向俄罗斯运输此类商品。但这种努力从未升级为针对商业航运的军事行动。

A Hong Kong court handed down a guilty verdict on Monday in the landmark national security trial of Jimmy Lai, a media tycoon and pro-democracy activist whose case highlights shrinking tolerance for dissent in the city.

周一，在对媒体大亨、民主活动人士黎智英进行的里程碑式国家安全案审判中，香港一家法院作出了有罪判决。此案凸显出香港对异见的容忍度正在下降。

Officials in Hong Kong and mainland China had cast Mr. Lai, 78, as the mastermind of antigovernment demonstrations that engulfed the former British colony in 2019, posing a serious challenge to Beijing’s authority. Prosecutors said he colluded with foreign governments, including the United States, to target China and Hong Kong with sanctions.

香港和中国大陆的官员指控78岁的黎智英是2019年席卷香港这一前英国殖民地的反政府示威活动的主脑，对北京的权威构成了严重挑战。检察官表示，他与包括美国在内的外国政府勾结，对中国和香港实施制裁。

Mr. Lai pleaded not guilty to two counts of “conspiracy to collude with foreign forces,” an offense that can be punished by up to life in prison, and not guilty to a count of conspiracy to publish seditious material in Apple Daily, the now-shuttered Chinese-language newspaper he founded in 1995. On Monday, a court found him guilty on all three counts.

黎智英对两项“串谋勾结外国势力”罪名（最高可判终身监禁）及一项通过其创办的《苹果日报》（现已停刊）发布煽动刊物的罪名均作无罪抗辩。本周一，法庭裁定其三项罪名成立。

His legal team argued that his calls for sanctions ended when the 2020 national security law took effect.

他的法律团队主张，随着2020年国家安全法生效，他对制裁的呼吁就终止了。

Hong Kong’s “one country two systems” legal framework is meant to guarantee the territory some autonomy from Beijing and freedom of speech until 2047. But critics say the case shows how the framework has been undercut by two national security laws — one imposed by Beijing in 2020, the other introduced by the Hong Kong government last year — that were responses to the protests.

香港的“一国两制”法律框架本该保证该地区在2047年之前享有一定程度的自治权和言论自由。但批评者指出，此案揭示了该框架如何被两部回应抗议活动的国家安全法削弱——一部由北京于2020年颁布，另一部由香港政府去年推出。

In 2022, a Hong Kong court sentenced Mr. Lai to more than five years in prison for fraud, saying he had violated the terms of a lease agreement related to Apple Daily, a persistent critic of Beijing.

2022年，香港法院以欺诈罪判处黎智英五年多监禁，称其违反了与《苹果日报》相关的租赁协议条款。该报长期批评北京当局。

For the past three decades, as China’s economy has developed into a global powerhouse, investment has grown reliably each year.

过去30年来，随着中国发展成全球经济强国，投资额几乎年年稳定增长。

That is about to change. This year, China’s investments in assets like new factories, public infrastructure and housing are expected to fall for the first time since the late 1980s, ushering in a more conservative era for an economy that has reshaped the global order with years of robust growth.

这种情况即将发生变化。今年，中国对新建工厂、公共基础设施和住房等资产的投资预计将出现自上世纪80年代末以来的首次下降。这标志着以多年强劲增长重塑全球秩序的中国经济将进入一个更为保守的时代。

The shift also signals that investing in China is no longer a surefire bet, even as Beijing continues to project confidence with economic growth estimates of 5 percent. But, as is often the case with the country’s economic data, the investment slump has raised more questions than answers.

这一转变也表明，对中国进行投资已不再是“稳赚不赔”的选择，尽管北京仍在以5%的经济增长预期来展现信心。不过，和中国经济数据常见的情况一样，投资下滑引发的疑问远多于答案。

A real estate crisis in China has dragged on for five years with no end in sight, sapping the strength from one of the economy’s pillars. Local governments, strapped for cash because of the property downturn, are not pouring money into infrastructure projects as they did during previous periods of economic malaise. Beijing’s crackdown on excessive competition among Chinese manufacturers has chilled the climate for capital investment to fuel expansion.

中国的房地产危机已持续五年，仍看不到尽头，这让经济的一大支柱元气大伤。由于房地产市场低迷，地方政府财政吃紧，已不像以往经济放缓时期那样大举投入基础设施建设。与此同时，中国政府打击制造业过度竞争，也让用于扩张的资本投资环境明显降温。

From January to October, a broad measure called fixed-asset investment has fallen 1.7 percent from the same period last year. The slide began in the second half of this year and accelerated with a sharp, double-digit decline in October. Analysts believe that investment dipped again in November, with that data scheduled to be released on Monday.

今年1月至10月，一项被称为“固定资产投资”的综合指标同比下降了1.7%。这一跌势始于今年下半年，并在10月出现两位数的急剧下滑。分析人士认为，11月投资可能继续下跌，相关数据预计将于周一公布。

Investment in property, infrastructure and manufacturing — the three major components that make up the figure — are all declining at the same time. In the past, a downturn in one area was offset by spending in another segment. It is rare for all three pillars of investment to fall at once. The government typically has stepped in to manage downturns by bolstering real estate or spending lavishly on infrastructure. Beijing has been reluctant to act boldly this year to help.

房地产、基础设施和制造业——构成该指标的三大板块——如今同时下行。过去，某一领域的低迷往往会被其他领域的支出所抵消，三大投资支柱同时下滑的情况十分罕见。以往，政府通常会通过托底房地产或大规模增加基础设施支出来应对下行周期，但今年北京方面一直不愿采取大胆的措施出手相助。

“This is a historically significant change,” said Dan Wang, a director on Eurasia Group’s China team. “This is a different style of managing the economy in the short term.”

“这是一次具有历史意义的变化，”欧亚集团中国团队主管王丹表示。“这是一种不同的短期经济管控方式。”

去年，中国武汉的一个建筑工地。中国房地产市场显著放缓是投资下降的一个主要因素。

Ms. Wang said that this more passive approach suggests Chinese leaders are confident in the continued strength of exports, which have fueled a record trade surplus despite rising protectionism and growing global concern about the flood of inexpensive Chinese goods.

王丹认为，这种较为被动的做法表明，中国领导层对出口持续保持强劲抱有信心。尽管保护主义抬头、全球对大量廉价中国商品的担忧加剧，但出口仍推动中国创下了贸易顺差新高。

Instead of pumping money into the economy by building more airports and high-speed railroad stations, highways and bridges, local governments are holding back. And for the property sector, there has been no industrywide bailout or comprehensive plan to spur real estate investment.

地方政府没有再通过修建机场、高铁站、公路和桥梁来向经济注入资金，而是选择按兵不动。对于房地产行业，既没有出台行业范围内的纾困措施，也没有制定刺激房地产投资的全面方案。

The investment drought is playing out urgently in the boardrooms of China Vanke, one of the country’s largest property developers, which is now teetering on the edge of possible financial collapse.

在万科的董事会议室里，投资匮乏的困境正迫切地显现出来。万科是中国最大的房地产开发商之一，如今正徘徊在可能发生财务崩溃的边缘。

Vanke, unable to pay its debts, has leaned on its top shareholder, the state-owned firm Shenzhen Metro, to cover its debt obligations. But last month it asked bondholders to delay repayment of a bond for the first time, signaling that state financial support may have reached its limit. A deadline on some of its debt looms on Monday, and Vanke may need creditors to accept a delay in getting paid.

由于无力偿还债务，万科一直依赖其第一大股东、国有企业深圳地铁来履行偿债义务。但上个月，万科首次请求债券持有人推迟还款，释放出国家金融支持可能已接近极限的信号。部分债务的最后期限将在周一到来，万科或将再次需要债权人同意延期付款。

Chinese officials have started to show some alarm at the plunge in investment, which was listed as a policy priority for 2026 in a plan announced on Thursday by Xi Jinping, China’s top leader.

中国官员已开始对投资大幅下滑显露担忧。中国领导人习近平上周四公布的一项规划中，投资被列为2026年的政策重点之一。

The deep problems in the property sector — too many apartments and long-running drops in their value — have shaken business confidence.

房地产领域的深层问题——住房供应过剩以及房价长期下跌——已经动摇了企业信心。

Chien Ting-tsai, who has run a manufacturing and real estate development company in Zhuhai, a city in southern China, for more than three decades, said customers are not expanding their businesses now because the economy is weak. He said the pipeline of design contracts has thinned dramatically.

在中国南方城市珠海经营制造和房地产开发公司30多年的简廷在表示，由于经济疲软，客户目前不再扩大业务，设计合同的数量已明显减少。

“Some manufacturers have shut down factories and frozen all investment in new facilities,” said Mr. Chien, 69, who is from Taiwan and has worked in China since the 1990s. “Everyone is frantically selling off fixed assets because they’re uncertain about the future.”

“有些制造商已经关闭工厂，冻结了所有新设施的投资，”这位69岁的台商表示，他自上世纪90年代起就在中国工作。“大家都在拼命抛售固定资产，因为对未来没有信心。”

广州的一个招聘会上，纺织厂的代表正在招聘工人。

Pam Jiang, a sales assistant at Fashiontex International Limited, a textile company with roughly 150 employees in Jiangsu Province, one of China’s main fabric manufacturing hubs, said the domestic textile industry is pulling back on investments in facilities.

翀尚时代纺织科技有限公司是江苏省一家有约150名员工的纺织企业，该公司的销售助理帕姆·姜（音）说，中国国内的纺织行业正在收缩，对厂房和设备的投资明显减少。

“The textile industry in China is basically stagnant and downsizing,” she said.

“纺织业在国内基本上是按兵不动和缩减规模，”她说。

She attributed the drop in investment to rising labor costs and uncertainty about tariffs. Instead of expanding domestically, Ms. Jiang said, many Chinese textile manufacturers are investing abroad in countries such as Vietnam and Egypt.

她将投资下降归因于劳动力成本上升以及对关税的不确定性。姜女士表示，许多中国纺织企业没有选择在国内扩张，而是将投资转向越南、埃及等国家。

The slowdown in manufacturing investment has coincided with the government’s campaign against involution, a term for the ruthless competition in which Chinese companies wage profit-eroding price wars to gain market share and outlast rivals. Provincial or city governments have often fueled such races to the bottom by providing incentives and support to foster local champions. This produced an oversupply of well-funded companies, each ready to add more products than customers want to buy.

制造业投资放缓的同时，政府还在推进“反内卷”行动。“内卷”指的是中国企业为抢占市场份额、击败竞争对手展开的残酷价格战，这种价格战会严重损害利润。省级或市级政府过去往往通过提供激励措施和支持来扶持本地龙头企业，从而加剧了这种恶性竞争。这导致资金充裕的企业数量过剩，每家企业都准备推出远超消费者需求的产品。

But some economists say Beijing’s efforts to slow that process down have given local governments permission to hold back on throwing money at manufacturing.

但一些经济学家认为，北京试图缓解“内卷”的努力实际上是在允许地方政府减少对制造业的投资。

Jeremy Smith, a research analyst at Rhodium Group’s China practice, said he believes local governments might be taking Beijing’s cue. He noted that fixed-asset investment has declined in nearly all of China’s provinces and prefectural-level cities since May.

荣鼎集团中国业务研究分析师杰里米·史密斯表示，他认为地方政府可能正在顺应北京的态度。他指出，自5月以来，中国几乎所有省份和地级市的固定资产投资都出现了下降。

许多中国纺织企业正在投资海外，例如越南和埃及等国。

The downturn in investment numbers, he said, more accurately reflects what Rhodium had suspected following the collapse of the property sector.

他说，这一投资数据的下滑更真实地反映了荣鼎在房地产行业崩盘之后所作出的判断。

Rhodium has reported that China’s investment activity likely fell in 2023 and 2024, based on other economic signals, such as credit growth. Due mainly to slower investment, Rhodium estimated that China’s economic growth was between 2.4 percent and 2.8 percent last year, well short of the government’s official figure of 5 percent.

荣鼎报告称，基于信贷增长等其他经济信号，中国的投资活动很可能在2023年和2024年均出现下降。主要由于投资放缓，荣鼎估计中国去年的经济增速在2.4%至2.8%之间，远低于政府公布的5%。

“Declining investment is more the norm than the exception,” Mr. Smith said.

“投资下降才是常态，而不是例外，”史密斯说。

On the one hand, he said, Beijing seeks to project an image of economic resilience. At the same time, it aims to demonstrate that it is curbing the harmful competition plaguing many of its industries.

他表示，北京一方面希望展现经济韧性的形象，另一方面也试图表明自己正在遏制困扰众多行业的有害竞争。

A slump does not bode well for China’s economic growth, as investment accounts for a significant share of gross domestic product. Yet the broader measure of investment China uses to calculate G.D.P. rose in the third quarter despite the sharp decline in fixed-asset investment, leaving economists scrambling for how to explain the discrepancy.

投资下滑对中国经济增长而言并非好兆头，因为投资在国内生产总值中占据相当大的比重。然而，用于计算GDP的更广义投资指标却在第三季度有所增长，与固定资产投资的急剧下降形成反差，这让经济学家一时难以解释其中的矛盾。

中国张家口的一座高铁站。多年来，中国一直通过投资公共基础设施来增加投资总量。

In a November report, Goldman Sachs said it does not expect fixed-asset investment to weigh on economic growth because the decline is “overstated.” The investment bank said that most of the downturn is “a statistical correction of previously overreported data” rather than a genuine slowdown.

高盛在11月的一份报告中表示，预计固定资产投资不会拖累经济增长，因为相关下降“被夸大了”。高盛认为，大部分下滑其实是“对先前高估数据的统计修正”，而非真实的经济放缓。

Last month, Fu Linghui, the spokesman and chief economist of China’s National Bureau of Statistics, attributed the decline to a “complex and severe external environment” and “fierce domestic competition” that has hurt investment returns and dragged down corporate profitability.

国家统计局新闻发言人、首席经济学家付凌晖上个月则将投资下降归因于“复杂严峻的外部环境”和“激烈的国内竞争”，认为这削弱了投资回报，拖累了企业盈利能力。

He noted, however, that investment in high-tech industries such as green energy and aerospace is growing rapidly, a sign that overall investment might be slowing but is also “optimizing.”

但他指出，新能源、航空航天等高技术产业的投资仍在快速增长，显示整体投资增速虽然放缓，但结构正在“优化”。

Economic Daily, a Chinese state-owned newspaper, said in November that the country has entered into a new, high-quality phase of development, echoing official talking points. It accused foreign media of seizing on the investment stall to sensationalize a “crisis theory” about the Chinese economy.

中国官方媒体《经济日报》11月称，中国已进入高质量发展的新阶段，呼应了官方的政策表述，并指责外国媒体借投资停滞之机渲染所谓中国经济“危机论”。

At least 15 people were killed on Sunday and dozens more were injured after two gunmen opened fire at a crowd celebrating the first day of the Hanukkah holiday on Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia. The gunmen were father and son, the police said, and the older man died during the attack.

周日，在澳大利亚悉尼的邦迪海滩，两名枪手向一群正在庆祝犹太教节日光明节首日的人群开枪，造成至少15人死亡、数十人受伤。警方表示，两名枪手为父子关系，其中年长者在袭击过程中死亡。

On Monday morning in Australia, officials said 40 people were hospitalized from injuries. Two police officers were also hurt in the attack, officials said. The police said the second shooter had also been wounded.

澳大利亚官员周一早间表示，共有40人因伤住院。官员还称，两名警察在袭击中受伤。警方表示，另一名枪手也受了伤。

The police and the country’s leaders called the shootings a targeted attack on Jewish Australians. Law enforcement officials called the shooting a terrorist attack.

警方和该国领导人将这起枪击事件称为针对犹太裔澳大利亚人的袭击。执法部门将此次枪击定性为恐怖袭击。

Police Commissioner Mal Lanyon said the police had found and disabled two improvised explosives devices in a nearby vehicle that is linked to the suspect who was killed. The suspects’ names have not been released yet.

警察总长马尔·兰扬表示，警方在一辆与被击毙嫌疑人有关的车辆中发现并拆除了两个简易爆炸装置。警方目前尚未公布嫌疑人的姓名。

One witness video shows dozens of people running out of the water and away from the beach as gunshots rang out. Another, verified by The New York Times, shows a bystander — who local authorities called a hero — tackling and disarming one of the gunmen.

一段目击者视频显示，随着枪声响起，数十人从海里跑出并逃离海滩。另一段经《纽约时报》核实的视频显示，一名路人制服了枪手并抢下他的武器，当地官员称赞他为英雄。

Jewish people have increasingly been targeted since the Hamas-led attacks in Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. In Britain, a man attacked a synagogue in Manchester on Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the year for Jews. And American Jews have faced a year of violence.

自2023年10月7日以色列发生哈马斯主导的袭击事件以来，犹太人遭受的针对性袭击不断增加。在英国，一名男子在犹太人一年中最神圣的日子赎罪日袭击了曼彻斯特的一座犹太教堂。而在美国，犹太人也经历了一整年的暴力事件。

Here is what we know so far about the Australia shooting:

以下是目前已知的有关澳大利亚枪击事件的信息：

Hundreds had gathered to mark the Jewish holiday.

数百人聚集在一起庆祝犹太节日。

The mass shooting happened around 6:45 p.m. at Bondi Beach, one of Sydney’s most popular tourist destinations that stretches over 3,000 feet long and draws hundreds of thousands of people each year.

这起大规模枪击发生在晚上6点45分左右，事发地是悉尼最受欢迎的旅游胜地之一邦迪海滩，这片海滩全长超过900米，每年吸引数十万名游客。

An event hosted by the Chabad organization was taking place at the beach to celebrate the first day of the Jewish holiday Hanukkah when the gunmen opened fire.

枪手开枪时，海滩上正在举行一个由哈巴德组织主办的庆祝光明节首日的活动。

“An attack on Jewish Australians is an attack on every Australian,” Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia said in a televised address.

“对犹太裔澳大利亚人的攻击就是对每一位澳大利亚人的攻击，”澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔巴尼斯在电视讲话中说。

Witnesses said they heard many gunshots.

目击者称，他们听到了多声枪响。

Ebonny Munro was at the beach with her 17-month-old baby when she heard gunshots. She dived under a metal barbecue with another man. She said she heard bullets ricocheting off the barbecue and smelled gunpowder from above.

埃博尼·芒罗当时正带着17个月大的孩子在海滩上，听到枪声后，她与另一名男子一起躲到一个金属烧烤架下面。她说，自己听到子弹击中烧烤架后反弹的声音，并闻到了头顶上方的火药味。

She said the shooting lasted around 10 minutes and she witnessed at least one person being shot. “I was about to leave, and I just heard this pop,” Ms. Munro said.

她表示，枪击持续了约10分钟，她亲眼目睹至少一人中枪。“我正准备离开，突然就听到了‘啪’一声响，”芒罗说。

Finn Foster, 18, a backpacker from Canada, said he and his girlfriend had been headed to McDonald’s to get ice cream when they heard what sounded like fireworks.

18岁的芬恩·福斯特是一名来自加拿大的背包客，他说自己和女友当时正要去麦当劳买冰淇淋，突然听到类似放烟花的声音。

“Pow, pow, pow,” he said. “Like 15 or 20.”

“啪、啪、啪，”他说。“响了15或20声。”

Mass shootings are rare in Australia.

大规模枪击案在澳大利亚十分罕见

Mass shootings are rare in Australia because of the country’s strict gun laws. The nation has one of the lowest gun-related death rates in the developed world.

由于澳大利亚严格的控枪法律，大规模枪击事件在该国十分罕见。澳大利亚是发达国家中枪支相关死亡率最低的国家之一。

The country overhauled its gun laws after a massacre in 1996, when 35 people were killed by a single gunman in the Tasmanian town of Port Arthur. Following the shooting, public anger prompted the government to ban assault rifles and many other semiautomatic rifles and shotguns.

1996年，塔斯马尼亚州亚瑟港发生的一起枪击案中，一名枪手杀害了35人。此后，该国对枪支法律进行了全面改革。枪击案发生后，公众的愤怒促使政府禁止了突击步枪以及许多其他半自动步枪和霰弹枪。

It also imposed new registration requirements and imposed gun buybacks that removed up to a third of privately held guns from circulation and melted down up to a million guns.

澳大利亚还实施了新的枪支登记要求，并进行了枪支回购，收缴了私人持枪的三分之一，并熔化了多达一百万支枪。

Who were some of the victims?

我们了解到哪些遇害者的信息？

As the authorities worked to notify the next of kin of those killed and injured — who ranged in age from 10 to 87, according to the authorities — some of their identities began to emerge.

官方表示，死伤者年龄介于10岁至87岁之间。当局正试图通知死伤者的亲属，部分受害者的身份浮出水面。

Chabad, the Jewish movement that organized the event at Bondi, identified one of the victims as Rabbi Eli Schlanger, saying he was an assistant rabbi of Chabad of Bondi and a “devoted” chaplain who worked tirelessly as a Chabad emissary. Zohran Mamdani, the mayor-elect of New York City, said on social media that Rabbi Schlanger had deep roots to the Crown Heights neighborhood in Brooklyn.

组织邦迪海滩活动的犹太组织哈巴德确认，其中一名遇难者是以利·施兰格拉比。该组织表示，他是邦迪哈巴德的助理拉比，是一名“尽心竭力的”牧师，作为哈巴德的使者不知疲倦地工作。纽约市当选市长佐赫兰·马姆达尼在社交媒体上表示，施兰格拉比与布鲁克林皇冠高地社区有着深厚渊源。

Chabad also named two more people who were killed in the attack: Reuven Morrison, a member of the Chabad community who divided his time between Melbourne and Sydney; and Alex Kleytman, a Holocaust survivor who attended the event with his children and grandchildren.

哈巴德还公布了另外两名袭击事件遇难者的身份：生活在墨尔本和悉尼的哈巴德社群成员鲁文·莫里森；以及大屠杀幸存者亚历克斯·克莱特曼，事发时与子女和孙辈一同出席活动。

Dan Elkayam, a French citizen, was among those killed in the attack, President Emmanuel Macron of France said on social media.

法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙在社交媒体上表示，法国公民丹·埃尔卡亚姆在袭击中遇难。

What we know about the suspects.

关于嫌疑人的已知信息

Investigators did not release the names of the suspects, but described them as a 50-year-old man and his 24-year-old son. The older man died after being shot by police and the younger man sustained “critical injuries,” the police said on Monday morning.

调查人员未公布嫌疑人姓名，但描述他们为一名50岁男子及其24岁的儿子。警方周一上午表示，年长男子被警方开枪击中后死亡，年轻男子“重伤”。

Although officials described the shooting as a terrorist attack, Police Commissioner Mal Lanyon of the New South Wales Police Force declined to comment on the suspects’ ideology, saying that investigators needed time to dig. The police were not searching for any other assailants, he said.

尽管官员将此次枪击事件定性为恐怖袭击，但新南威尔士州警察局局长马尔·兰扬拒绝就嫌疑人的意识形态置评，称调查人员需要时间深入调查。他表示，警方目前无需搜寻其他袭击者。

Although Commissioner Lanyon said that one of the suspects had been known to the police, he said investigators had no indication that either man had been planning the shooting.

兰扬透露，其中一名嫌疑人此前为警方所知晓，但调查人员没有发现两人中有任何一人曾策划此次枪击事件的迹象。