On New Year’s Day, Jonathan Rinderknecht purportedly asked ChatGPT: “Are you at fault if a fire is lift because of your cigarettes,” misspelling the word “lit.” “Yes,” ChatGPT replied. Ten months later, he is now being accused of having started a small blaze that authorities say reignited a week later to start the devastating Palisades fire.

元旦那天，乔纳森·林德克内希特据称问了ChatGPT这样一个问题：“如果因为你的香烟引起了火灾，这算是你的错吗？”ChatGPT回答说：“是的。”10个月后，他现在被指控纵火——当局称他引发了一场小火，火在一周后复燃，最终酿成帕利塞兹特大火。

Mr. Rinderknecht, who has pleaded not guilty, had previously told the chatbot how “amazing” it had felt to burn a Bible months prior, according to a federal complaint, and had also asked it to create a “dystopian” painting of a crowd of poor people fleeing a forest fire while a crowd of rich people mocked them behind a gate.

根据联邦起诉书，此前林德克内希特曾向聊天机器人透露数月前焚烧圣经带来的“奇妙”感受，还要求其创作一幅“反乌托邦”画作：描绘一群穷人逃离森林大火时，一群富人隔门嘲讽的场景。目前被告已作无罪抗辩。

For federal authorities, these interactions with artificial intelligence indicated Mr. Rinderknecht’s pyrotechnic state of mind and motive and intent to start the fire. Along with GPS data that they say puts him at the scene of the initial blaze, it was enough to arrest and charge him with several counts, including destruction of property by means of fire.

联邦当局认为，这些与人工智能的互动印证了林德克内希特的纵火心理、动机与意图。结合将其定位在初始火源现场的GPS数据，足以将其逮捕并提出多项指控，包括纵火破坏财产。

This disturbing development is a warning for our legal system. As people increasingly turn to A.I. chat tools as confidants, therapists and advisers, we urgently need a new form of legal protection that would safeguard most private communications between people and A.I. chatbots. I call it A.I. interaction privilege.

这一令人不安的进展为司法体系敲响警钟。随着越来越多的人将AI聊天工具视为知己、心理治疗师和顾问，我们亟需建立新型法律保护机制，守护人机对话的隐私屏障。我称其为“AI交互特权”。

All legal privileges rest on the idea that certain relationships — lawyer and client, doctor and patient, priest and penitent — serve a social good that depends on candor. Without assurance of privacy, people self-censor and society loses the benefits of honesty. Courts have historically been reluctant to create new privileges, except where “confidentiality has to be absolutely essential to the functioning of the relationship,” Greg Mitchell, a University of Virginia law professor, told me. Many users’ engagements with A.I. now reach this threshold.

所有法律特权都基于同一理念：律师与客户、医生与患者、神父与忏悔者等特定关系，依赖坦诚交流才能促进整个社会的福祉。若无隐私保障，人们便会自我审查，而社会也将失去诚实带来的益处。弗吉尼亚大学法学教授格雷格·米切尔告诉我，法院历来不愿创设新特权，除非“保密性成为维系该关系的绝对必要条件”。如今，众多用户与AI的交互已达到了这一门槛。

People speak increasingly freely to A.I. systems, not as diaries but as partners in conversation. That’s because these systems hold conversations that are often indistinguishable from human dialogue. The machine seemingly listens, reasons and provides responses — in some cases not just reflecting but shaping how users think and feel. A.I. systems can draw users out, just as a good lawyer or therapist does. Many people turn to A.I. precisely because they lack a safe and affordable human outlet for taboo or vulnerable thoughts.

人们越来越自然地与人工智能系统交谈，不再把它用作日记，而是视其为对话伙伴。因为这些系统进行的对话已与人类交流无异。机器似乎在倾听、推理、回应——在某些情况下，它不仅反映用户的思想和情感，甚至对其加以塑造。人工智能系统能像优秀的律师或心理治疗师一样引导人们表达自己。许多人之所以求助于人工智能，正是因为他们缺乏一个安全且负担得起的人类对象来倾诉禁忌或脆弱的想法。

This is arguably by design. Just last month the OpenAI chief executive, Sam Altman, announced that the next iteration of its ChatGPT platform would “relax” some restrictions on users and allow them to make their ChatGPT “respond in a very humanlike way.”

这在某种程度上可以说是设计使然。就在上个月，OpenAI首席执行官萨姆·奥尔特曼宣布，其ChatGPT平台的下一代版本将“放宽”部分用户限制，允许用户让自己的ChatGPT“以高度人性化的方式回应”。

Allowing the government to access such unfiltered exchanges and treat them as legal confessions would have a massive chilling effect. If every private thought experiment can later be weaponized in court, users of A.I. will censor themselves, undermining some of the most valuable uses of these systems. It will destroy the candid relationship that makes A.I. useful for mental health and legal and financial problem-solving, turning a potentially powerful tool for self-discovery and self-representation into a potential legal liability.

让政府获取这些未经筛选的交流内容并将其视为法律供词，将产生巨大的寒蝉效应。如果每个私密的思想实验日后都可能成为法庭上的武器，AI用户必将自我审查，从而削弱这些系统一些最具价值的功能。这将摧毁人工智能在心理健康、法律和财务问题的解决过程中所依赖的那种坦诚关系，把这种本可成为自我探索与自我表达的强大工具变成潜在的法律风险。

At present, most digital interactions fall under the Third-Party Doctrine, which holds that information voluntarily disclosed to other parties — or stored on a company’s servers — carries “no legitimate expectation of privacy.” This doctrine allows government access to much online behavior (such as Google search histories) without a warrant.

目前，大多数数字互动都属于“第三方原则”的范畴。该原则认为，任何自愿向第三方披露的信息——或存储在企业服务器上的数据——都“不具备合法的隐私期待”。这使政府能够在无需搜查令的情况下获取大量线上行为记录（例如谷歌搜索历史）。

But are A.I. conversations “voluntary disclosures” in this sense? Since many users approach these systems not as search engines but as private counselors, the legal standard should evolve to reflect that expectation of discretion. A.I. companies already hold more intimate data than any therapist or lawyer ever could. Yet they have no clear legal duty to protect it.

但AI对话是否属于此种意义上的"自愿披露"？既然众多用户将这些系统视为私人顾问而非搜索引擎，法律标准就应当与时俱进，以反映这种保密期待。AI企业掌握的私人数据量，已超越任何心理治疗师或律师所能触及的私密范畴，至今却未承担明确的法律保护责任。

A.I. interaction privilege should mirror existing legal privileges in three respects. First, communications with the A.I. for the purpose of seeking counsel or emotional processing should be protected from forced disclosure in court. Users could designate protected sessions through app settings or claim privilege during legal discovery if the context of the conversation supports it. Second, this privilege must incorporate the so-called duty to warn principle, which obliges therapists to report imminent threats of harm. If an A.I. service reasonably believes a user poses an immediate danger to self or others or has already caused harm, disclosure should be not just permitted, but obligated. And third, there must be an exception for crime and fraud. If A.I. is used to plan or execute a crime, it should be discoverable under judicial oversight.

“AI交互特权”应在三个方面借鉴现有的法律特权。首先，为寻求咨询或情绪疏导而与人工智能进行的交流，应受到保护，免于在法庭上被强制披露。用户可以通过应用程序的设置来指定受保护的会话，或在法律取证阶段主张特权，只要对话的上下文支持这一主张。其次，该特权必须纳入所谓的“警示义务”原则，即AI服务合理判定认为当事人对自己或他人构成迫在眉睫的威胁或者已造成实际伤害时，有义务报告。第三，必须为犯罪和欺诈行为设立例外。若AI被用于策划或实施犯罪，相关对话记录应在司法监督下作为证据调取。

Under this logic, Mr. Rinderknecht’s case reveals both the need and the limits of such protection. His cigarette query, functionally equivalent to an internet search, would not merit privilege. But under A.I. interaction privilege, his confession about Bible burning should be protected. It was neither a plan for a crime nor an imminent threat.

按照这种逻辑，林德克内希特的案件同时揭示了这种保护的必要性与局限性。他关于香烟引发火灾的提问，本质上等同于一次互联网搜索，不应享有特权保护；但根据“AI交互特权”，他关于焚烧《圣经》的坦白则应受到保护——那既不是犯罪计划，也不是迫在眉睫的威胁。

Creating a new privilege follows the law’s pattern of adapting to new forms of trust. The psychotherapist-patient privilege itself was only formally recognized in 1996, when the Supreme Court acknowledged the therapeutic value of confidentiality. The same logic applies to A.I. now: The social benefit of candid interaction outweighs the cost of occasional lost evidence.

建立一种新的特权符合法律不断适应新型信任关系的演进模式。心理治疗师与病人之间的保密特权本身直到1996年才被正式承认，当时美国最高法院认定保密对心理治疗具有重要价值。同样的逻辑如今也适用于AI：坦诚交互带来的社会效益，远超过偶尔失去某些证据的代价。

To leave these conversations legally unprotected is to invite a regime where citizens must fear that their digital introspection could someday be used against them. Private thought — whether spoken to a lawyer, a therapist or a machine — must remain free from the fear of state intrusion.

若放任这些人机对话处于法律真空，将导致公民终日担忧数字化自省可能某天成为呈堂证供。无论是与律师、治疗师，还是与机器的私密交流——都必须享有免于恐惧国家窥探的自由。

China’s nuclear forces are expanding quickly. Yet behind that rise, the top leader Xi Jinping’s sweeping purge of generals and military leaders has exposed deep-seated corruption and raised questions about the country’s ability to manage its growing arsenal.

中国的核力量正在迅速扩张。然而，在这股上升势头背后，最高领导人习近平对将领和军事领导人的大规模清洗暴露了根深蒂固的腐败问题，并令人们质疑中国能否有效管理日益扩大的核武库。

The uncertainty adds to concerns about a new era of volatility in global nuclear politics, as President Trump has called for renewed U.S. testing and as Washington is also pushing through major changes in its military.

这种不确定性加剧了人们对全球核政治动荡新时代的担忧，如今特朗普总统已呼吁美国重新进行核试验，华盛顿也在推动其军队的重大改革。

President Trump’s defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, has fired or sidelined at least two dozen generals and admirals over the past nine months, actions that are without precedent in recent decades, and have come with little explanation. The shake-up has raised fears of growing political interference in a military that has long prided itself on being apolitical.

在华盛顿，特朗普总统的国防部长皮特·海格赛斯在过去九个月里撤换或边缘化了至少20多名陆军和海军上将，而且几乎没有任何解释，这样的行动在近几十年来是没有前例的。这些人事变动引发了人们的担忧——长期以来一直以不涉及政治而自豪的军方受到越来越多的政治干预。

9月在弗吉尼亚州匡蒂科，国防部长皮特·黑格塞斯在台下听特朗普的演讲。

In Beijing, Mr. Xi’s purges in the People’s Liberation Army cut far deeper. He has carried out a cleanup that has shaken the Rocket Force, the branch that oversees China’s nuclear forces and is a crucial part of Mr. Xi’s ambition to build a “world-class military” by 2049. Top commanders have disappeared. Others have been jailed. And defense contractors have been stripped of their party titles and detained for investigation.

在北京，习近平在解放军内部的清洗行动更为深入。他主导的整肃震动了火箭军——这个掌管中国核力量的军种，也是习近平实现2049年建成“世界一流军队”目标的关键支柱。一些高级将领消失。有的被判入狱。国防承包商被开除党籍、被拘留接受调查。

While Mr. Trump and Mr. Hegseth’s motivations in reshaping the U.S. military are not entirely clear, Mr. Xi’s purges stem from a lesson he has drawn from history: that the Communist Party survives only when the army obeys one leader without question.

特朗普和海格赛斯重塑美军的动机尚不完全明确，但习近平的清洗行动源于他从历史中汲取的教训：只有军队绝对服从一位领导者，共产党才能生存下去。

Early in his rule, Mr. Xi warned that the Soviet Union collapsed because the party lost control of its military and no “real man” had stepped forward, noted Joseph Torigian, an associate professor at American University who has studied Chinese leaders’ relations with the military.

美利坚大学副教授唐志学(Joseph Torigian)指出，习近平执政初期曾发出警告：苏联解体源于共产党失去对军队的控制，且“竟无一人是男儿”，没有人挺身而出。唐志学长期研究中国领导人与军队的关系。

His military purges likely reflect his obsession with preparing for worst-case scenarios at home and abroad, whether it is protests over economic problems or political suppression, or needing to fight the United States in a war over Taiwan, the democratically governed island Beijing claims as its territory.

他的军队清洗很可能反映出他对国内外最坏局面的执着准备——无论是经济问题引发的抗议、政治镇压需求，还是为争夺台湾而与美国开战的可能。北京声称这个实行民主治理的岛屿是其领土。

“So what’s the biggest threat to building a military that can defeat competitors within the elite, people in the streets, and the Americans in a war?” Mr. Torigian wrote in an email. “Corruption is the ‘key link.’”

“那么，要建立一支能够击败精英阶层的对手、街头民众和战争中美国人的军队，最大的威胁是什么呢？”唐志学在电子邮件中写道。“腐败是‘关键环节’。”

Mr. Xi thinks materialism and corruption are a direct threat to the military’s ability to defeat enemies, Mr. Torigian said. “In Xi’s mind, it makes members of the military vulnerable to Western infiltration, whether literally in terms of becoming an agent, or because Western values lead to a desire to ‘nationalize’ the military and split it from party control.”

唐志学指出，习近平认为物质主义和腐败直接威胁着军队战胜敌人的能力。“在习近平看来，这使军人容易受到西方渗透——无论是字面意义上的成为间谍，还是因西方价值观引发‘军队国家化’诉求而脱离党的控制。”

In a commentary on Tuesday, the official newspaper of the People’s Liberation Army wrote: “For our military, the fight against corruption is a major political struggle that it cannot afford to lose, and must not lose. It concerns the long-term stability of the party and the country, and it concerns ensuring the socialist red state never changes color.”

在发表于周二的一篇评论中，《解放军报》写道：“对我军来说，反腐败斗争是一场输不起也决不能输的重大政治斗争，关系党和国家长治久安，关系社会主义红色江山永不变色。”

That also highlights a major difference between the functions of the militaries in both countries: In China, the military is built to defend the ruling party, primarily; in the United States, it is meant to defend the entire nation and to stand apart from politics.

这也凸显了两国军队职能的重大区别：在中国，军队是为保卫执政党而建立的；在美国，军队是为了保卫整个国家，并需与政治保持距离。

The ousters in China reveal serious dysfunction in the military and muddy confidence in its war readiness. It also suggests that the People’s Liberation Army, or P.L.A., may be one of the few organizations that Mr. Xi, arguably China’s most powerful leader since Mao Zedong, has failed to bring under his control.

中国军队的清洗行动暴露了军队内部严重的功能失调，并使人对其战备状态产生疑虑。这也表明，中国人民解放军可能是习近平——这位堪称毛泽东以来中国最有权势的领导人——未能掌控的少数组织之一。

“Corruption has been a very real problem for the P.L.A., and it is, in fact, corrosive for the military, which is why Xi is serious about uprooting it,” said Jonathan Czin, a researcher at the Brookings Institution who previously worked at the C.I.A. analyzing Chinese politics.

布鲁金斯学会研究员秦江南(Jonathan Czin)指出：“腐败问题在解放军中确实存在，且正在腐蚀军队，这正是习近平决心根除腐败的原因。”秦江南曾任职于中央情报局，负责分析中国政治事务。

9月，中国举行阅兵式，展示其日益增强的实力。中国人民解放军肩负着保卫和维护中国共产党的使命。

When Mr. Xi came to power in 2012, the Chinese military was plagued with an image problem as a hotbed of corruption. Senior commanders funded lavish lifestyles through bribery and embezzlement. Promotions were commonly up for sale. And military license plates were sold to civilians as they gave their owners near impunity on China’s roads.

2012年习近平开始执政时，中国军队深陷腐败温床的形象危机。高级指挥官通过受贿贪污维持奢靡生活，军衔晋升普遍存在买卖现象，军用车牌更被转售平民——这些车牌让车主可以享受几乎不受道路执法约束的特殊待遇。

Mr. Xi vowed to professionalize the P.L.A. and ensure that it answered to him as head of the party; he quickly removed rival factions led by commanders that were loyal to past leaders. A decade later, the house cleaning has only intensified, even ensnaring senior leaders who were handpicked by Mr. Xi. That includes Gen. He Weidong, who was third in China’s military hierarchy when he was expelled from the party on Oct. 17, accused of corruption and abuse of power.

习近平誓言要使解放军专业化，并确保军队听命于身为党的最高领导人的他；他迅速清除了由效忠前任领导人的指挥官领导的派系。十年后，这场内部整顿愈演愈烈，甚至牵连到习近平亲自提拔的高层将领。其中包括何卫东上将——这位曾位居中国军方第三把交椅的将领于10月17日被指控贪腐和滥用职权，遭开除党籍。

Other expelled generals included Adm. Miao Hua, who oversaw political discipline in the military and was placed under investigation last year. Another was Gen. Lin Xiangyang, who was in charge of the Eastern Theater Command, which is central to any war over Taiwan.

其他被开除的将领还包括负责军队政治纪律的苗华上将，他于去年接受调查。另一位是林向阳上将，他负责东部战区司令部，该战区是任何针对台湾的战争的核心。

Perhaps most troubling for Mr. Xi are the signs of corruption in the rocket force, which controls nearly all of China’s nuclear missiles and had been considered one of the crown jewels of the Chinese military. Since 2023, the branch has been rocked by a series of purges of senior commanders over corruption that have raised questions about its effectiveness. A Pentagon report last year said fraud in the rocket force led to problems involving the construction of underground missile silos.

对习近平而言，火箭军腐败迹象或许最令人忧心。该军种掌控中国几乎所有核导弹，被视为中国军队“皇冠上的明珠”。自2023年以来，火箭军一直受到一系列高级指挥官腐败整肃的震动，这引发了对其作战效能的质疑。五角大楼去年的一份报告称，火箭军的贪腐行为导致了涉及地下导弹发射井建设的问题。

新型DF-5C战略核导弹于9月在北京天安门广场的阅兵式上首次亮相。

Analysts say the branch is ripe for corruption because it maintains one of the largest budgets in the Chinese military. Unlike warplanes and tanks, missiles are also rarely tested, increasing the difficulty in detecting malfeasance.

分析人士表示，火箭军极易滋生腐败，因为它掌握着中国军队中数一数二的预算。与战机和坦克不同，导弹也很少进行测试，这增加了发现渎职行为的难度。

Some analysts say corruption in the rocket force may also be fueled by skepticism that China will ever go to war. Were there a greater sense of urgency, they argue, there would probably be less chance that defense contractors would cut corners and military leaders would line their pockets.

 一些分析人士说，火箭军的腐败也可能是源于对中国是否会走向战争的怀疑。他们认为，如果有更强烈的紧迫感，国防承包商偷工减料和军方领导人中饱私囊的可能性可能就会降低。

At the same time, China’s military modernization has been advancing apace. A military parade in Beijing earlier this year showed off some of the country’s latest drones, unmanned submarines and hypersonic missiles. Also displayed were the latest ICBMs, a reminder of China’s nuclear weapons buildup that could see the country nearly double its arsenal by 2030.

与此同时，中国的军事现代化建设也在快速推进。今年早些时候在北京举行的阅兵式上，展示了中国一些最新的无人机、无人潜航器和高超音速导弹。同时亮相的还有最新的洲际弹道导弹，展现了中国的核武器建设，到2030年，中国的核武库可能会增加近一倍。

一架中国军用无人作战飞行器亮相9月的阅兵式。

Even though both the American and Chinese militaries are undergoing high-level leadership changes, they each still have deep benches of senior officers to draw from, said Mr. Czin of Brookings.

布鲁金斯学会的秦江南说，尽管中美两国军队都在经历高层领导的更迭，但两国均拥有深厚的军官储备。

The question, though, is whether their leaders’ preoccupations are eroding focus on core missions: China’s drive to take Taiwan, and America’s effort to deter it.

但问题是，两国领导层目前的关注焦点是否会削弱对中国夺取台湾的努力，以及美国对其遏制努力这一核心任务的重视。

Mr. Xi regards the United States as the chief obstacle in realizing his goal of unifying Taiwan with China. American intelligence officials have said that Mr. Xi has ordered that the Chinese military be capable of seizing the self-governed island by 2027, which will be the 100th anniversary of the founding of the P.L.A.

习近平将美国视为实现台湾统一目标的主要障碍。美国情报官员透露，习近平已下令，要求中国军队在2027年——即解放军建军百年之际——具备夺取该自治岛屿的能力。

The rocket force plays prominently in those plans. China has developed anti-ship missiles, known as “carrier killers,” aimed at blocking U.S. aircraft carrier groups from the battle zone in a conflict over Taiwan. It has also built hypersonic missiles designed to strike U.S. bases across the Pacific, including in Guam, the Philippines, South Korea and Japan.

火箭军在这些计划中占有重要地位。中国研发了被称为“航母杀手”的反舰导弹，以求在台湾冲突中阻断美军航母编队进入战场。同时还建造了可打击关岛、菲律宾、韩国和日本等太平洋沿岸美军基地的高超音速导弹。

A bipartisan, congressionally appointed commission warned last year that China was surpassing the United States in military advantage in the Western Pacific because of two decades of focused investment. “Without significant change by the United States, the balance of power will continue to shift in China’s favor,” the Commission on the National Defense Strategy said.

一个由国会任命的两党委员会去年警告说，由于20年来的集中投资，中国在西太平洋正对美国建立军事优势。“如果美国不做出重大改变，力量平衡将继续向有利于中国的方向倾斜，”国防战略委员会表示。

For China, however, countering the U.S. military is the “first, second and third priority,” Mr. Czin said.

而对于中国来说，对抗美军是“第一、第二和第三优先事项”，秦江南说。

The election of Sanae Takaichi was a milestone moment. The last time a woman led Japan was in 1771, when Empress Go-Sakuramachi sat on the imperial throne.

高市早苗的当选是一个里程碑时刻。日本上一次由女性领导还是1771年，当时在位的是后樱町天皇。

Takaichi’s election means there are now two women who lead their nations in the G7. She joins Giorgia Meloni, the prime minister of Italy. Their predecessors include three British prime ministers — Margaret Thatcher, Theresa May and Liz Truss — Angela Merkel of Germany, Kim Campbell of Canada and Edith Cresson of France.

高市早苗的当选意味着七国集团如今已有两位女性国家领导人。她与意大利总理乔治娅·梅洛尼并肩而立。在她们之前还有三位英国首相——玛格丽特·撒切尔、特蕾莎·梅和利兹·特拉斯，以及德国的安格拉·默克尔、加拿大的金·坎贝尔和法国的伊迪丝·克勒松。

Notice anything about that group?

注意到这个群体的共同点了吗？

With the exception of Cresson, a Socialist who was in power for just under a year, all other female G7 leaders have come from the right.

除了执政不到一年的社会党人克勒松，其他所有七国集团女性领导人都来自右翼。

An exclusive club

一个专属俱乐部

The primary thing women leaders around the world have in common is that there have been very few of them.

全球女性领导人最核心的共同点是：数量极少。

The small numbers, and the fact that these women were elected by different countries at different times, make it hard to deduce patterns. Each person’s rise necessarily involved singular circumstances.

由于人数稀少，且这些女性在不同国家、不同时期当选，难以总结出规律。每个人的崛起都离不开独特的背景环境。

The politics of the women are different too: The center-right Angela Merkel who welcomed migrants into Germany is a very different politician from a Takaichi or a Meloni, both of whom have pushed immigration restrictions.

这些女性的政治立场也各不相同：主张接纳移民的中右翼人士默克尔与推动移民限制的高市早苗和梅洛尼截然不同。

And not all women leaders come from the right. Looking beyond the G7, you can readily find examples of left-leaning heads of government, such as President Claudia Sheinbaum of Mexico and the Danish prime minister, Mette Frederiksen.

并非所有女性领导人都来自右翼。放眼七国集团之外，不难找到左翼政府首脑的例子，比如墨西哥总统克劳迪娅·谢恩鲍姆和丹麦首相梅特·弗雷泽里克森。

Still, in that group of industrialized nations, the failure of liberal parties to produce female leaders who win is something of a puzzle. In the United States, the two women who have come closest to the presidency were both Democrats, but they lost. In the United Kingdom, Labour has never even chosen a female leader.

尽管如此，在G7这个工业化国家集团中，自由派政党始终未能推出赢得选举的女性领导人，这多少有些令人困惑。在美国，两位最接近总统职位的女性都是民主党人，却均以失利告终。在英国，工党从未选出过女性领袖。

This may strike some as counterintuitive. Typically, it’s the left that has explicitly championed women in politics, often through the use of instruments like gender quotas, which now exist in roughly half the countries in the world. Much of the right finds these kinds of measures distasteful; Meloni, for her part, opposes them.

这可能有些反直觉。通常情况下，是左翼明确倡导女性参政，往往通过性别配额等机制实现——如今全球约半数国家都设有此类配额。而右翼大多对这类措施表示反感，梅洛尼本人就明确反对。

Takaichi has talked about the loneliness of being a woman in Japanese politics. But she’s also embraced positions that critics say hold women back. She’s opposed changing a law that requires married couples to share a surname, and has backed efforts to preserve the male lineage of Japan’s imperial family.

高市早苗曾谈及日本政坛女性的孤独感，但她同时支持的某些立场在批评者看来反而阻碍女性发展。她反对修改要求夫妻同姓的法律，还支持保留日本皇室的男系继承制度。

Iron maiden, iron ladies

铁娘子

The experts I spoke to suggested a few different dynamics might be interacting with one another.

我采访的专家提出，可能有几个不同的因素在相互作用。

The push for women in politics, largely from left-leaning parties, can be contagious, both within countries and even across borders, said Pippa Norris, a professor of comparative politics at the Harvard Kennedy School.

哈佛大学肯尼迪学院比较政治学教授皮帕·诺里斯表示，主要由左翼政党推动的女性参政浪潮具有传染性——不仅在国家内部，甚至跨越国界。

And the more women in politics, the more likely it is that women break into leadership, regardless of what party they belong to.

政坛中的女性越多，女性跻身领导层的可能性就越大，无论她们属于哪个政党。

Germany’s Social Democrats instituted gender quotas in 1988, which put pressure on the conservatives to include more women on their electoral lists. One of the women who was elected to the Bundestag in the next election was a young Angela Merkel.

德国社民党于1988年推行性别配额制，这给保守党带来压力，促使其在选举名单中纳入更多女性。在随后的选举中当选联邦议院议员的就包括年轻的安格拉·默克尔。

And a close look at each woman’s individual rise to power does reveal some patterns, said Silvana Koch-Mehrin, the founder of a network of current and former women political leaders.

一个研究现任及前任女性政治领导人的网络的创始人西尔瓦娜·科赫-梅林表示，仔细观察每位女性的个人崛起之路，确实能发现一些规律。

Many of the early women leaders came to power as outsiders in a moment of political crisis. Thatcher rose in the 1970s when Britain was in economic and political turmoil. Merkel won her party’s leadership after a corruption scandal in the early 2000s. May became leader in the messy aftermath of the Brexit vote.

许多早期女性领导人都是在政治危机中以局外人身份掌权的。撒切尔在20世纪70年代英国陷入经济和政治动荡时崛起；默克尔在21世纪初的腐败丑闻后赢得党内领导权；特蕾莎·梅则在脱欧公投后的混乱局面中成为领袖。

Today, political crisis has become the norm.

如今，政治危机已成为常态。

That is both fueling the rise of the hard-line right and lending credibility to leaders who can sell themselves as being different from those who came before. And women vying for roles that were previously held almost exclusively by men are inherently outsiders.

这既助长了强硬右翼的崛起，又为那些能标榜自己与前任不同的领导人提供可信度。而角逐那些此前几乎由男性垄断职位的女性本质上就是局外人。

Meloni was elected after a decade of post-Berlusconi, testosterone-fueled turmoil that saw Italy churn through six prime ministers. In France, Marine Le Pen’s far right is the most popular force in a country that has seen four governments in less than a year. In Japan, Takaichi, an Iron Maiden fan and amateur drummer who beat out four men to become leader of the L.D.P., takes the helm of a party that has been losing support, in a country that has been dealing with stubborn economic stagnation.

梅洛尼的当选发生在后贝卢斯科尼时代充斥男性荷尔蒙的十年混乱之后——这期间意大利换了六位总理。在法国，玛丽娜·勒庞领导的极右翼势力成为最受欢迎的政治力量，而该国在不到一年内就换了四届政府。在日本，铁娘子乐队歌迷、业余鼓手高市早苗击败四位男性当选自民党领袖，接手了这个支持率下滑的政党，日本本身也正面临顽固的经济停滞。

The rise of women on the right is intriguing. It may also be short-lived. The steady growth of the number of women in parliaments in recent decades that has helped right-wing women to power has now stalled. On the other hand, France, where Le Pen continues to outpoll her rivals, is slated to hold its next presidential election in 2027.

右翼女性的崛起颇具看点，但也可能是短暂的。近几十年来，议会女性人数的稳步增长是助力右翼女性掌权的因素，如今这一增长已陷入停滞。另一方面，法国定于2027年举行下一次总统大选，而勒庞的支持率持续领先对手。

The United States and China called off a fight over commercial shipping on Monday, but the truce could weaken Washington’s efforts to curb China’s rise as a maritime power.

周一，美中两国叫停了一场围绕商业航运的争端，但这一休战可能削弱美国遏制中国崛起为海事强国的努力。

President Trump had recently started imposing fees on Chinese commercial ships when they docked in American ports. The policy was designed to limit the use of Chinese vessels for transporting goods to the United States.

特朗普总统原本近来开始对停靠美国港口的中国商用船舶收费，这项政策旨在限制使用中国船舶向美国运输货物。

China retaliated with similar levies on American vessels. But the countries agreed to suspend the fees for a year as part of their recent trade pact. They announced on Monday that fee collection had stopped.

中国随即采取报复措施，对美国船舶征收类似费用。但两国在最新达成的贸易协议中同意暂停征收该费用一年。周一，双方宣布已停止收费。

The decision to halt the fees showed that Mr. Trump’s efforts to revive American shipyards, which produce almost no large commercial vessels, face obstacles. He has promised a maritime action plan, due last week, to support shipyards and train up mariners.

暂停收费的决定表明，特朗普重振美国造船业的努力面临阻碍——美国造船厂几乎不生产大型商用船舶。他曾承诺推出一项海事行动计划，原本应于上周公布，旨在支持造船厂并培养船员。

China made 60 percent of the world’s large vessels in 2024, up from 44 percent five years earlier, according to BRS Shipbrokers. China has produced over 700 large commercial vessels this year and the United States just one, according to BRS.

据船舶经纪公司BRS数据，2024年中国建造了全球60%的大型船舶，较五年前的44%大幅提升。今年中国已制造了700多艘大型商用船舶，而美国仅制造了一艘。

China’s shipyards, benefiting from significant government support, have in recent years overtaken those of South Korea and Japan, two big shipbuilding nations.

得益于政府的大力支持，中国造船厂近年来已超越韩国和日本这两大造船强国。

The United States imposed fees not just on Chinese shipping companies, which had been expected to pay hundreds of millions of dollars in levies, but also on large vessels made in China. Many of the largest shipping companies that transport goods to the United States — like France’s CMA CGM — own vessels made in China.

美国的收费不仅针对中国航运公司（这些公司原本预计要支付数亿美元费用），还涵盖中国制造的大型船舶。许多向美国运输货物的大型航运公司——比如法国达飞海运集团——都拥有中国制造的船舶。

The U.S. fees stemmed from a trade investigation that began under the Biden administration, and they had bipartisan support. Their supporters criticized the Trump administration for putting them on hold.

美国的这项收费源于拜登政府时期启动的一项贸易调查，且获得了两党支持。赞同收费者批评特朗普政府的叫停决定。

“We want to blunt China’s dominance of this industry,” said Michael Roberts, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, a right-leaning research organization. “So it’s a disappointment in that respect.”

“我们希望遏制中国在该行业的主导地位，”右翼研究机构哈德逊研究所高级研究员迈克尔·罗伯茨表示，“从这个角度来看，当前结果令人失望。”

Senator Tammy Baldwin, Democrat of Wisconsin, said in a statement that China’s unfair policies had undercut American shipbuilding workers. “Instead of holding China accountable, the president folded, leaving American workers behind,” she added.

威斯康星州民主党参议员塔米·鲍德温在声明中称，中国的不公平政策损害了美国造船工人的利益。“总统没有让中国承担责任，反而妥协退让，抛弃了美国工人，”她还说。

The White House did not respond when asked why it had halted the fees, and whether it had given up too much.

当被问及为何暂停收费、是否让步过多时，白宫未予回应。

Asked when Mr. Trump’s maritime action plan might appear, Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said the president had established an “Office of Shipbuilding” and to “stay tuned!”

被问及特朗普的海事行动计划何时出台时，白宫发言人安娜·凯利表示，总统已成立“造船办公室”，并请“持续关注”。

Supporters of the fees hoped that they would deter shipping companies from buying the Chinese vessels and thus push ship orders to South Korea, Japan and, eventually, the United States.

收费政策的支持者原本希望，这些费用能阻止航运公司购买中国船舶，从而将船舶订单转向韩国、日本，最终流向美国。

The ultimate fate of the fees is not clear. The Office of the United States Trade Representative, the agency that formulated the policy, said on Sunday that it would negotiate with China over the issues raised in the investigation that had led to the fees.

这些费用的最终命运尚不明朗。制定该政策的美国贸易代表办公室周日表示，将与中国就引发收费调查的相关问题进行磋商。

“While taking these actions, the United States will continue its domestic efforts and its discussions with key allies and partners on revitalizing American shipbuilding,” the office said in a news release.

“在采取这些行动的同时，美国将继续推进国内相关努力，并与主要盟友和伙伴探讨重振美国造船业的事宜。”该办公室在新闻稿中称。

A bill in Congress aimed at improving American commercial shipbuilding — called the SHIPS for America Act — intended to use the fees on Chinese ships to subsidize the creation of a new fleet of American cargo vessels.

国会旨在改善美国商用造船业的法案——《美国船舶法案》——计划将对中国船舶征收的费用用于补贴新建美国货船船队。

Asked where the money to finance the fleet would come from if the fee revenue did not exist, Senator Todd Young, Republican of Indiana and a co-sponsor of the bill, said the legislation envisioned other ways to raise money.

当被问及如果没有收费收入，船队资金将从何而来时，该法案的共同发起人、印第安纳州共和党参议员托德·扬表示，法案规划了其他筹资渠道。

“Regardless of whether this suspension moves forward, the SHIPS Act is critical to rebuilding America’s commercial shipping industry and vital to our national security,” Mr. Young said in a statement.

“无论此次暂停收费是否推进，《美国船舶法案》对重建美国商用航运业至关重要，对我们的国家安全也不可或缺。”扬在声明中说。

American ships can cost as much as four times those made in Asia, and, as a result, there is little demand for them. The shipping companies that buy large American vessels do so essentially because they have to. The companies transport goods from one American port to another, voyages that, under U.S. law, must be done by American-made ships crewed by Americans.

美国船舶的成本可能高达亚洲制造的四倍，因此几乎没有市场需求。购买美国大型船舶的航运公司本质上是出于强制要求——根据美国法律，在美港口之间运输货物的船舶必须是美国制造且由美国船员驾驶。

But there are signs that Mr. Trump’s shipbuilding push is gaining some traction.

但有迹象表明，特朗普推动造船业发展的努力正在产生一定成效。

Companies from South Korea say they intend to make ships in the United States and invest in American shipyards. Hanwha, a South Korean conglomerate, has said it wants to expand the shipyard in Philadelphia that it bought last year.

韩国企业表示有意在美国造船并投资美国造船厂。韩国韩华集团称，计划扩大去年收购的费城造船厂规模。

When retaliating against the American shipping fees, China said it had put five American subsidiaries of Hanwha on its sanctions list, accusing them of “supporting and assisting” the United States in its moves in the shipbuilding industry.

中国在报复美国航运收费时，将韩华集团的五家美国子公司列入制裁名单，指控它们“支持和协助”美国在造船业的相关举措。

On Monday, China said it was suspending the sanctions on the Hanwha entities for a year.

周一，中国宣布暂停对韩华相关实体的制裁，为期一年。

“We are aware of China’s Ministry of Commerce’s announcement, and we will continue to work to deliver for our maritime customers around the world,” James Hewitt, a spokesman for Hanwha Global Defense, said in a statement.

“我们已知悉中国商务部的公告，将继续努力为全球海事客户提供服务，”韩华全球防务发言人詹姆斯·休伊特在声明中说。

The phone call came around 5 a.m. to Zhu Rikun, the organizer of a new Chinese independent film festival in New York City. It was his father in China, his voice sounding strange. He asked if Mr. Zhu was up to anything bad, Mr. Zhu recalled, and urged him not to do anything that would hurt China.

电话是凌晨5点左右打给朱日坤的，他是纽约一个新成立的中国独立电影节的组织者。电话另一端是他身在中国的父亲，声音听起来很奇怪。朱日坤回忆说，父亲问朱日坤是否做了什么不好的事情，并敦促他不要做任何伤害祖国的事情。

In the following days, Mr. Zhu received more vague messages. They were from the directors whose films he was preparing to screen at the festival, people scheduled to moderate discussions and one volunteer. All told him they wanted to withdraw.

接下来的几天里，更多模糊的信息接踵而至。信息来自原定参展的导演、预定主持讨论的嘉宾以及一名志愿者。所有人都告诉他，他们想退出。

Most declined to give Mr. Zhu an explanation or cited personal reasons. But a few confided that they or their relatives had been told by the Chinese police to pull out, he said.

大多数人要么拒绝给出缘由，要么声称出于个人原因。但他说，一些人透露，他们或他们的亲属受到了中国警方的劝退压力。

Two days before the festival was supposed to open last Saturday, Mr. Zhu decided to cancel it.

电影节原定于上周六开幕，朱日坤在此前两天决定取消。

“I am not making this decision out of fear or submission,” he wrote on the festival’s website. “But I hope this announcement of the cancellation of IndieChina Film Festival will make certain unknown forces stop harassing all the directors, guests, former staff, volunteers and my friends and family.”

“我并非处于害怕或者屈服而作出这个决定；但是我希望IndieChina电影节停止的声明能让某些不明势力停止继续骚扰所有跟电影节有关的导演、嘉宾、前工作人员、志愿者，包括我的朋友和家人，”他在电影节的网站上写道。 

The apparent official intimidation elicited by the festival — which by Mr. Zhu’s own description was small, low-profile and likely to have limited impact within China — shows how far the Chinese government is willing to go to suppress critical voices, even thousands of miles away. Some of the participants have lived overseas for years, said Mr. Zhu, a filmmaker who moved from China to New York in 2014. Even foreign citizens or people not of Chinese heritage were not spared, with some being pressured by their employers, Mr. Zhu said.

按照朱日坤本人的说法，这个电影节规模小、低调且在中国国内影响有限，但对它的施压暴露了中国政府压制异见声音的意愿有多么强烈，哪怕这些声音远在千里之外。2014年从中国搬到纽约的电影制作人朱日坤说，一些参与者已经在海外生活多年。他表示，即便是外国公民或没有中国血统的人也不能幸免，有些人受到雇主的压力。

Several of the films touched on topics the Chinese government is sensitive about, such as the coronavirus pandemic or the one-child policy. But others, Mr. Zhu said, could have been shown in mainstream cinemas in China.

其中几部电影触及了中国政府敏感的话题，比如新冠疫情或独生子女政策。但朱日坤说，其他一些电影本来都是可以在中国主流影院上映的。

“I never thought about hiding this, like it was an underground event. If we were in China, I’d probably do that,” he said in an interview. But “that this would become so hard even in New York was totally beyond my expectations.”

“我从没想过要隐瞒这件事，好像这是一个地下事件。如果我们在中国，我可能会这么做，”他在接受采访时说。但“即使在纽约，这件事也会变得这么难，这完全出乎我的意料”。

The space for independent films has been largely erased in China, as Xi Jinping, the country’s leader, has sought to enforce strict ideological purity. The small independent festivals that were established in the 2000s, showing films not submitted to state censors for approval — and therefore not allowed to screen commercially — were shut down years ago. Directors who made films critical of the government have been imprisoned or fined.

随着习近平推行严格的思想纯洁性政策，中国独立电影的生存空间已被大幅压缩。2000年代创办的那些小型独立电影节早已被取缔——这些电影节展映的影片未经国家审查机构批准，因此无法在商业影院放映。拍摄批评政府影片的导演则面临监禁或罚款。

Some Chinese have sought refuge overseas. A year after the Beijing Independent Film Festival (of which Mr. Zhu was a co-founder) was shut down, some films were screened in New York. Chinese living abroad have set up Chinese-language bookstores, and organized comedy shows and pop-up salons to discuss culture and current affairs in Tokyo, London and Chiang Mai, Thailand.

一些中国人流亡海外。北京独立影展（朱日坤曾是联合创始人）被停办一年后，部分影片得以在纽约放映。旅居海外的中国人在东京、伦敦和泰国清迈开设中文书店，组织喜剧表演和快闪沙龙，讨论文化和时事。

But increasingly, government repression has followed. In July, the Chinese Embassy in Bangkok successfully pressured a museum there to partially censor an exhibition that the Chinese authorities said advocated independence for Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong. A documentary about waters disputed between China and the Philippines was pulled from a film festival in Manila earlier this year, with the Filipina director citing “external factors.”

但政府的打压却日益接踵而至。今年7月，中国驻曼谷大使馆成功施压当地一家美术馆，要求其对某展览进行部分审查——中方当局称该展览鼓吹新疆、西藏和香港独立。今年早些时候，一部关于中菲海域争议的纪录片在马尼拉的一个电影节上被撤下，菲律宾导演称原因是“外部因素”。

Mr. Zhu, who started planning the New York festival earlier this year, had advertised it on Chinese social media and knew that the authorities might take notice. But he thought that the worst that could happen was that he alone might encounter problems visiting China, he said.

朱日坤今年早些时候开始策划这次纽约的电影节，他在中国的社交媒体上做了宣传，知道当局可能会注意到。但他说，他认为最坏的情况是他本人回到中国可能会遇到麻烦。

He received around 200 submissions from filmmakers based all around the world and selected 31. He collected about $1,000 in online donations, but mostly funded the event himself. He had expected around 60 to 70 attendees at each screening.

他收到了来自世界各地电影人的200多部作品，并从中选择了31部。他在网上募集了大约1000美元的捐款，但大部分资金都是他自己出的。他原本预计每场放映会有约60至70名观众到场。

But about a week before the opening, even as some festival guests were already starting to arrive in New York, the Chinese authorities were mobilizing.

但是，大约在开幕式前一周，甚至在一些嘉宾已经开始抵达纽约时，中国当局开始行动。

Four Chinese police officers visited a filmmaker who lives in China and who had been set to participate in Mr. Zhu’s festival. The filmmaker, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said that the authorities were unhappy with Mr. Zhu and that the festival was an act of smearing China from abroad.

四名中国警察拜访了一位住在中国的电影制作人，他原本打算参加朱日坤的电影节。由于担心遭到报复，这位电影制作人要求匿名。他说，当局对朱日坤不满，认为该电影节是一种在境外抹黑中国的行为。

The filmmaker agreed to withdraw from the festival. The person also stopped working on their current project, describing the pressure as suffocating.

这位电影制作人同意退出电影节，并停止了他们目前的项目，称这种压力令人窒息。

The scale of the intimidation around the world shows the government’s expanding surveillance power, said Maya Wang, the associate Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “It’s incredibly chilling for anyone who has some remote connection to China.”

人权观察组织亚洲部副主任王松莲指出，全球范围内的恐吓规模彰显了政府日益扩张的监控能力。“对于任何与中国有些许联系的人来说，这都极度令人不寒而栗。”

In a written response to questions about the festival, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said that it wasn’t familiar with the specific circumstances, but that Human Rights Watch had “long been prejudiced against China.”

中国外交部在书面答复有关该电影节的质询时表示，对具体情况不了解，但是人权观察组织“长期以来对中国抱有偏见”。

Mr. Zhu said he didn’t know whether he’d try to organize another festival. It was too late to cancel the event space he’d booked in Brooklyn.

朱日坤表示尚不确定是否会再次尝试组织电影节。他预订的布鲁克林活动场地已无法取消。

“I’ll just go there and watch movies myself,” he said.

“我打算自己去那里看电影，”他说。

In 1991, four years after joining Amorepacific, his family’s South Korean beauty conglomerate, Suh Kyungbae traveled to France to figure out why the company’s skin care line was selling so poorly there.

1991年，加入家族旗下的韩国美妆集团爱茉莉太平洋四年后，徐庆培前往法国探寻公司护肤系列在当地销量惨淡的原因。

He found the products collecting dust at run-down French drugstores. Mr. Suh decided to pull the items off the shelves. He did not want to risk undermining Amorepacific’s image in France, the birthplace of the modern cosmetics industry.

他发现产品在法国破败的药店里积灰。徐庆培决定下架这些产品，他不愿冒险损害爱茉莉太平洋在现代美妆产业发源地法国的品牌形象。

“I realized that having a brand that is recognized in the market is very important,” said Mr. Suh, 62, now the chairman of Amorepacific. “At that time, Korean brands weren’t strong enough.”

“我意识到，拥有一个被市场认可的品牌至关重要，”如今62岁、担任爱茉莉太平洋董事长的徐庆培说，“那时候，韩国品牌的实力还不够强。”

Those days are long gone. Riding the cultural wave of South Korean music, movies and television shows, even food, the country’s beauty products are thriving. South Korean beauty trends — including glass skin, multistep skin care routines and snail mucin serum — are online fodder.

那样的日子早已一去不返。借着韩国音乐、影视、甚至美食掀起的文化热潮，韩国美妆产品蓬勃发展。玻璃肌、多步骤护肤流程、蜗牛黏液精华等韩妆潮流成为网络热门话题。

South Korea surpassed the United States to become the world’s second-largest cosmetics exporter, after France, in the first half of 2025. Cosmetics exports surged 15 percent in the six-month period, to a record $5.5 billion, fueled by growth in the United States and Europe, according to data from the South Korean government.

2025年上半年，韩国超越美国成为仅次于法国的全球第二大美妆出口国。韩国政府数据显示，受欧美市场增长推动，这六个月的美妆出口额激增15%，达到创纪录的55亿美元。

Amorepacific is being transformed from domestic stalwart to export powerhouse. Last year, the company’s sales to the West, which includes North America and Europe, more than doubled.

爱茉莉太平洋正从本土中坚力量转型为出口巨头。去年，该公司对北美、欧洲等西方市场的销售额增长了一倍多。

Once a niche segment, Korean beauty products are thoroughly mainstream, with a large presence at retailers like Sephora and Walmart in the United States, as well as major stores across Europe. The American chain Ulta Beauty, which has more than 1,400 U.S. stores, said in July that it was expanding its K-beauty offerings. South Korea’s biggest cosmetics chain, Olive Young, plans to open its first store in America next year, in Los Angeles.

韩妆曾是小众品类，如今已完全主流化——在美国丝芙兰、沃尔玛等零售商以及欧洲各大商场均占据重要席位。拥有超过1400家美国门店的美妆连锁品牌Ulta Beauty于7月宣布，将扩大韩妆产品供应。韩国最大美妆连锁欧利芙洋计划明年在美国洛杉矶开设首家门店。

爱茉莉太平洋集团董事长徐庆培从父亲手中接管了家族企业，后者是该公司的创始人。爱茉莉太平洋旗下高端护肤品牌雪花秀的首尔旗舰店。爱茉莉太平洋集团最初创立于开城（现属朝鲜），后迁至首尔并在那里设立总部。

This has created opportunities for Amorepacific’s 31 brands, including Laneige and the luxury skin care line Sulwhasoo, to reach more consumers.

这为拥有兰芝、高端护肤品牌雪花秀等31个品牌的爱茉莉太平洋创造了接触更多消费者的机会。

And while Amorepacific is a beneficiary, it is also a target. Hundreds of smaller South Korean brands are jostling to stand out with new products featuring innovative ingredients or new technologies. Even products from lesser-known brands spread quickly on social media. On TikTok, posts about “K-beauty” or “Korean skin care” garner 250 million views on average per week, according to Spate, a consumer data firm.

爱茉莉太平洋是受益者，同时也成为竞争目标。数百个韩国小众品牌通过推出含创新成分或新技术的产品，争相脱颖而出。即便是不知名品牌的产品，也能在社交媒体上迅速传播。消费者数据公司Spate称，TikTok上“韩妆”或“韩国护肤”相关内容每周平均获得2.5亿次浏览量。

When Amorepacific was founded on Sept. 5, 1945, the notion of South Korea’s becoming a global power in the cosmetics industry would have been unimaginable — even to the company’s founder, Suh Sungwhan, who is Suh Kyungbae’s father.

1945年9月5日爱茉莉太平洋成立时，即便对公司创始人、徐庆培的父亲徐成焕而言，韩国成为全球美妆产业强国的愿景也是难以想象的。

Demand for K-beauty products internationally blossomed alongside the country’s cultural wave, known as “Hallyu” in Korean, in the late 1990s, when South Korean television shows started gaining popularity in Asia. Over the past decade, musical acts like BTS and Blackpink, television shows like “Squid Game” and this year’s summer blockbuster, “KPop Demon Hunters,” have vaulted the country’s cultural exports to new heights of global popularity.

20世纪90年代末，随着韩国电视剧开始在亚洲走红，“韩流”文化热潮兴起，韩妆的国际需求也随之爆发。过去十年间，防弹少年团、BLACKPINK等音乐组合，《鱿鱼游戏》(Squid Game)等电视剧，以及今年夏季爆款电影《K-Pop：猎魔女团》(KPop Demon Hunters)等作品，将韩国文化出口推向全球流行的新高度。

“It is with the development of culture that the beauty industry can also develop,” said Suh Kyungbae, who took over as Amorepacific’s chief executive in 1997. “Culture, beauty, food and fashion all cross-pollinate.”

“美妆产业的发展离不开文化的推动，”1997年接任爱茉莉太平洋首席执行官的徐庆培说。“文化、美妆、美食和时尚相互交融、彼此促进。”

As global audiences get a window into life in South Korea through movies and television shows, they are introduced to the age-defying skin of Korean celebrities, as well as the country’s cosmetic products and elaborate skin care routines.

全球观众通过影视节目窥见韩国生活的同时，也接触到韩国名人的冻龄肌肤，以及韩国美妆产品和繁复的护肤流程。

爱茉莉太平洋集团的旗舰店位于韩国首尔的圣水洞，这个时尚街区以潮流精品店和咖啡馆闻名。

In the United States, trendsetters and early adopters, especially those with personal connections to South Korean culture, started embracing Korean beauty products about 10 years ago, said Charlotte Cho, a founder of Soko Glam, an e-commerce website specializing in K-beauty products.

专注于韩妆的电商平台Soko Glam创始人夏洛特·赵（音）表示，大约十年前，美国的潮流引领者和早期尝鲜者——尤其是与韩国文化有个人联结的群体——开始接受韩妆产品。

Korean brands filled a void between inexpensive drugstore products and legacy offerings sold at department stores. They offered unique ingredients and technological breakthroughs at better prices. She said items like pimple patches for treating zits and sheet masks provided an affordable entry point.

韩国品牌填补了平价药妆与百货商场传统品牌之间的空白。它们以更实惠的价格提供独特成分和技术突破。她说，祛痘贴、片状面膜等产品成为平价入门之选。

Amorepacific’s big break in the United States came from a mask that’s not really a mask. The company’s Laneige brand developed a product called Lip Sleeping Mask — more balm than mask — that softens and hydrates lips as users sleep. Beauty influencers and celebrities gushed about the product on social media.

爱茉莉太平洋在美国的重大突破源自一款非传统面膜。旗下兰芝品牌推出的“夜间修护唇膜”更像是唇膏而非面膜，能在睡眠时软化并滋润双唇。美妆博主和名人在社交媒体上对这款产品赞不绝口。

There was a burst of buzzy collaborations and savvy social media posts. Over the past year, one Lip Sleeping Mask was sold every two seconds in the United States.

随后，品牌推出了一系列热门联名合作，并发布了巧妙的社交媒体内容。过去一年，美国市场每两秒就卖出一款兰芝夜间修护唇膜。

Just as K-beauty was taking off in America, it faced a new challenge in President Trump’s import tariffs.

就在韩妆在美国崭露头角之际，特朗普政府的进口关税带来了新挑战。

South Korea reached a finalized deal with Mr. Trump last month for a 15 percent tariff rate, down from the initial 25 percent that the president announced in April. Amorepacific said that it had absorbed the increase for now, but that it was looking into other ways to make its products.

韩国上月与特朗普达成最终协议，将关税税率从总统4月宣布的25%降至15%。爱茉莉太平洋表示，目前已自行承担关税涨幅，但正在探索其他生产方式。

爱茉莉太平洋旗下奢华护肤品牌雪花秀的旗舰店，坐落于首尔历史悠久的北村地区。雪花秀以在化妆品中融入人参等传统草本成分闻名。1960年代，爱茉莉太平洋创始人徐成焕在公司的首尔办公室工作。1971年，徐成焕在首尔某百货公司化妆品专柜与销售人员交谈。

“The free trade system is slowly fading away,” Mr. Suh said. “We need to make our products better, and we might find a way to try to produce locally inside the U.S.”

“自由贸易体系正在逐渐瓦解，”徐庆培说。“我们需要把产品做得更好，也可能会尝试在美国本土生产。”

The tariffs have done little to slow the momentum of Korean cosmetics. At the Sephora store in New York’s Times Square in August, there was a wall of beauty products from South Korea.

关税并未阻碍韩妆的发展势头。8月，在纽约时报广场的丝芙兰门店里专门设置了一面韩国美妆产品墙。

Skin creams from the Hanyul brand were “holistic Korean skin remedies.” Another label, Aestura, trumpeted that it was the “No. 1 dermatologist-recommended brand in Korea” for sensitive skin. (Both are Amorepacific brands.) A sunscreen from Beauty of Joseon, an independent skin care brand, offered “Cult-favorite Korean SPF.”

韩律品牌的面霜主打“韩式整体护肤方案”。另一品牌瑷丝特兰则宣传自己是“韩国皮肤科医生首推的敏感肌护理品牌”（两者均为爱茉莉太平洋旗下品牌）。独立护肤品牌Beauty of Joseon的一款防晒霜则标注“韩国爆款防晒”。

The sector isn’t dominated by one or two players, said Kwon Yoo-jin, a professor of apparel and fashion studies at Korea National Open University. “K-beauty itself is a cultural brand,” she said.

“韩妆行业并非由一两家企业主导，”韩国开放大学服装与时尚研究教授权俞真（音）说。“韩妆本身就是一个文化品牌。”

The promise of flawless skin continues to draw customers to Korean cosmetics. Some are even traveling to Seoul for the full experience.

无瑕肌肤的承诺持续吸引消费者购买韩妆产品，有些人甚至专程前往首尔体验完整的韩妆文化。

Arlene Freeman, 84, was shopping in September for Sulwhasoo products at the brand’s flagship store in Seoul. She said she regularly discussed South Korean cosmetics with her friends back home in New Jersey during their daily four-mile walks.

今年9月，84岁的阿琳·弗里曼在首尔的雪花秀旗舰店购物。她说，自己和新泽西州的朋友们每天散步约六公里，期间经常讨论韩国美妆产品。

“I was talking with my friends — anti-aging, tightening, anti-wrinkles, anything to keep us looking young is what we want,” she said. “ And they told me about Korean beauty products.”

“我和朋友们聊的都是抗衰、紧致、除皱——任何能让我们保持年轻的东西都是我们想要的，”她说。“是她们给我推荐了韩国美妆产品。”

新泽西州的阿琳·弗里曼和丈夫杰拉尔德·韦克特赴韩国旅行期间造访了首尔的雪花秀专卖店。时报广场丝芙兰门店的雪花秀产品正在促销。

As the United States torpedoes climate action and Europe struggles to realize its green ambitions, a surprising shift is taking hold in many large, fast-growing economies where a majority of the world’s people live.

在美国阻碍气候行动、欧洲难以实现绿色愿景之际，一个令人意外的转变正在占全球人口多数的多个大型快速增长经济体中发生。

Countries like Brazil, India, and Vietnam are rapidly expanding solar and wind power. Poorer countries like Ethiopia and Nepal are leapfrogging over gasoline-burning cars to battery-powered ones. Nigeria, a petrostate, plans to build its first solar-panel manufacturing plant. Morocco is creating a battery hub to supply European automakers. Santiago, the capital of Chile, has electrified more than half of its bus fleet in recent years.

巴西、印度、越南等国正加速发展太阳能和风能。埃塞俄比亚、尼泊尔等较贫穷国家则跳过燃油车，直接迈向电动汽车。石油国家尼日利亚计划建设首座太阳能电池板制造厂。摩洛哥正打造电池产业中心，为欧洲汽车制造商供货。智利首都圣地亚哥近年来已实现半数以上公交车队电动化。

Key to this shift is the world’s new renewable energy superpower: China.

推动这一转变的关键，是全球新晋可再生能源超级大国——中国。

Having saturated its own market with solar panels, wind turbines and batteries, Chinese companies are now exporting their wares to energy-hungry countries in the developing world. What’s more, they’re investing billions of dollars in factories that make things like solar panels in Vietnam and electric cars in Brazil.

在国内太阳能电池板、风力涡轮机和电池市场饱和后，中国企业如今正将这些产品出口到能源需求旺盛的发展中国家。此外，它们还向越南太阳能板工厂、巴西电动汽车工厂等项目投入数十亿美元。

In effect, Chinese industrial policy is shaping the development trajectory of some of the world’s fastest-growing economies.

实际上，中国的产业政策正在塑造部分全球增长最快经济体的发展轨迹。

“From a climate point of view, the developing countries are showing solutions,” said André Corrêa do Lago, the Brazilian diplomat shepherding this year’s international climate talks, known as COP30, in the Brazilian city of Belém.

“从气候角度来看，发展中国家正在拿出解决方案。”今年在巴西贝伦市举行的第30届联合国气候变化大会(COP30)的主席、巴西外交官安德烈·科雷亚·杜拉戈表示。

“I think that emerging countries are appearing in this COP with a different role,” he added.

“我认为新兴国家将以不同以往的角色参与本次气候大会，”他还说。

Is that completely fixing the problem of climate change? No. Most countries, including these big, growing economies, still get the majority of their energy from fossil fuels. Indonesia is still mining vast amounts of coal, the dirtiest energy source. India and China continue their coal-plant building spree. Brazil plans to expand oil production.

这是否能彻底解决气候变化问题？答案是否定的。在包括这些大型增长经济体在内的大多数国家，能源仍以化石燃料为主。印度尼西亚仍在大量开采煤炭这一污染最严重的能源。中国和印度仍在持续新建燃煤电厂。巴西计划扩大石油产量。

巴西贝伦峰会会场，摄于周一。“我认为新兴国家将以不同以往的角色参与本次气候大会，”会议主席表示。

But these countries are increasingly meeting large portions of their energy needs with renewable power, both for the cost savings and for energy security reasons. Many are trying to reduce the amount of fossil fuels they import, to relieve pressure on their foreign currency reserves.

但这些国家正越来越多地依靠可再生能源满足大量能源需求，既为节省成本，也出于能源安全考量。许多国家试图减少化石燃料进口，以缓解外汇储备压力。

Rapidly falling prices of Chinese technology are enabling them to do that. Ani Dasgupta, head of the World Resources Institute, an environmental research and advocacy group, said it shows how economic development can go hand in hand with reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

中国技术的价格快速下降让这一切成为可能。环境研究与倡导组织世界资源研究所所长阿尼·达斯古普塔表示，这表明经济发展与减少温室气体排放可以并行不悖。

“Emerging economies are a very important part of the story,” he said. “The reason we should be paying attention is that they have the most people in the world, they have the largest number of poor people in the world, and their energy demands are growing. If these economies don’t change, there’s no chance for the world to get to a safer place.”

“新兴经济体是这一进程的重要参与者。”他说，“我们之所以要关注这些国家，是因为它们拥有全球最多的人口和最庞大的贫困人口，能源需求也在不断增长。如果这些经济体不改变发展模式，全球就无法走向更安全的未来。”

Ethiopia last year took the extraordinary step of banning the import of new gasoline-powered cars. Nepal reduced import duties on electric vehicles so much that they are now cheaper than cars with internal combustion engines. Brazil raised tariffs on all car imports to compel Chinese automakers like BYD and Great Wall Motors to set up plants inside Brazil.

埃塞俄比亚去年采取了一项非同寻常的举措：禁止进口新燃油车。尼泊尔大幅降低电动汽车进口关税，如今电动汽车价格已低于内燃机汽车。巴西提高了所有汽车进口关税，迫使比亚迪、长城汽车等中国车企在巴西本土设厂。

Chinese manufacturing investments around the world have exceeded $225 billion in total since 2011, according to the Net Zero Policy Lab at Johns Hopkins University, with three-fourths of that money going into what the report’s authors called countries in the global south, a collective term for low-income countries and emerging economies. Adjusted for inflation, that’s more than the United States poured into the Marshall Plan after World War II.

约翰斯·霍普金斯大学净零排放政策实验室的数据显示，2011年以来，中国在全球的制造业投资总额已超过2250亿美元，其中四分之三流入该报告作者所称的“全球南方”国家（即低收入国家和新兴经济体的统称）。经通胀调整后，这一金额超过了“二战”后美国实施马歇尔计划的投入规模。

Even India, wary of relying on imports from China, its neighbor and rival, has lifted a page from the Chinese industrial policy playbook. The government is using incentives to install huge amounts of solar power and make much more solar equipment at home.

即便是对邻国兼竞争对手中国的进口产品心存警惕的印度，也借鉴了中国的产业政策模式。印度政府通过激励措施，推动国内大规模安装太阳能发电设施，并扩大本土太阳能设备生产。

India used the summit in Belém last week to remind the world that half of its electricity demand can now be met by wind, solar, and hydropower and that it reached its 2030 targets for pivoting to cleaner energy sources under the Paris Agreement five years early. It has yet to submit its 2035 climate targets.

上周在贝伦举行的气候峰会上，印度强调其目前50%的电力需求可通过风能、太阳能和水电满足，且已提前五年实现《巴黎协定》规定的2030年清洁能源转型目标。该国尚未提交2035年气候目标。

In short, the center of gravity seems to be shifting.

简而言之，全球气候行动的重心似乎正在转移。

Ten years ago, when the Paris Agreement was signed, it was the rich, industrialized countries like the United States and Europe that were leaning on developing countries to take faster action to reduce their planet-heating greenhouse gas emissions. Developing countries responded that they, too, had the right to industrialize and that rich countries should help them finance the transition to cleaner fuels.

十年前《巴黎协定》签署时，美国、欧洲等富裕工业化国家施压发展中国家加快减排步伐。当时发展中国家则回应称，它们同样拥有工业化的权利，富裕国家应资助它们向清洁能源转型。

That financial help has mostly not materialized. The ire of developing-country leaders remains.

但这些资金支持大多未能兑现。发展中国家领导人的不满依然存在。

But the economics have changed.

但经济格局已然改变。

“Ten years ago, you had the political commitment, but you didn’t have the markets,” said Kaysie Brown, the associate director for climate diplomacy and geopolitics at E3G, a European research and advocacy group. “Now I think we’re in an inflection point where in some cases, like renewables, you do have the markets. So there’s a question about where in this changing landscape you start to see political leadership come from.”

“十年前，我们有政治承诺，却没有市场。”欧洲气候智库E3G气候外交与地缘政治副总监凯西·布朗表示，“如今我认为我们正处于一个转折点，在可再生能源等领域，市场已经成型。关键在于，在这个不断变化的格局中，政治领导力将源自何方。”

China has sought to cast itself as a pillar of global stability, particularly after the Trump administration said it would withdraw the United States from the annual climate talks.

中国一直试图将自身塑造为全球稳定的支柱，尤其是在特朗普政府宣布美国退出年度气候谈判后。

“Green and low-carbon transition is the trend of the time,” the Chinese vice premier, Ding Xuexiang, said last week at the summit. “We need to stay confident, balance such goals as environmental protection, economic development, job creation and poverty eradication.”

“绿色低碳转型是时代潮流。我们要坚定信心，统筹保护环境、发展经济、创造就业、消除贫困等目标，”中国副总理丁薛祥上周在峰会上表示。

Mr. Ding also urged countries around the world to lower trade barriers for green technology.

丁薛祥还呼吁世界各国降低绿色技术贸易壁垒。

With Chinese exports of solar panels, wind turbines and batteries hitting records this year, Beijing increasingly has a vested interest in making sure the rest of the world moves faster in adopting renewable energy. Many American and European leaders have expressed alarm at China’s growing dominance, which has undercut their own industries.

随着今年中国太阳能电池板、风力涡轮机和电池出口量创下纪录，北京愈发希望确保世界其他地区加快采用可再生能源。许多欧美领导人对中国日益增强的主导地位表示担忧，认为这削弱了他们的本国产业。

But at the summit, plenty of emerging countries seem fine with the arrangement.

但在此次峰会上，许多新兴国家似乎对这一格局并无异议。

“You can’t insist that China has to lower its emissions” and then, later, “complain that China is putting cheap E.V.s all over the world,” Mr. Corrêa do Lago said. “If you are worried about climate, this is good news.”

“你不能一方面坚持要求中国减排，另一方面又抱怨中国向全球供应廉价电动汽车。”科雷亚·杜拉戈说，“如果真的关注气候问题，这其实是个好消息。”

The BBC, one of the world’s biggest broadcasters, has been plunged into crisis after two top executives quit after a leaked memo suggesting that it had misleadingly edited a speech by President Trump that preceded the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

在一份泄露备忘录显示英国广播公司(BBC)误导性剪辑了特朗普总统在1月6日国会大厦骚乱前发表的演讲后，该机构两名高层主管辞职，这家规模居全球前列的广播机构深陷危机。

The departures leave a vacuum of leadership at the organization, while the White House has been publicly celebrating.

此举使得BBC领导层出现真空，白宫方面则公开庆贺。

Here’s what to know.

以下是事件要点梳理。

What was the central criticism against the BBC?

BBC面临的核心指控是什么？

A highly critical letter, written by a former external adviser to the BBC board, Michael Prescott, said that a documentary called “Trump: A Second Chance?,” broadcast before the presidential election last year, at one point spliced together footage from comments that Mr. Trump made about 50 minutes apart. In his speech on Jan. 6 to supporters in Washington as Congress was certifying the results that showed Joseph R. Biden Jr. had won the election, Mr. Trump said, “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women, and we’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them.”

BBC编辑标准委员会前外部顾问迈克尔·普雷斯科特写了一封严厉的批评信，指出在去年总统大选前播出的纪录片《特朗普：第二次机会？》中，有一处将特朗普相隔约50分钟发表的讲话内容拼接到了一起。1月6日国会认证拜登胜选结果时，特朗普对华盛顿的支持者发表演讲称：“我们要走向国会大厦，为我们勇敢的参议员和众议员们加油，不过对于其中的一些人我们大概不会加油。"

But the documentary, produced as part of the BBC’s long-running Panorama series, cut that together with a previous sentence in which the president said, “I’ll be there with you,” and with a much later quote from his speech. The edited version suggested that he had said: “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol … and I’ll be there with you … and we fight. We fight like hell.”

该片属于BBC老牌的“广角镜”系列纪录片之一，其中出现的这段话与总统更早之前的一句“我会和你们一起去”以及演讲里较靠后的一段话剪在了一起。剪辑后的版本显得他在说：“我们要走向国会大厦……我会和你们一起去……我们要战斗。拼命战斗。”

The documentary is no longer available to watch on the BBC’s online player. Samir Shah, the BBC’s chairman, said in a letter Monday that complaints about the editing of the clips had been discussed by the standards committee in January and May, and that the points raised in the review had been relayed to the Panorama team.

这部纪录片已从BBC的网络播放平台下架。BBC主席萨米尔·沙阿在周一的信函中证实，编辑标准委员会已于今年1月和5月两次讨论关于影片剪辑的投诉，并将审查意见传达给了“广角镜”团队。

“With hindsight, it would have been better to take more formal action,” he wrote. He added: “We accept that the way the speech was edited did give the impression of a direct call for violent action. The BBC would like to apologize for that error of judgment.”

“事后来看，本应采取更正式的行动会更好，”他在信中写道，并且还补充说，“我们承认，这段演讲的剪辑方式确实给人造成了直接煽动暴力的观感。BBC就这一专业失察表示歉意。”

BBC News reported on Monday that President Trump had sent a letter to the BBC threatening legal action. It cited the BBC’s saying it had received the letter “and will respond in due course.”

BBC新闻周一报道称，特朗普总统已致函BBC威胁采取法律行动。报道援引BBC的回应表示已收到来信，“将在适当时机作出回复。”

A spokesman for Mr. Trump’s outside legal team said Monday that a letter had been sent to the BBC, claiming that the broadcaster had defamed President Trump and that the intention was to interfere in the 2024 presidential election.

特朗普外部法律团队的一名发言人周一表示，他们已向BBC寄出了一封信，声称该媒体诽谤特朗普总统，并意图干预2024年总统选举。

The letter, which was obtained by The New York Times, said Mr. Trump would file a $1 billion lawsuit if the BBC did not formally retract the report, apologize and “appropriately compensate President Trump for the harm caused.”

《纽约时报》获得的该律师函写道，若BBC不正式撤回报道、公开道歉并“就所造成的损害对特朗普总统进行合理赔偿”，特朗普将提起10亿美元索赔诉讼。

What else was in the critical report, and who wrote it?

该批评报告还有哪些内容？执笔者是谁？

The memo’s writer, Mr. Prescott, is a former political editor of The Sunday Times of London, which is owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp.

这份备忘录的撰写者普雷斯科特曾是伦敦《星期日泰晤士报》的政治版编辑，该报由鲁珀特·默多克旗下的新闻集团所有。

In 2001, Mr. Prescott moved into corporate communications and public relations, where he has spent the past two and a half decades.

2001年，普雷斯科特转行进入企业传播与公共关系领域，并在此行业工作了25年。

In 2022, he was appointed as an independent external adviser to the BBC’s editorial standards committee. He left that role in June and wrote the memo, which is addressed to board members, after his departure. As well as the documentary about Mr. Trump, Mr. Prescott’s letter criticizes the BBC’s handling of stories about transgender rights; Israel’s conduct of the war in Gaza; and its BBC Arabic division, which gave a platform to a journalist who had posted antisemitic comments.

2022年，他被任命为BBC编辑标准委员会的独立外部顾问。今年6月卸任后，他撰写了这份致BBC董事会全体成员的备忘录。除关于特朗普的纪录片外，普雷斯科特的信函还批评了BBC在处理跨性别权利、以色列加沙军事行动等报道上的做法，并指出BBC阿拉伯语频道曾为发表反犹言论的记者提供平台。

Mr. Shah rejected many of Mr. Prescott’s claims in his letter to a House of Commons select committee on Monday. He said the memo was a “personal account” that “does not present a full picture of the discussions, decisions and actions that were taken.” All of the issues raised by Mr. Prescott had been scrutinized in the past by the board and the standards committee, he wrote, and in many cases the BBC had already acted to tackle the problems, including by changing editorial guidance, appointing new people to leadership positions and carrying out formal disciplinary measures.

沙阿在周一致英国下议院特别委员会的信中驳斥了普雷斯科特的多项指控。他说，这份备忘录是一份“个人陈述”，且“未能全面反映相关讨论、决策及已采取的行动”。他写道，普雷斯科特提出的所有问题此前都已经由董事会和标准委员会审查过，而且在许多情况下BBC已经采取措施解决相关问题，包括修改编辑指南、任命新的负责人以及实施正式的纪律处分。

“It is not true to say that concerns have been ignored or action not taken,” Mr. Shah wrote.

“所谓‘担忧遭到忽视或未采取行动’的说法是不符合事实的，”沙阿写道。

Who is Tim Davie, and why did he resign?

蒂姆·戴维是何许人？他为何辞职？

As the BBC’s director general, Mr. Davie has for five years held one of the toughest positions in British public life, ultimately responsible not just for the BBC’s news coverage with a global reach, but also for its vast other output, including drama series and sports, and for the conduct of star performers.

担任BBC总裁五年时间里，戴维执掌的职位堪称英国公共生活领域最为棘手之一——不仅要对这家全球性媒体的新闻报道负最终责任，还需管理涵盖剧集、体育节目等庞大的内容体系，并规范明星主持人的行为准则。

The BBC, or British Broadcasting Corporation, has a unique status in Britain. It is funded primarily from an annual license fee paid by households that watch TV, supplemented by commercial revenue, and it has a mandate to “act in the public interest,” providing “impartial, high-quality” content that informs, educates and entertains.

BBC在英国具有独特地位，其资金主要来源于民众支付的年度电视牌照费，并辅以商业收入，同时肩负着“服务公众利益”的使命，提供“公正、高质量”的内容，以传播信息、提供教育并兼具娱乐性。

That ambitious goal puts its boss firmly in the spotlight. While the corporation is not funded by the government, Parliament does oversee the level of the license fee paid by TV viewers in Britain, and as a result, the BBC has for many years come under political pressure from all sides.

这一宏大使命使其掌门人始终处于聚光灯下。尽管BBC非政府拨款机构，但议会确实监管着英国观众的牌照费标准，因此多年来该机构一直承受着来自各方的政治压力。

蒂姆·戴维今年1月在苏格兰议会接受质询。他担任BBC总裁一职已有五年。

The surprise resignations of Mr. Davie and Deborah Turness, the chief executive of BBC News, appear to have been catalyzed by the leak to The Daily Telegraph of Mr. Prescott’s memo and by the days of public pressure that followed.

普雷斯科特备忘录被泄漏给了《每日电讯报》并引发了舆论压力，这是戴维与BBC新闻部门首席执行官黛博拉·特内斯的突然辞职的直接诱因。

In Mr. Davie’s resignation statement on Sunday, he said: “While not being the only reason, the current debate around BBC News has understandably contributed to my decision. Overall the BBC is delivering well, but there have been some mistakes made and as director general I have to take ultimate responsibility.”

戴维在上周日的辞职声明中表示：“尽管并非唯一原因，但当前围绕BBC新闻的争议无疑促成了我的决定。整体而言BBC表现良好，但确实存在一些失误，作为总裁我必须承担最终责任。”

Ms. Turness said, “The ongoing controversy around the Panorama on President Trump has reached a stage where it is causing damage to the BBC — an institution that I love.” But she added, “While mistakes have been made, I want to be absolutely clear recent allegations that BBC News is institutionally biased are wrong.”

特尼斯表示：“围绕特朗普总统那期“广角镜”的持续争议已经发展到正在损害BBC——这个我深爱的机构——的程度。”但她补充说：“尽管存在失误，但我必须明确指出，最近有关BBC新闻存在制度性偏见的指控是不正确的。”

BBC新闻部门负责人黛博拉·特尼斯也于周日辞职。

What happens next?

接下来会发生什么？

Mr. Davie’s successor will be appointed by the BBC board, which is led by its chairman, Mr. Shah, and consists of 10 nonexecutive members (including Mr. Shah) and four executive members.

戴维的继任者将由BBC董事会任命。该董事会由主席沙阿领导，有10名非执行董事（其中包括沙阿本人）及4名执行董事。

Mr. Davie, announcing his departure, said that he was “working through exact timings with the board to allow for an orderly transition to a successor over the coming months.” The aim, he added, was to allow his successor “the best conditions and space” to help shape a new royal charter, the document that lays out the governance and regulatory rules for the BBC, and another agreement on the corporation’s funding. The current arrangements expire at the end of 2027.

戴维在宣布离职时表示，他“正与董事会商定具体时间安排，以确保在未来数月内有序完成工作交接”。他补充说，此举旨在让继任者能在“最佳条件与空间下”参与制定新的皇家特许状——这份文件将确立BBC的管理与监管规则——以及新的资金安排协议。现行安排将于2027年底到期。

China has tightened controls on fentanyl precursor chemicals that the United States has said contributed to the flow of the powerful synthetic opioid to American shores.

中国加强了对芬太尼前体化学品的管控。美国称，这类化学品是导致这种强效合成阿片类药物流入美国境内的重要原因。

On Monday, China’s Ministry of Commerce and four other government agencies added 13 chemicals to a list that require a license in order to be exported to the United States, Mexico and Canada.

本周一，中国商务部等五部门将13种化学品列入管制清单，今后向美国、墨西哥及加拿大出口这些化学品需申请许可证。

The announcement appeared to be the latest step by Beijing to fulfill agreements made between the two countries when China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, met with President Trump in South Korea last month.

此次公告似乎是中国政府为履行上月国家主席习近平与特朗普总统在韩国会面时达成的协议而采取的最新举措。

Since the two leaders met on Oct. 30, the Chinese government also said it would suspend for one year export controls on critical minerals needed to make some semiconductors, explosives, armor-piercing ammunition, batteries and nuclear reactors.

自10月30日两国领导人会面以来，中国政府还宣布，将对制造半导体、炸药、穿甲弹、电池及核反应堆所需关键矿物的出口管制暂停一年。

Also on Monday, the Ministry of Commerce said it would suspend for one year sanctions against five American subsidiaries of the South Korean shipbuilder Hanwha Ocean, while the Ministry of Transport said it would suspend measures it had imposed in response to moves made by the United States against its shipping sector, including port fees. The U.S. Trade Representative had announced on Sunday that it was suspending its measures for one year.

同样在本周一，中国商务部宣布暂停对韩华海洋的五家美国子公司为期一年的制裁措施；交通运输部则表示，将暂停此前针对美国对中国航运业采取的措施（包括港口附加费）而实施的反制。此前美国贸易代表办公室已于周日宣布，将暂停相关措施一年。

Both countries are starting to implement what they agreed to at the summit, said Wu Xinbo, dean of the Institute of International Studies at Fudan University in Shanghai.

复旦大学国际问题研究院院长吴心伯表示，中美两国正着手落实该峰会达成的共识。

“We are moving from talking to implementation,” Mr. Wu said. “This will generate more momentum for the two sides to work on other issues on the bilateral agenda.”

他指出：“双方正从磋商阶段迈向落地执行阶段，这将为两国推进双边议程中的其他议题创造更大动力。”

特朗普总统与中国领导人习近平上月在韩国釜山会晤。

The flow of chemicals used to make fentanyl has been a major source of tension between Washington and Beijing.

芬太尼前体化学品的跨境流通，一直是引发中美两国关系紧张的主要根源之一。

Officials in Washington have accused Beijing of not doing enough to stem the flow of chemicals used to make the drug into the United States, where it kills tens of thousands of Americans each year.

美国政府官员指责中国在遏制相关化学品流入美国方面举措不力，而芬太尼在美国每年导致数万人死亡。

Chinese officials have blamed Washington, saying that the fentanyl crisis is rooted in an American failure to curb demand for the drug.

中国官员则对此作出反驳，称芬太尼危机的根源在于美国自身未能有效遏制国内对这类毒品的需求。

“There is a huge difference in how China and the United States view the issue,” said Song Guoyou, an expert on U.S.-China economic relations, also at Fudan University.

同样任职于复旦大学的中美经济关系专家宋国友表示：“中美两国在这一问题上的认知存在巨大差异。”

Officials in Washington say that companies in China are the largest source of precursor chemicals and equipment used to manufacture illicit fentanyl, which largely reaches the United States over land borders, primarily Mexico. Late last month, Mexico’s Security Ministry announced it had detained a Mexican and two Chinese nationals in Cuba after an international manhunt. On Oct. 30, Canada’s Border Services Agency announced that months earlier it had seized 4,300 liters of precursor chemicals from China.

华盛顿官员称，中国企业是制造非法芬太尼所需前体化学品和相关设备的最大来源地。这些非法芬太尼主要经陆路边境流入美国，其中墨西哥是主要中转通道。上月末，墨西哥安全部宣布，经过跨国追捕，在古巴抓获一名墨西哥公民和两名中国公民。10月30日，加拿大边境服务局通报称，数月前截获了4300升来自中国的芬太尼前体化学品。

The Trump administration cited the fentanyl issue when it imposed tariffs totaling 20 percent on Chinese goods earlier this year, kicking off escalating levies that forced trade between the world’s two largest economies to a virtual standstill.

特朗普政府于今年早些时候对中国商品加征20%的关税时，便将芬太尼问题列为理由之一。由此引发的关税战使两大经济体间的贸易几近停滞。

The meeting between Mr. Xi and Mr. Trump in South Korea resulted in a reduction in the U.S. fentanyl-related tariffs on Chinese goods, a suspension of port fees on Chinese ships and the delay of U.S. export controls that would have prevented more Chinese companies from acquiring American technology. In return, China agreed to restart purchases of American soybeans, enact a pause on its export controls on rare earths, and do more to curb the flow of fentanyl precursor chemicals.

习近平主席与特朗普总统在韩国的会面取得的成果包括：美国降低了针对中国商品的芬太尼相关关税，暂停对中国船舶征收港口附加费，并推迟实施原本会阻止更多中国企业获取美国技术的出口管制政策。作为回应，中国同意重启美国大豆采购，暂停对稀土的出口管制，并加大对芬太尼前体化学品的管控力度。

These were key steps in preventing further deterioration of economic and trade ties between the United States and China, Mr. Song said.

宋国友指出，这些举措是阻止中美经贸关系进一步恶化的关键步骤。

China’s National Narcotics Commission issued a notice on Monday directing Chinese companies to adhere to the country’s laws, including the newly tightened controls. The notice urged Chinese firms to verify overseas buyers and immediately stop transactions if buyers requested falsified packaging or information.

中国国家禁毒委员会于本周一发布通知，要求国内企业严格遵守包括新增管控措施在内的相关法律法规。通知同时督促中国企业核查境外采购方资质，若采购方要求提供虚假包装或虚假信息，需立即终止交易。

“This is a signal not only to the U.S. side but importantly to China’s domestic enterprises that the central government is serious in this endeavor,” Mr. Wu said.

吴心伯表示：“这一举措不仅是向美方释放信号，更重要的是向国内企业传递了中央政府坚决推进芬太尼管控工作的明确态度。”

“Today it is 19 months!” the British journalist Anthony Grey wrote in his diary in Beijing on Feb. 21, 1969, as guards hovered nearby.

“到今天已经19个月了！”1969年2月21日，身在北京的英国记者安东尼·格雷在看守的监视下在日记中写道。

The headline-making ordeal of Mr. Grey, alone and confined to a room eight feet square in what had been his house, continued for nearly eight more months — part of China’s retaliation after the British colonial authorities in Hong Kong imprisoned eight pro-China journalists accused of participating in anti-British riots on the island.

格雷的遭遇引发轰动——他被单独囚禁在原住所内仅约六平米的房间里，折磨持续了近八个月。这是中国对英国殖民当局在香港监禁八名亲中记者的报复行动，这些记者被指控参与了岛上的反英骚乱。

“Quite clearly I must look forward to another, long, long haul,” Mr. Grey, a Reuters correspondent, wrote that day. “There is nothing in the immediate future to hope for.”

“显然我必须准备迎接又一段漫长、漫长的煎熬，”路透社记者格雷当天写道。“短时间内看不到什么希望。”

By the time he was released in October 1969, after more than two years in captivity, he had become a global symbol of China’s isolation, of the anti-foreigner hysteria spawned by China's Cultural Revolution, and of British stiff-upper-lip stoicism.

到1969年10月获释时，他已被关押超过两年，在世人眼中成为了中国闭关自守的象征，同时也代表着文化大革命激起的排外狂热，以及英国人的顽强坚韧。

Mr. Grey died on Oct. 11 in a nursing home in Norwich, England. He was 87. Reuters, which announced his death, said he had Parkinson’s disease.

格雷于10月11日在英国诺里奇的一家养老院去世。享年87岁。路透社宣布了他的死讯，称他患有帕金森病。

After his return to England from China, Mr. Grey had a successful career as a BBC broadcaster and journalist and wrote 10 novels, including sweeping historical fictions praised for their attention to detail.

从中国回到英国后，格雷在BBC担任播音员和记者，事业有成，创作了10部小说，其中包括以注重细节而备受赞誉的宏大历史题材作品。

按理说，格雷应当能凭借中国外交部颁发的正式记者证获得一定程度的保护。

He remained haunted by his experience in captivity, the harrowing months without end locked in a tiny room. “I can only take 8-and-a-half paces, from one side of my room to the far wall of the washroom,” he wrote early on. “Always the guards are on watch.” His cell was the room where his driver used to take a lunchtime nap.

被囚禁的经历一直困扰着他，被锁在一个小房间里的煎熬岁月仿佛从未停止。“从房间的一头到另一头的洗手间，只能走八步半，”他早些时候写道。“看守一直盯着。”他的牢房曾经是他的司机午休的房间。

The guards painted up the windows to increase his isolation, though eventually one was partly unblocked. After several months he was allowed brief walks in the building’s courtyard. He was freed after England agreed to release the eight journalists being held, in addition to another 13 Chinese citizens, who the Chinese said were “newspaper workers.”

看守们把窗户涂上了漆，以强化他的隔离状态，尽管最终有一扇窗户被部分打开了。几个月后，他被允许在大楼的院子里短暂散步。在英国同意释放被扣押的八名记者和另外13名中国公民（中国称这些人是“报社工作人员”）之后，他也获释。

Mr. Grey was an experienced 29-year-old Reuters foreign correspondent, in the China post barely four months, when he was summoned to the foreign ministry on July 21, 1967, and told that he would henceforth be confined to his house, as a response to Britain’s “fascist atrocities” in Hong Kong.

时年29岁的格雷是路透社资深外派记者。1967年7月21日，他赴华任职仅四个月便被外交部传唤，被告知因英国在香港实施“法西斯暴行”，即日起他将被软禁于住所。

On Aug. 18, some 200 Red Guards burst, yelling, into the house, located just outside the Forbidden City. They pinned Mr. Grey’s arms behind his back, made him bend double, daubed him with black paint and hanged his cat, Ming Ming, on a rope in front of him.

8月18日，大约200名红卫兵冲进他位于紫禁城外的房子，大喊大叫。他们反剪格雷的双臂，让他弯下腰，给他涂上黑漆，当着他的面把他的猫明明（音）吊死。

“When the cat’s body was lowered, there were loud shouts of, ‘Hang Grey! Hang Grey!’” Mr. Grey wrote in his diary later. By then, he had been confined to what was now his cell, plastered with propaganda posters extolling Mao Zedong and denouncing U.S. imperialism.

“当猫的尸体被放下来时，人们大声喊道：‘吊死格雷！吊死格雷!’”格雷后来在日记中写道。写日记时，他已经被关在这个成为牢房的房间里，墙上张贴了赞美毛泽东、谴责美帝国主义的宣传海报。

格雷在被囚期间竭尽所能坚持用速记写日记。

More than 30 years later, Mr. Grey decided to publish the secret notes he had made in shorthand, with a stub of pencil, hiding them from his guards beneath the pages of Peking Review, a propaganda magazine.

30多年后，格雷决定出版他用一小段铅笔速记下来的秘密笔记，为了不让看守看到，当时他把它们夹藏在宣传杂志《北京周报》(Peking Review)里。

Exhuming the old notes took him to “a deep dark place,” his daughter Lucy Grey recalled in a BBC interview after his death. He went into a severe depression, she said, “a year of not leaving the house.” After years of resisting psychiatrists, he was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder.

整理这些陈年笔记将他带入了“一个幽暗的深渊”，其女露西·格雷在他逝世后接受BBC采访时回忆道。她说父亲陷入了严重抑郁，“整整一年不出门”。他多年抗拒看精神科医生，后来终被确诊患有创伤后应激障碍。

The notes were published in 2009 as “The Hostage Handbook: The Secret Diary of a Two-Year Ordeal in China.”

笔记于2009年出版，名为《人质生存指南：两年中国囚禁岁月秘录》(The Hostage Handbook: The Secret Diary of a Two-Year Ordeal in China)。

They are a remarkable, painful record of Mr. Grey’s struggle against isolation, depression and despair, and of his fierce will to maintain his sanity.

本书对格雷与孤独、抑郁和绝望的斗争做出了痛苦而惊人的记录，也见证了他是如何竭力维持理智的。

“Saturday was the Day of Indomitable Will to Prevail,” he wrote two months into his captivity. “Yesterday afternoon new loudspeakers right outside the house opened up suddenly with a strange mixture of opera and invective.” Such noises from the outside were designed to torment him.

囚禁到两个月时，他写道：“周六是‘必胜意志日’。昨日下午屋外新装的高音喇叭突然响起，京剧与咒骂诡异地交织在一起。”这种外界的噪音就是为了折磨他。

A week later, Mr. Grey wrote, “At one point today I just keeled over on my bed in despair.”

一周后，格雷写道：“今日一度瘫倒床榻，深陷绝望。”

He developed routines to stave off depression: carefully noting the minute details of his existence, the apple he was allowed at lunch, occasional forays into his upstairs library permitted by the guards, standing in the rain in the courtyard.

为抵御抑郁，他建立起种种日常仪式：仔细记录生活中的微小细节——午餐配给的苹果、看守偶尔准许他进入楼上的藏书室、下雨时伫立在院子里。

“Heaven knows how I manage to keep going,” Mr. Grey wrote on Jan. 19, 1968. “It is only because there is no alternative except killing myself, which is unthinkable. I love life too much.”

“天晓得我是如何撑下来的，”他在1968年1月19日写道，“只因除自戕外别无选择，而自绝之念实难设想。我太热爱生命了。”

When he emerged blinking and bewildered from confinement, following a pressure campaign by his family in Britain and the release of the 13 imprisoned Chinese, he sent a brief telegram to Reuters’s general manager in London, Gerald Long. It was written in classic wire-service style:

英国的家人持续施压，以及那13名被囚禁的中国人获释，终于为他换来了自由，他蹒跚地走出囚室，眨着眼、满脸茫然。他向路透社在伦敦的总经理杰拉尔德·朗发去一份简短的电报。电报的语言风格完全是经典的新闻电讯语调：

“Exgrey Peking onpass Gerald Long summoned Foreign Ministry 1500 local informed freedom of movement restored as per conditions prior July 21 1967. Am well please reassure my mother. Ends.”

“格雷自北京电告杰拉尔德·朗：外交部于当地时间15时通知，自1967年7月21日起行动自由全面恢复。吾体无恙，请转慰家母。电文完。”

在格雷被囚禁期间，他的母亲阿格尼丝（中）是向英国政府递交请愿书代表团的成员之一。1969年10月获释后不久的格雷，摄于北京。经过两年多的囚禁，他在世人眼中成为了中国闭关自守的象征，同时也代表着文革激起的排外狂热，以及英国人顽强坚韧。

Anthony Keith Grey was born on July 5, 1938, in Norwich. He was one of two children of Alfred Grey, who worked as a driver and chauffeur, and Agnes (Bullent) Grey, a shop employee. He was raised by his mother after his parents divorced.

安东尼·基思·格雷1938年7月5日生于诺里奇。他是阿尔弗雷德·格雷与阿格尼丝·格雷（娘家姓布伦特）的两个孩子之一，父亲是给人开车的，母亲在商店工作。父母离婚后，他由母亲抚养长大。

Anthony attended the City of Norwich Grammar School but left at 16 for service in the Royal Air Force. Translating Virgil at school had given him a love of storytelling, and, after leaving military service in 1960, he joined The Eastern Daily Press, a newspaper in Norwich.

安东尼曾就读于诺里奇文法学校，但16岁就离校加入了英国皇家空军。在学校翻译维吉尔作品时培养的叙事热情使他在1960年退伍后加入了诺里奇的《东方日报》。

He soon signed on with Reuters, which posted him to East Berlin, from where he covered Eastern Europe. Early in 1967, to his delight, the agency posted him to Beijing (then known as Peking). He was one of only four reporters and the only Briton in the Chinese capital, then at the start of Mao’s decade-long Cultural Revolution, in which millions of Chinese were persecuted.

不久后，他加入路透社，被派驻东柏林负责东欧地区报道。1967年初，他高兴地接到调令，被派往北京。当时正值毛泽东发动的十年文革之初，他是中国首都仅有的四名外国记者之一，也是唯一的英国人。文革期间，数以百万计的中国人遭到迫害。

After his release, Mr. Grey, pale and uncertain, did his best to project an air of normality. “The emotional excitement of emerging after two years in solitary confinement affects one’s metabolism and so on,” he coolly told reporters at a news conference.

获释后的格雷面色苍白、神情犹疑，却尽力表现得正常。“在单独囚禁两年后突然获释的情绪波动会影响新陈代谢等机能，”他在记者会上冷静地向媒体表示。

He went on to write an account of his imprisonment, “Hostage in Peking” (1970). He was a presenter on the BBC’s World Service in the 1970s and produced documentaries for the network.

随后，他写下了自己的囚禁回忆录《北京人质》（Hostage in Peking，1970年）。上世纪70年代，他在BBC国际广播服务担任主持人，并为该广播公司制作纪录片。

He also wrote a best-selling historical novel about Vietnam in the 20th century, “Saigon” (1982), and “The Prime Minister Was a Spy” (1983), a work of nonfiction purporting to show that a former prime minister of Australia, Harold Holt, had been a spy for the Chinese. That book was criticized as tendentious and shaky in its research.

他还写过一部畅销的历史小说《西贡》（Saigon，1982年），讲述20世纪的越南；以及一部非虚构作品《首相曾是间谍》（The Prime Minister Was a Spy，1983年），该书声称澳大利亚前总理哈罗德·霍特曾为中国从事间谍活动，该书因偏颇且研究不严谨而受到批评。

In 1988, when Mr. Grey went back to China to make a documentary, he met one of his former captors. “It was most unfortunate,” the man told him. “It wasn’t personal.”

1988年重返中国拍摄纪录片时，格雷偶遇当年看守。“实在是很遗憾，”对方告诉他。“那并非针对您个人。”

Lucy Grey told the BBC that by then her father “didn’t have any resentment at all.”

露西·格雷告诉BBC，到那时她的父亲“已经完全没有怨恨了”。

Mr. Grey produced a BBC radio documentary about U.F.O.s in 1996 and became a follower of the French U.F.O. cultist Claude Vorilhon, known as Raël. He also established a charity to help others who had been state hostages.

格雷于1996年为BBC制作了一部关于不明飞行物的广播纪录片，并开始成为法国UFO邪教领袖克洛德·沃里永（人称拉埃尔）的追随者。他还创立了一个慈善机构，帮助其他曾经沦为国家人质的受害者。

In addition to his daughter Lucy, he is survived by another daughter, Clarissa Grey, and two grandchildren. His wife, Shirley McGuinn, the girlfriend whose letters he awaited anxiously in captivity, died in 1995. They were separated at her death.

除女儿露西外，他身后还留下了另一位女儿克拉丽莎·格雷及两名孙辈。他的妻子雪莉·麦圭恩，也就是他在囚禁期间急切等待来信的那位女友，已于1995年去世，临终时两人已分居。

The period immediately after Mr. Grey’s release in 1969 remained stamped in his memory. His preoccupation, as always, had been to maintain his composure.

1969年获释初期的记忆始终铭刻在格雷的脑海里。如同被囚期间一样，他依然执着于保持镇定。

“Being free again in those early days of October 1969 in Peking, after more than two years as a hostage, resides in my memory even now as a strange, very intense and dreamlike period,” he wrote in “The Hostage Handbook.”

“1969年10月初，在被关押两年多之后重获自由的那段北京时光，即便到现在，依然以一种奇异、浓烈、如梦似幻的方式存留在我的记忆里，”他在《人质生存指南》中写道。

“It was elating, bewildering and overwhelming all at the same time,” he added. “Yet I found myself compelled to do everything possible not to show those feelings to others, since above all else I wished to be seen as ‘normal.’”

“那感受既令人振奋，又叫人无措，更教人难以承受，”他还说。“但我发现自己不得不竭尽全力向旁人隐藏这些情绪——因为我最渴望的，就是被视作‘正常人’。”

When a Chinese state television microphone recently caught China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, and President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia musing about the possibility of living to 150 and perhaps even forever, many reacted with anxious consternation.

当中国国家电视台的麦克风最近捕捉到中国最高领导人习近平与俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京私下畅谈活到150岁甚至永生的可能性时，许多人忧心忡忡地表达了自己的惊愕。

But there has been no tut-tutting in the laboratory of Lonvi Biosciences, a longevity medicine start-up in the southern Chinese city of Shenzhen. “Living to 150 is definitely realistic,” said Lyu Qinghua, the chief technology officer of the company, which has developed anti-aging pills based on a compound found in grapeseed extract. “In a few years, this will be the reality.”

但在位于中国南方城市深圳的长寿药物初创企业Lonvi Biosciences的实验室里，却没有人对此大惊小怪。“活到150岁绝对是现实的，”该公司的首席技术官吕清华（音）说。该公司开发了一种基于葡萄籽提取物中化合物的抗衰药丸。“几年后，这将成为现实。”

He is skeptical about modern medicine defeating death entirely — something Mr. Putin said was possible with organ transplants — but he thinks that longevity science is advancing so fast even the seemingly impossible might come to pass.

他对现代医学能否完全战胜死亡持怀疑态度——普京说通过器官移植有可能做到这一点——但他认为，长寿科学发展得如此之快，即使看似不可能的事情也可能成为现实。

“In five to 10 years, nobody will get cancer,” he predicted.

他预言：“在五到十年内，不再会有人得癌症。”

The search for the elixir of life, embraced with gusto in recent years by American tech billionaires like Peter Thiel, has been underway in China for more than two millenniums. It started with the first emperor, Qin Shi Huang, who ordered a nationwide hunt for death-defying potions. Just in case that did not work, he also ordered the creation of thousands of terra-cotta warriors to protect him in his grave should he die.

近年来，对长生不老药的探索受到了彼得·蒂尔等美国科技亿万富翁的热烈追捧，而这一追寻在中国已有两千余年历史。它始于第一位皇帝秦始皇，他下令在全国范围内寻找不死药。为防万一，他还下令建造了数千具兵马俑，以便在他死后在坟墓里保护他。

The emperor died at 49, possibly from mercury poisoning caused by an anti-aging treatment.

这位皇帝死于49岁，死因可能是服用抗衰老药物导致的汞中毒。

长寿药初创企业Lonvi Biosciences的首席技术官吕清华（左）与首席执行官叶旨涛于10月在深圳。吕清华在Lonvi的生物化学实验室工作。该公司生产的原花青素C1胶囊盒装产品，据称含有能清除人体内所谓“僵尸细胞”的化合物。

A whiff of quackery has hung over the longevity business from the start. But investment from the state and private companies, as well as surging interest among both Chinese leaders and the public, have turned it into a legitimate and sometimes lucrative branch of medicine.

从一开始，长寿业就笼罩着一股江湖术士的气息。但是，来自国家和私营企业的投资以及中国领导人和公众日益高涨的兴趣已经把它变成了一个合法的、有时还利润丰厚的医学分支。

China, eager to catch up with and, whenever possible, surpass the West in biotech, artificial intelligence and other advanced technologies, has made the longevity industry a national priority, pouring billions into research and related commercial spinoffs.

中国渴望在生物技术、人工智能等先进技术方面赶上并尽可能超越西方，因此将长寿产业列为国家重点，投入数十亿资金用于相关研究及商业化应用。

“They have improved very rapidly. A few years ago, there was nothing here and the West was still far ahead,” said Vadim Gladyshev, a Harvard Medical School professor who has done pioneering work on longevity, including an experiment that extended the expected life span of old mice by connecting their circulatory systems to young mice.

“他们进步得非常迅速。几年前，这里什么都没有，西方仍然遥遥领先，”哈佛医学院教授瓦迪姆·格拉迪舍夫说。他在长寿方面进行过开创性的工作，包括一项将年老小鼠的循环系统与年轻小鼠连接起来，延长年老小鼠预期寿命的实验。

Chinese researchers, he said during a recent trip to China to attend two scientific conferences, “are rapidly catching up.”

他在最近一次前往中国参加两个科学会议时说，中国的研究人员“正在迅速赶上”。

China’s average life expectancy last year reached 79 years, five years higher than the global average, according to The People’s Daily, the Communist Party’s mouthpiece.

据中共机关报《人民日报》报道，去年中国人均预期寿命达到79岁，比全球平均水平高出五岁。

But that, achieved through steady improvements in health care and lifestyle, is still behind Japan’s average of nearly 85 years and a long way from the 150 years mentioned by Mr. Xi.

但这一通过医疗保健和生活方式的持续改善所取得的成就仍落后于日本近85岁的平均寿命，更远未达到习近平提到的150岁。

Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin, both 72, may have just been making small talk. But they were taken seriously by exiled opponents of the Communist Party, who pointed to a 2019 video that appeared on Chinese social media purporting to be a promotional pitch by an elite military hospital in Beijing, 301, which treats senior officials.

72岁的习近平与普京或许只是闲谈。但流亡海外的中共反对派对此极为重视，他们特别提到2019年在中国社交媒体流传的一段视频——它是北京负责治疗高级官员的精英军医院301医院的宣传片。

The video, which was quickly scrubbed by Chinese censors, boasted that the hospital was doing pioneering work for the “981 Leaders’ Health Project” — and aimed to extend the life span of senior party figures to 150 years.

这段视频很快就被中国审查机构删掉了。它吹嘘说，该医院正在为“981首长健康工程”进行开创性的工作，目标是将党内高级官员的寿命延长到150岁。

“The average life span of Chinese leaders is far longer than the life span of leaders in developed nations,” the video said, pointing to decades of work by the hospital to keep alive leaders like Mao Zedong, who died at 82 in 1976, and Deng Xiaoping, who was 92 when he died in 1997.

视频宣称：“中国领导人的平均寿命远远高于同期西方发达国家领导人的平均寿命，”并列举该院数十年来延续毛泽东（1976年逝世，享年82岁）和邓小平（1997年逝世，享年92岁）等领导人寿命的案例。

Sensitive to all discussion of leaders’ health, Chinese state television, which inadvertently captured the conversation between the leaders before a military parade in Beijing in September, ordered Western news services to delete the footage.

对所有有关领导人健康议题极为敏感的中国国家电视台无意中捕捉到领导人在9月份北京阅兵式前的对话，随即要求西方新闻机构删除这段视频。

The hot-mic musings aside, China’s enthusiasm for extending life-span has grown in tandem with its rapid economic growth, which has given hundreds of millions of people the time and money needed to look beyond surviving day-to-day.

抛开这段被麦克风录下的热议闲谈，中国对延长寿命的热情随着经济的快速增长而增长，经济繁荣使数亿人拥有了超越日常生存所需的时间与财富。

One Chinese company riding the tide has been Time Pie, a Shanghai-based group that got its start marketing dietary supplements and now organizes scientific conferences and publishes a magazine, Aging Slow, Living Well.

乘势而起的上海企业时光派便是例证，这家总部位于上海的公司以销售膳食补充剂起家，现在组织科学会议，出版杂志《慢衰老，益生活》。

9月在上海举办的长寿与抗衰老会议上，一个推销“永生岛”的展位。会议期间展出的补充剂和治疗方案。参与者推广了各种抗衰老产品。

“Nobody in China was talking about longevity before, only rich Americans,” said Gan Yu, the company’s co-founder. “Now many Chinese are interested and have the money they need to extend their lives.”

“以前在中国没有人谈论长寿，只有富有的美国人（才谈论这件事），”该公司联合创始人甘宇（音）说。“现在很多中国人对此感兴趣，也有延长寿命的经济实力。”

Surging interest was on display at a recent international gathering organized by Time Pie in Shanghai of Chinese and foreign scientists presenting their research, as well as businesses hawking anti-aging creams and potions, goji berries, cryogenic and hyperbaric chambers and other devices that are supposed to slow aging.

最近，时光派在上海组织了一次国际会议，会上中外科学家展示了研究成果，商家也在兜售抗衰老面霜和药水、枸杞、低温舱和高压舱以及其他据称可以延缓衰老的设备，人们对此表现出了浓厚的兴趣。

Rlab, a Shanghai-based company that claims “technology can prevent humans from aging,” invited prospective customers to enter what looked like a telephone booth — a cryogenic device in which the temperature drops to minus 200 Fahrenheit. Ivor Yu, an entrepreneur from northeast China in the longevity business, stepped in, only to jump out after a few seconds, shivering from the cold. He also inspected the company’s “anti-aging magic box.” He left without buying.

总部位于上海的瑞健未来公司声称“科技可以阻止衰老”，他们邀请潜在客户进入一个看起来像电话亭的设备——一个温度降至零下128摄氏度的低温设备。来自中国东北、从事长寿生意的企业家伊沃·余（音）走了进去，几秒钟后就跳出来，冻得瑟瑟发抖。他还参观了该公司的“抗衰老魔法盒”。他没买东西就走了。

SuperiorMed, a health care company that runs what it says is the world’s biggest “longevity hospital” in the Chinese city of Chengdu, promoted “immortality islands,” though it acknowledged they do not exist yet. The company’s founder, Li Dale, was vague about whether “immortality islands” would be anything more than luxury health spas offering blood tests and other forms of preventive medicine in exotic locales.

医疗保健公司循上在中国成都经营着据称是世界上最大的“长寿医院”，该公司宣传“永生岛”概念，但承认它们还不存在。该公司的创始人戴尔·李（音）对“永生岛”的具体形态含糊其辞，仅表示它可能是在一个充满异域风情地方提供血液检测等预防性医疗服务的豪华健康水疗中心。

But the conference also attracted serious scientists like Harvard’s Prof. Gladyshev and Steve Horvath, a German American aging researcher who is a legend in the field for his work developing the first “aging clock,” a measure of aging biomarkers.

但这次会议也吸引了一些严肃的科学家，比如哈佛大学的格拉迪舍夫和德裔美国抗衰研究人员史蒂夫·霍瓦特。霍瓦特是该领域的传奇人物，发明了第一个“衰老时钟”，用来衡量衰老的生物标志物。

Longevity science, Mr. Horvath said, used to be dominated by “wild claims” that alienated many legitimate scientists, but has seen a “vast improvement” in recent years, including in China. “Nobody serious talks about immortality at scientific conferences anymore because it is so absurd,” he added.

霍瓦特说，长寿科学曾充斥着令众多正规科学家反感的“荒诞主张”，但近年来已经看到了“巨大的进步”，包括在中国。“再也没有人在科学会议上认真谈论永生了，因为这太荒谬了，”他还说。

But the idea of living forever lingers as a marketing tool. Immortal Dragons, a Singapore investment fund focused on longevity projects, is run by a young entrepreneur from China, Bo Yang Wang, who has explored moneymaking opportunities in cryopreservation, 3-D printing of organs and “whole-body replacement.”

然而永生概念仍作为营销工具存在。专注于长寿项目的新加坡投资基金不朽真龙由来自中国的年轻企业家王伯洋（音）经营，曾探索低温保存、器官3D打印及“全身替换”等商机。

Lonvi, the longevity start-up in Shenzhen, has more modest goals.

深圳的长寿创业公司Lonvi Biosciences的目标更为务实。

It opened a lab in 2022 in a business tower on the edge of the sprawling Chinese city next to Hong Kong after scientists in Shanghai discovered that a natural compound found in grapeseed extract — procyanidin C1 or PCC1 — increased the life span of mice by selectively killing senescent, or aged, cells and protecting healthy cells. (Lonvi is not connected to the Shanghai scientists.)

在上海的科学家发现，葡萄籽提取物中的一种天然化合物——原花青素C1(PCC1)——通过选择性地杀死衰老细胞和保护健康细胞来延长小鼠的寿命后，Lonvi于2022年在这座毗邻香港的中国城市边缘的一座商业大楼里开设了一个实验室。（Lonvi与上海的科学家团队没有关系。）

Mice treated with the compound lived 9.4 percent longer across their lifetime — and 64.2 percent longer from the start of treatment.

用这种化合物治疗的小鼠的生命周期延长了9.4%，自治疗开始起寿命延长幅度高达64.2%。

The findings, published in an article in Nature Metabolism in 2021, were groundbreaking. But in September, the journal issued an editor’s note alerting readers to “errors in the data,” though it did not retract the article. Subsequent studies, including one in Japan, have supported the initial claims.

这些具有开创性的发现于2021年发表在《自然-代谢》(Nature Metabolism)期刊。但在9月，该期刊发布了一份编者按，提醒读者注意“数据中的错误”，尽管它没有撤回这篇文章。随后的研究，包括日本的一项研究，都支持了最初的结论。

Translating what works for mice to human beings requires long and rigorous testing, and what works for mice often disappoints with people, said David Barzilai, an American medical doctor and founder of Barzilai Longevity Consulting. The “canonical example” of this, he said, is rapamycin, a compound that has been proven to “robustly” extend the life span of mice and other animals but has “uncertain” effect on healthy human adults.

巴兹拉伊长寿咨询公司的创始人、美国医生戴维·巴兹拉伊说，把对小鼠有效的方法应用到人类身上需要长期而严格的试验，并且人体应用往往效果不佳。他说，这方面的“典型例子”是雷帕霉素，这种化合物已被证明能够“有力地”延长小鼠和其他动物的寿命，但对健康成年人的影响“不确定”。

China, he said, “is increasingly taking longevity and aging biology seriously at both the institutional and policy level.” But, he added, “strong scientific intent does not guarantee uniformly high rigor or translational success. The challenge is not just doing more, but doing better.”

他说，中国“在制度和政策层面越来越重视长寿和衰老生物学”。但是，他补充说，“强烈的科研意愿并不能保证研究始终保持高水准或成功转化。挑战不仅在于做更多，更在于做得更好。”

9月，上海一场长寿与抗衰老会议上，与会者正在体验低温疗法舱。试用瑞健公司的超轻碳纤维高压氧面罩。瑞健的红光疗法舱室。

Grapeseed has long been popular as a health food in the West and in traditional Chinese medicine. But Lonvi claims to have isolated molecules within it that “kill zombie cells” — aging cells that do not die and hurt healthy cells — and to have found a way to produce capsules containing high concentrations of these.

葡萄籽作为一种保健食品，在西方和中医中一直很受欢迎。但Lonvi公司声称，他们已经在其中分离出了能够“杀死僵尸细胞”（不死亡且损害健康细胞的衰老细胞）的分子，并找到了一种方法来生产含有这些分子的高浓度胶囊。

“This is not just one more pill. This is the holy grail,” said Yip Tszho, who goes by the name Zico, Lonvi’s chief executive.

“这不仅仅是又一颗药丸。这是圣杯，”该公司首席执行官叶旨涛说。

The company thinks its pills, combined with a healthy lifestyle and good medical care, can help people live past 100 and up to 120.

Lonvi称，它的药片加上健康的生活方式和良好的医疗保健，可以帮助人们活到100岁甚至120岁。

David Furman, an associate professor at the Buck Institute, a biomedical research center at Stanford University devoted to research on aging, said the Chinese pills “seem promising” but need to be tested in large clinical trials.

斯坦福大学致力于衰老研究的生物医学研究中心巴克研究所的副教授戴维·弗曼说，中国的药“看起来很有希望”，但需要进行大规模的临床试验。

The Buck Institute, he said, is going to start trials to “demonstrate efficacy and validate” the company’s “previous findings and claims.”

他说，巴克研究所将开始试验，以“证明有效性并验证”该公司的“先前的发现和主张”。

Mr. Yip still sees a big market, not only for people with money but also their pets.

叶旨涛仍然看好这个巨大的市场，不仅是有钱人，还有他们的宠物。

Referring to China’s first emperor, he said: “Rich people are like Qin Shi Huang and they are looking for immortality — or at least longer lives.”

他援引中国首位皇帝的典故表示：“富人就像秦始皇，他们寻求永生——或者至少是长寿。”

In Western Europe and East Asia, President Trump’s foreign policy has fed fears of political turmoil and financial pain among America’s traditional allies.

在西欧和东亚，特朗普总统的外交政策滋长了美国传统盟友对政治动荡和经济痛苦的担忧。

But to a swath of mostly authoritarian countries in between, Mr. Trump’s role looks different. In Belarus, the Caucasus and Central Asia, countries that used to be part of the Soviet Union are reaping the benefits of newfound attention from Washington.

但对介于其间的众多威权国家而言，特朗普所扮演的角色看上去却大为不同。在白俄罗斯以及高加索和中亚地区，这些前苏国家正因获得华盛顿前所未有的关注而获益。

That attention was on display on Thursday evening as Mr. Trump became the first president to host the leaders of all five Central Asian countries at the White House. It was a striking tableau, both because of long-running human-rights concerns and because the region’s power players are American adversaries: Russia and China.

这种关注在上周四晚间展现得尤为明显——特朗普成为首位在白宫同时接待所有五个中亚国家领导人的美国总统。这个会晤场面之所以令人瞩目，不仅是因为该地区长期存在的人权问题，也因为那里的地缘政治主导者是美国的对手：俄罗斯与中国。

Mr. Trump has changed the equation. His outreach to Moscow, and now his easing of tensions with Beijing, have made it easier for countries that are close to Russia and China to build ties with the United States. And those countries are embracing the opportunity, partly because a closer relationship with Washington is giving them leverage in dealing with Moscow and Beijing.

特朗普改变了这一格局。他先是与莫斯科接触，如今又缓和了与北京的紧张关系，这使得那些与俄中关系密切的国家更容易与美国建立联系。而这些国家也在抓住这个机会，部分原因是与华盛顿拉近关系能增强它们在与俄中打交道时的筹码。

Kazakhstan’s president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, told The New York Times in an interview before his White House visit on Thursday that “the United States of America has the right to be properly present” in his country. He praised Mr. Trump’s trade truce with China as well as his engagement with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia.

哈萨克斯坦总统托卡耶夫在上周四访问白宫前接受《纽约时报》采访时表示：“美利坚合众国理应在我们国家建立合理的存在。”他称赞了特朗普与中国达成的贸易休战协议，及其与俄罗斯总统普京的接触。

“It’s crucial for major powers to find common ground with one another,” Mr. Tokayev said. “That’s why I was pleased, one might say, with the deal between China and the United States.”

“大国之间寻求共识至关重要，”托卡耶夫指出，“这就是为什么可以说，我对中美之间的协议是深感欣慰的。”

In Central Asia, the most influential geopolitical player remains Russia, which still considers the region as part of its rightful sphere of influence. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine reverberated across the region, where governments have struggled to avoid aligning themselves with Mr. Putin’s war while maintaining political and economic ties with Moscow.

在中亚地区最具影响力的地缘政治角色仍是俄罗斯，它始终视那里为其理所当然的势力范围。俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的举动在整个区域引发震荡，各国政府不得不在维持与莫斯科的政经联系的同时竭力避免公开支持普京的战争。

Gerard Toal, a professor of government and international affairs at Virginia Tech, said the leaders of the former Soviet republics who were improving relations with Mr. Trump knew they would never get away from Moscow’s hegemonic power. But they are seeking “multiple options,” he said, and are trying to show the Kremlin they have power to maneuver.

弗吉尼亚理工大学政府与国际事务教授杰拉德·托尔表示，那些正在改善与特朗普关系的前苏加盟共和国领导人知道，他们永远无法摆脱莫斯科的霸权力量。但他们正在寻求“多种选项”，并试图向克里姆林宫展示他们具备一定的周旋空间。

“Even in just going to the White House, you are signaling to the Kremlin you have independent agency,” Mr. Toal said.

“仅仅是踏进白宫这一举动本身就在向克里姆林宫传递我们具有独立行动能力的信号，”托尔指出。

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan arrived at the White House in August to sign a peace pledge to end a long and bloody conflict. It was a demonstration of Russia’s loss of influence in a region where the Kremlin had previously tried to play the role of peacemaker.

今年8月，亚美尼亚与阿塞拜疆领导人抵达白宫，签署了结束长期血腥冲突的和平宣言。这标志着俄罗斯在该地区影响力的衰退——克里姆林宫昔日曾试图在这里扮演调停者角色。

In the process, the leaders gave the United States exclusive development rights over a transit corridor that would connect two parts of Azerbaijan through Armenian territory, naming it the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity.

在这一过程中，两国领导人将一条穿过亚美尼亚领土、连接阿塞拜疆两部分的交通走廊的独家开发权交给了美国，并将其命名为“特朗普国际和平与繁荣之路”。

Even Belarus, Russia’s closest international ally, has overcome its international pariah status to build ties with the Trump administration. The White House has turned to Belarus’s authoritarian ruler, Aleksandr G. Lukashenko, as a back channel in negotiations with Moscow.

就连俄罗斯最紧密的国际盟友白俄罗斯也打破外交孤立，与特朗普政府建立起联系。白宫已将白俄罗斯的威权统治者卢卡申科视为与莫斯科谈判的秘密渠道。

In exchange for sanctions relief, the Belarusian leader has released dozens of political prisoners at the request of the Trump administration. The Belarusian human rights group Viasna said that 1,242 political prisoners remained jailed in Belarus as of last month.

为换取制裁解除，这位白俄罗斯领导人应特朗普政府要求释放了数十名政治犯。但据白俄罗斯人权组织"维亚斯纳"统计，截至上月该国仍关押着1242名政治犯。

Mr. Trump’s gathering on Thursday advanced an effort that began under President Barack Obama to hold joint meetings with the five Central Asian countries. President Joseph R. Biden Jr. held the inaugural U.S. summit with the countries’ leaders in 2023, promising both to advance human rights and help develop the region’s “vast mineral wealth.”

特朗普上周四的这场会晤延续了奥巴马总统时期开启的中亚五国联合对话机制。拜登总统曾在2023年与五国领导人举行首次美国峰会，承诺推进人权事业，同时协助开发该地区“巨大的矿产资源”。

Mr. Trump has dropped the human rights concerns and magnified the focus on deal-making.

特朗普则抛开了人权关切，把焦点进一步集中在交易的达成上。

For Central Asian leaders, “it’s much more comfortable to deal with Trump,” said Temur Umarov, an analyst at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center think tank in Berlin. “You can do business — and only business — with him.”

卡内基俄罗斯欧亚研究中心分析师泰穆尔·乌马罗夫表示，对中亚领导人而言，“与特朗普打交道要轻松得多。你可以和他谈生意——而且只谈生意。”

At a deal-making event held in a sunny room at the Kennedy Center on Thursday afternoon, government officials and industry executives from the United States and Central Asia mingled to the sound of smooth jazz and waited for their turn to climb onstage and shake hands with Howard Lutnick, the secretary of commerce.

上周四下午，在肯尼迪表演艺术中心一间阳光充沛的房间里，美国和中亚国家的政府官员与行业高管们伴着轻柔爵士乐寒暄，等候登台与商务部长霍华德·卢特尼克握手。

In brief remarks, Mr. Lutnick held out the promise of sales of Nvidia artificial intelligence chips, airplanes and other technology, and welcomed Central Asian initiatives focused on energy diversification and logistics. He said America was “open for business,” including for sales to allies of the best semiconductors, which, he added, was “a complete change from the prior Biden administration.”

卢特尼克在简短致辞中承诺将向中亚出口英伟达人工智能芯片、飞机及其他技术，并对中亚国家推动能源多元化和物流发展的举措表示欢迎。他宣称美国“正敞开商业大门”，包括向盟友出售最先进的半导体，并强调这“与往届拜登政府的政策截然不同”。

“The U.S. economy is on fire,” Mr. Lutnick said. “You can feel it.”

“美国经济正蓬勃发展，”卢特尼克表示，“炙手可热。”

Airlines from Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan committed to purchase dozens of Boeing airplanes, while Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan promised to buy billions of dollars in agricultural machinery from John Deere. Kyrgyzstan said it would purchase American rail construction and engineering services. Kazakhstan also said it would procure up to $2 billion in A.I. chips in a partnership with OpenAI and Nvidia. It’s unclear how many of the deals were newly signed and how many had been previously negotiated.

来自哈萨克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦的航空公司承诺购买数十架波音飞机；哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦承诺从约翰迪尔公司购买数十亿美元的农业机械。吉尔吉斯斯坦表示将购买美国的铁路建设和工程服务。哈萨克斯坦还称将与OpenAI和英伟达合作，采购高达20亿美元的人工智能芯片。目前尚不清楚哪些交易是新签署的，哪些是以往磋商的成果。

One senior Central Asian official, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly, said their country was heartened by Mr. Lutnick’s personal involvement. While the Biden administration had focused on “B2B” — business-to-business — negotiations, the official said, “now we’ve started to trade on the level of G2G” — government-to-government.

一位因未获授权而要求匿名的中亚高级官员透露，他的国家因卢特尼克的亲自参与深受鼓舞。他指出，拜登政府此前主要推动“企业对企业”的谈判，而“现在我们已开启政府间的经贸合作”。

Cove Capital, a mining-focused firm based in New York and Australia, thanked Mr. Lutnick on Thursday for his “unwavering support” in securing a deal for the company to help develop a huge Kazakh deposit of tungsten, a wear-resistant metal important for weapons manufacturing.

总部位于纽约和澳大利亚的矿业公司Cove Capital上周四特别感谢卢特尼克在促成哈萨克斯坦巨型钨矿开发项目中的“坚定支持”。钨是一种耐磨金属，对武器制造非常重要。

Mr. Tokayev, the Kazakh president, said he had personally approved the tungsten deal. He praised the Trump administration for its “efficiency and pragmatism.”

哈萨克斯坦总统托卡耶夫表示，这项钨矿协议是他亲自批准的。他称赞特朗普政府“高效务实”。

Mr. Trump, in turn, lauded Mr. Tokayev in September for a $4 billion agreement with a U.S. company to buy 300 locomotives. And he praised the president of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, for what he said was an $8 billion deal by the country’s national airline to buy as many as 22 Boeing Dreamliner jets.

特朗普则在9月赞扬了托卡耶夫，因为哈萨克斯坦与一家美国公司达成了以40亿美元购买300台火车头的协议。他也对乌兹别克斯坦总统米尔济约耶夫表示了赞赏，该国国家航空公司将以80亿美元订购22架波音梦想客机。

Luke Coffey, an analyst at the Hudson Institute who has encouraged the Trump administration to pursue closer ties with Central Asia, said in an interview that the United States and Central Asian countries were finding common ground because of “the transactionalism that Trump prefers and that the leaders in this region prefer.”

哈德逊研究所研究员卢克·科菲一直鼓励特朗普政府与中亚建立更紧密关系。他在采访中表示，美国和中亚国家之所以能找到共同点，是因为“特朗普偏好的那种交易式方式，正好也是该地区领导人所偏好的”。

Indeed, there was no mention in the public elements of the Central Asia summit of what activists say are persistent — and in some cases, growing — human rights concerns across the region. Before this week’s event, Turkmenistan, an authoritarian nation that the democracy-focused nonprofit Freedom House ranks below North Korea and Sudan in its “Freedom in the World” index measuring civil rights and political liberties, had not had a leader visit the White House since 1998.

的确，此次中亚峰会的公开议程中，没有提及活动人士所称的该地区持续存在、甚至在部分国家日趋恶化的人权问题。在峰会之前，土库曼斯坦这个威权国家的领导人自1998年以来从未造访过白宫。在非营利组织自由之家的“全球自由度”指数中，土库曼斯坦在公民权利和政治自由方面的评分甚至低于朝鲜和苏丹。

Last week, the Kazakh Parliament moved forward with a bill that would punish what it called “L.G.B.T. propaganda” with as many as 10 days in prison, mirroring similar laws in Russia. Mr. Tokayev, in the interview on Thursday, said the Kazakh government had “nothing to do” with the bill, describing it as a grass-roots initiative. He added that while people should not be punished for being gay, “it would also be wrong to instill these values, especially among children.”

上周，哈萨克斯坦议会推进了一项法案，将所谓“LGBT宣传”视为违法行为，最多可处以10天监禁，这与俄罗斯的类似法律如出一辙。托卡耶夫在上周四的采访中表示，哈萨克斯坦政府“与这项法案无关”，称其是一项民间自发倡议。他补充说，人们不应因为同性恋身份而受到惩罚，但“向人们灌输这些价值观，尤其是对儿童，是错误的”。

Mr. Tokayev previously praised what he called Mr. Trump’s efforts to “restore traditional moral values.” Sitting across from Mr. Trump at the White House on Thursday, he went further: The U.S. president “inspires me,” he said, to pursue a “law and order” strategy in Kazakhstan.

托卡耶夫此前曾公开赞赏其所谓特朗普“重振传统道德价值观”的努力。上周四在白宫与特朗普相对而坐时，他更进一步表示：美国总统“激励了我”在哈萨克斯坦推行“法律与秩序”的治国策略。

After weeks of uncertainty over the supply of chips crucial to making automobiles, there appeared to be a thaw this week in a dispute over the semiconductors that had threatened to stop production at factories around the world.

在汽车制造关键芯片供应持续数周的不确定性后，上周，这场曾威胁全球汽车厂停产的半导体争端出现缓和迹象。

On Friday, a leading German automotive supplier that makes sensors, brakes and other electronic systems for companies including BMW, Stellantis and Volkswagen said it was again allowed to ship semiconductors made by a Dutch company, Nexperia, from its factories in China.

周五，德国一家为宝马、斯特兰蒂斯、大众等车企供应传感器、刹车及其他电子系统的顶尖汽车零部件供应商宣布，其再次获准从中国工厂发货荷兰安世公司生产的半导体。

The announcement came a day after the Dutch government said that it welcomed the resumption of supplies from Nexperia, which is based in the Netherlands but owned by the Chinese company Wingtech.

此前一天，荷兰政府表示欢迎安世恢复供应。安世总部位于荷兰，现由中国闻泰科技控股。

Other leading auto suppliers, as well as the car companies that depend on them, had warned that without Nexperia’s chips, they might have to slow or stop production.

其他主要汽车零部件供应商及依赖它们的车企此前曾警告，若缺少安世的芯片，可能不得不放缓甚至停止生产。

The Dutch government seized control of Nexperia in late September, citing concerns that the technology could be moved out of Europe, posing a security threat. The Chinese retaliated by ordering a stop to all exports of Nexperia’s chips — most of which are assembled in China.

荷兰政府于9月下旬接管安世，称担忧相关技术可能流出欧洲，构成安全威胁。作为反制，中国下令暂停安世芯片的全部出口——该公司大部分芯片在中国组装。

Nexperia produces thousands of chips used to make other products as well, like washing machines, vacuum cleaners, night vision devices, radars and tanks.

安世生产的数千种芯片还应用于其他产品，包括洗衣机、吸尘器、夜视设备、雷达和坦克等。

Documents from a court in Amsterdam showed that U.S. officials had pressured the Dutch government over the company’s ownership, amid President Trump’s trade war with China. A statement from the White House last week said that Mr. Trump had talked about Nexperia in his meeting with the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping.

阿姆斯特丹一家法院的文件显示，在特朗普政府对华贸易战期间，美国官员曾就安世的所有权问题向荷兰政府施压。白宫发表声明称，特朗普在与中国国家主席习近平会面时提及了安世的问题。

European trade officials met this week with their Chinese counterparts to find a solution to the issue, and late Thursday, the Dutch government indicated that one had been found.

本周，欧洲贸易官员与中方同级官员会面，寻求解决该问题的方案。周四晚间，荷兰政府表示已找到解决途径。

“Given the constructive nature of our talks with the Chinese authorities, the Netherlands trusts that the supply of chips from China to Europe and the rest of the world will reach Nexperia’s customers over the coming days,” the Dutch economy minister, Vincent Karremans, said in a statement.

“鉴于我们与中国当局的会谈具有建设性，荷兰相信，未来几天，从中国发往欧洲及全球其他地区的安世芯片将顺利送达客户手中，”荷兰经济大臣文森特·卡雷曼斯在声明中表示。

Aumovio, an automotive supplier based in Frankfurt, said on Friday that it had resumed shipments from China of Nexperia’s chips, and the parts that they are built into.

总部位于法兰克福的汽车零部件供应商奥莫维奥周五称，已恢复从中国进口安世芯片及搭载该芯片的零部件。

“We have received written approval to be exempted from Nexperia export controls out of China,” Philipp Von Hirschheydt the chief executive of Aumovio, said in an call with analysts.

“我们已收到书面批准，得以豁免安世芯片的中国出口管制，”奥莫维奥首席执行官菲利普·冯·希尔施海特在与分析师的电话会议中表示。

Last week, Volkswagen had warned that the shortages caused by the lack of chips could lead it to limit production.

上周，大众汽车曾警告，芯片短缺可能导致限产。

Bosch and ZF, two other major automotive suppliers in Germany, were taking steps to place some workers on short-term contracts and scale back production because of a lack of chips, even as they scrambled to find replacements.

德国另外两家主要汽车零部件供应商博世和采埃孚，虽在紧急寻找替代芯片，但仍因芯片短缺采取措施，将部分员工转为短期合同工，并缩减产量。

But Aumovio said that it now expected the resumed shipments would arrive soon enough to prevent a halt in production.

不过奥莫维奥表示，目前预计恢复运输的芯片将及时送达，可避免生产中断。

“We assume that at least in the short term, we are not going to have any interruption of process and production,” Mr. Von Hirschheydt said.

“我们认为至少在短期内，生产流程不会中断，”冯·希尔施海特说。

The Chinese government announced on Sunday that it would suspend export controls for a year on five critical minerals that are needed to manufacture certain semiconductors as well as explosives, armor-piercing ammunition, batteries and nuclear reactors.

中国政府周日宣布将暂停对五种关键矿物的出口管制，为期一年。这些矿物是制造某些半导体以及炸药、穿甲弹、电池和核反应堆所必需的。

The announcement, by the Ministry of Commerce, addressed a key difference between the statements issued by the Chinese government and the White House following a summit in South Korea on Oct. 30 between President Trump and Xi Jinping, China’s top leader.

中国商务部发布的这份公告澄清了10月30日特朗普总统与中国领导人习近平在韩国举行会晤后，双方政府各自发表的声明中存在的一个关键差异。

After that meeting, China said that it had agreed to a yearlong suspension of a series of export control regulations on rare earth metals and on equipment for manufacturing lithium-ion batteries, semiconductors and solar panels. The Ministry of Commerce followed through on Friday by suspending these regulations.

会后，中国方面表示同意暂停一系列关于稀土金属及锂离子电池、半导体和太阳能电池板制造设备的出口管制规定，期限为一年。商务部于上周五暂停了这些管制措施。

However, China’s post-summit statement made no mention of easing separate controls that the ministry had imposed in December last year on five other critical materials, which are not rare earth metals. The White House statement said that China had also agreed to issue so-called general licenses, making it easier to obtain these other minerals as well.

然而，中国在峰会后的声明并未提及放宽去年12月商务部对另外五种关键材料（虽非稀土金属）所实施的出口限制。白宫声明则称，中国还同意发放所谓的“通用许可”，以便更容易获得这些矿物。

There was some confusion after the summit about what exactly the two sides took away from the discussions. Mr. Trump had said that rare earths would no longer be an issue, while Beijing seemed to be more measured by enacting single-year suspensions.

峰会结束后，双方究竟达成了哪些共识一度引发外界各种说法。特朗普当时表示，稀土“将不再是个问题”，北京方面则显得更为谨慎，仅宣布一年暂停措施。

The ministry’s action on Sunday still differed slightly from what the White House statement had described. The ministry suspended for one year the need for any export licenses for the five minerals, instead of issuing multiyear licenses.

商务部周日的行动仍与白宫声明所描述的略有不同。商务部决定暂停这五种矿物出口所需许可证的要求，为期一年，而非发放多年期许可。

The restrictions that China had put in place severely limited exports to the United States of gallium and germanium, which are used to make certain types of semiconductors. They also interrupted exports of antimony, used in explosives, and tungsten, which has the highest melting point of any element and is used in armor-piercing ammunition. They also hindered the export of graphite, which is used in nuclear reactors and batteries.

此前中国实施的限制措施严重抑制了镓和锗对美出口，这两种金属用于制造特定类型的半导体。限制还中断了锑（用于制造炸药）和钨（熔点最高的元素，用于制造穿甲弹）的出口。此外，石墨（用于核反应堆和电池生产）的出口也受到阻碍。

The Ministry of Commerce did not provide any explanation on Sunday on why it had waited more than a week to suspend export controls on the five minerals. The ministry’s press office was closed on Sunday.

中国商务部周日未说明为何拖延一周多才决定暂停这五种矿物的出口管制。商务部新闻办周日不办公。

China is the dominant miner of all five of these minerals, in addition to producing almost all of the world’s supply of rare earth metals and rare earth magnets. Rare earths are used in the production of cars, drones, robots and many other civilian technologies. One of the rare earth metals for which China now requires export licenses, samarium, is used in supersonic fighter jets and missiles.

中国不仅在这五种矿物的开采上居于主导地位，还几乎垄断了全球稀土金属及稀土磁体的生产。稀土被广泛用于汽车、无人机、机器人及多种民用技术的制造。中国目前要求出口许可证的稀土金属钐被用于超音速战斗机和导弹。

The Trump administration is working with a wide range of companies to establish supply chains for all the metals and minerals that China has restricted over the past year. But while China has suspended its export controls for one year, the mines and magnet factories needed to replace Chinese production could take several years or longer to build.

特朗普政府正与多家企业合作，试图建立覆盖所有过去一年来中国限制出口的金属与矿物的供应链。但尽管中国已暂停出口管制一年，要建成能替代中国产能的矿山与磁体工厂可能仍需数年甚至更久。

“Regardless of what’s going on outside of our borders, America still has to address all of the aspects of the critical minerals supply chain and magnet manufacturing,” said Wade Senti, president of Advanced Magnet Lab, a magnet company in Melbourne, Fla.

“无论外部局势如何，美国仍必须着手解决关键矿物供应链与磁体制造的各个环节问题，”位于佛罗里达州墨尔本的磁体公司Advanced Magnet Lab总裁韦德·森蒂表示。

After months of surging demand, China’s exports unexpectedly dipped in October, the first drop in eight months, partly from an ongoing slide in prices for many of China’s most popular exports like cars, solar panels and batteries.

在需求激增数月后，10月中国出口意外下滑，这是八个月来的首次下降，部分原因在于中国一些最受欢迎出口商品——汽车、太阳能电池板和电池——价格持续下跌。

The value of Chinese exports slipped 1.1 percent in October from a year earlier, China’s General Administration of Customs said on Friday. Western economists had expected China to announce another month of growth.

据中国海关总署上周五公布的数据，10月中国出口额同比下降1.1%。西方经济学家原本预期中国会再次录得增长。

China’s exports have continued to boom this year, despite its trade war with the United States and rising tariffs in developing countries like Brazil, India, and Turkey, which also fear the effect on their factories’ employment from a deluge of low-cost goods made in China. Until October, shipments of Chinese goods to other regions of the world had more than offset the downturn in trade to the United States.

尽管正与美国陷入贸易战、且巴西、印度和土耳其等发展中国家也纷纷提高关税以防低价中国产品冲击本国制造业就业，但今年中国出口总体仍保持强劲。直到10月份，中国对世界其他地区的出口增长完全抵消了对美贸易的下滑。

China is still on pace for a second straight year of record trade surpluses.

中国仍有望连续第二年创下贸易顺差新高。

The physical volume of China’s exports has grown rapidly this year, lifted by a flood of Chinese cars, electronics, household appliances and other goods pouring into world markets. But the overall value of its exports is not keeping pace, as Chinese companies are offering significant discounts to overseas buyers to offload excess factory capacity.

今年以来，中国出口的实际数量增长迅速，大量汽车、电子产品、家电及其他商品涌向全球市场。但出口总值的增长未能同步，因为中国企业正向海外提供大幅折扣以消化过剩产能。

China’s exports to the European Union, Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia all weakened in October. The composition of China’s exports has been shifting toward products like cars and solar panels, which have experienced some of the largest price drops, and away from lower-technology products like furniture and apparel.

10月，中国对欧盟、拉丁美洲、非洲和东南亚的出口均出现疲软。出口结构也在转向汽车、太阳能电池板等价格跌幅较大的产品，低技术含量商品如家具和服装的占比则在下降。

The number of exported cars rose nearly 25 percent in October from a year earlier, even as the value of those cars rose only 17 percent.

10月出口汽车数量同比增长近25%，但其出口总值仅增长17%。

President Trump’s tariffs, by contrast, appear to have had a dwindling effect last month. Exports to the American market fell less in October than they had in either of the two previous months. There were also signs that Chinese companies are bypassing his tariffs by sending goods through other countries instead of directly to the United States.

相比之下，特朗普总统的关税政策上月似乎影响减弱。10月中国对美出口的降幅较前两个月有所收窄。同时有迹象显示，中国企业正通过第三国转运商品以避开关税。

“A rise in the share of Chinese exports going to Vietnam, the top rerouting hub, suggests that the tariff offset from rerouting continued to expand,” wrote Zichun Huang, China economist at Capital Economics, a consulting firm, in a research note. “So if anything, the drag from U.S. tariffs was moderating rather than increasing.”

“对越南这一主要转运枢纽出口占比上升，说明通过转运抵消关税影响的情况仍在扩大，“凯投宏观中国经济学家黄子淳在一份研究报告中写道，“因此，如果说有什么变化的话，美国关税带来的拖累在减轻而非加重。”

China continued to export more than three times as much to the United States in October as it imported. That large trade surplus has helped Beijing maintain factory employment and strengthen the economy even as a long-running, slow-motion collapse of China’s housing market has badly hurt the finances of many Chinese households.

10月，中国对美出口额仍是自美进口的三倍多。这一巨大的贸易顺差帮助北京维持了工厂就业，并在长期缓慢崩盘的房地产市场严重打击家庭财务之际支撑了整体经济。

Consumers in China have been cautious about spending after losing a significant portion of their life savings in that downturn. With less demand at home, more of those goods are being redirected to overseas markets.

不少中国家庭因楼市低迷损失了大部分积蓄，消费意愿持续低迷。由于国内需求下降，越来越多的商品被转移到海外市场。

A slight strengthening of China’s currency, the renminbi, against the dollar in recent months may also have hurt the country’s competitiveness by making Chinese goods more expensive when sold in some overseas markets. But the renminbi has weakened by about 7 percent against the euro in the past year, which has helped Chinese exporters to the European Union.

近几个月来，人民币对美元小幅走强，这可能也削弱了中国商品在某些海外市场的竞争力，因为这使得中国商品售价更高。但过去一年人民币兑欧元已贬值约7%，这有利于中国对欧盟出口。

Goldman Sachs pointed out in a research note that China’s exports also might have faltered because October had one fewer workday this year than last year.

高盛在一份研究报告中指出，10月出口下滑的另一个原因可能是今年的工作日比去年同期少一天。

China’s newest and most advanced aircraft carrier, the Fujian, officially entered into service this week, the country’s military announced on Friday, bringing Beijing another step closer to its goal of rivaling American naval power in the region.

中国军方周五宣布，中国最新、最先进的航空母舰“福建舰”本周正式入列，使北京离在该地区与美国海军实力抗衡的目标又近了一步。

The Fujian, which features an electromagnetic catapult system for launching and landing aircraft, was commissioned for service on Wednesday, when China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, presided over the ceremony on Hainan, an island in the country’s south, the Liberation Army Daily and other state-run news outlets announced.

据《解放军报》等官方媒体报道，这艘配备了电磁弹射系统的航母于周三入列，中国最高领导人习近平当天在中国南方的海南岛主持了入列仪式。

Mr. Xi, dressed in army green in his role as chairman of China’s military, strode the deck of the carrier, inspecting aircraft and praising their pilots as heroes, video released by Chinese official media showed. Reports also said that Mr. Xi had “personally decided” that the Fujian should use the electromagnetic catapult equipment, a demanding technology that President Trump recently railed against.

中国官方媒体发布的视频显示，作为中国军委主席的习近平身着军绿色服装在航母甲板上视察舰载机，并称赞飞行员是英雄。报道还说，习近平“亲自决策”福建舰采用电磁弹射技术，这项尖端技术近期曾遭美国总统特朗普的公开质疑。

By deploying the Fujian, and with plans to construct more aircraft carriers, China is moving to assert dominance in the western Pacific, using the carriers and their accompanying forces to brandish power and intimidate adversaries, several experts said. The Fujian, the third of China’s carriers, is its most ambitious effort so far. The ship was unveiled in 2022 but took years to become proficient enough to go officially into service.

多名专家表示，随着福建舰入列以及后续航母建造计划的推进，中国正致力于在西太平洋地区确立主导地位，利用航母及随舰编队展示实力并震慑对手。福建舰是中国第三艘航母，也是迄今最具雄心的项目。该舰于2022年亮相，但花了数年时间才达到正式入列的标准。

China’s aircraft carriers still lag behind those of the United States, both in number and sophistication. China now has three, all running on diesel, while the United States has 11, which are all nuclear powered. But the Fujian is the first Chinese carrier to approach the U.S. carriers in size and capability.

中国的航母在数量和精良程度上仍落后美国。中国目前拥有三艘航母，均为常规动力；而美国11艘航母全部实现了核动力。不过，福建舰是第一艘在规模和作战能力上接近美国水平的中国航母。

Satellite images suggest that China is already building a fourth carrier. And plans are underway to keep expanding the fleet, possibly shifting to nuclear-powered carriers at some point, despite arguments that unmanned drones and precision missiles could make the ships obsolete.

卫星图像显示，中国已启动第四艘航母建设。尽管存在无人机与精确制导导弹可能使航母过时的论点，中国仍在持续推进航母舰队的扩张计划，未来可能转向核动力航母。

“While unmanned systems are a trend, I don’t believe they will pose a major, lethal threat to aircraft carriers within the next decade,” said Jiang Hsin-biao, a researcher at the Institute for National Defense and Security Research in Taipei, which is supported by Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense. “Even the U.S. is building new carriers, demonstrating their lasting value. The threats are relative and exist for both sides, whether it’s China or the U.S.,” he said.

台湾国防部下属国防安全研究院研究员江炘杓表示：“虽然无人系统是发展趋势，但我认为它们在未来十年不会对航母构成重大的致命威胁。连美国都在建新航母，这说明它们仍具有持久价值。无论是中国还是美国，这类威胁都是相对且共存的。”

For Mr. Xi, the publicity around the commissioning of the Fujian may be a political salve after recent embarrassing revelations of corruption in the high ranks of the People’s Liberation Army forces. China announced in October that nine senior officers had been dismissed and faced prosecution on charges of corruption and abuses of power. They included Gen. He Weidong, who was third in China’s military hierarchy, after Mr. Xi and another commander.

对习近平来说，福建舰入列的宣传效应可能在近期解放军高层腐败案接连曝光后起到一定的政治安抚作用。今年10月，中国宣布9名军队高层因贪腐与滥用职权遭解职起诉。其中包括军队三号人物何卫东上将，他在中国军队中的位置仅次于习近平和另一名指挥官。

The Fujian’s main breakthrough is its electromagnetic catapult system for launching aircraft and slowing them to a halt when they land. The system appears similar to one used aboard the U.S.S. Gerald R. Ford, the first of the United States’ newest generation of aircraft carriers. But Mr. Trump late last month criticized the electromagnetic technology as unreliable and said he would order U.S. carriers to go back to steam-propelled launchers.

福建舰的主要突破在于采用了电磁弹射系统，实现舰载机弹射起飞与着舰减速。该技术与美国最新一代航母的首舰福特号采用的系统类似，但特朗普上月底抨击电磁技术不可靠，并表示他会下令美国航母回到蒸汽弹射。

“When we build aircraft carriers, it’s steam for the catapults, and it’s hydraulic for the elevators. We’ll never have a problem, OK?” Mr. Trump said on a visit to the U.S.S. George Washington, an aircraft carrier in Japan.

特朗普在视察美国部署在日本的航母“华盛顿”号时说：“我们造航母就用蒸汽弹射、液压升降。这样我们永远不会出问题，好吗？”

China’s two earlier carriers, the Liaoning and the Shandong, use simpler takeoff and landing technology on decks with ski-jump-like prows. The new system could allow the Fujian to carry larger aircraft with bigger loads of weapons and to send the planes out faster with less wear on their frames.

中国早先的两艘航母辽宁舰和山东舰采用相对简易的起降技术，甲板前端设有类似滑雪跳台的斜坡。新系统使福建舰能够搭载更大载弹量的飞机，并以更快的速度出动战机，同时减少机体损耗。

The Fujian’s deployment comes as tensions continue between China and Taiwan, an island democracy that has long rejected Beijing’s claims of sovereignty. Some analysts foresee China using the Fujian as part of carrier groups, along with battleships and submarines, that could intimidate Taiwan or countries that have territorial disputes with Beijing, especially in the South China Sea.

福建舰的部署正值中国与台湾地区紧张局势持续之际。这个岛屿民主政体长期拒绝承认北京的主权主张。部分分析人士预测，中国可能将福建舰编入航母战斗群，配合战舰和潜艇，对台湾或与北京存在领土争端的国家（尤其在南海地区）形成威慑。

It is unlikely that carriers would figure prominently into any initial military action by China against Taiwan, because the island is so close to the Chinese coast and its many air bases. But some experts believe China could eventually use aircraft carriers in a blockade of the island.

由于台湾距离中国海岸线极近，且中国拥有众多空军基地，航母不太可能在中国对台军事行动初期扮演重要角色。但部分专家认为，中国最终可能动用航母实施对台湾的封锁。

“These aircraft carriers are, of course, not aimed solely against Taiwan,” Mr. Jiang said. “But if they’re deployed in the Western Pacific, they could encircle Taiwan.”

“这些航空母舰当然不会是完全针对用在台湾的，”江炘杓表示。“但是他在部署到西太平洋的时候，他就可以扮演对台湾形成一个包围。”

Operating large carriers far from China’s shores and mastering the art of quickly sending out swarms of aircraft from their decks may take the Chinese Navy some time. But Beijing has signaled that it is determined to learn quickly. In September, Chinese military media showed footage of aircraft practicing takeoffs and landings from the Fujian.

中国海军要掌握远离本土操作大型航母、并能从甲板上快速派出大批战机的技术可能需要一段时间。但北京已表明决心快速掌握这项技术。今年9月，中国军方媒体公布了战机在福建舰上进行起降训练的画面。

But China is still some ways from becoming fully mature as a carrier power, Aita Moriki, a research fellow at Japan’s National Institute for Defense Studies, wrote in an assessment of the Fujian published in early October. “Many technological and personnel challenges remain,” he wrote.

日本防卫研究所研究员相田守辉在10月初发表的福建舰评估报告中指出：“中国距离成为成熟航母大国仍有距离。技术与人员方面仍面临诸多挑战。”

European governments are racing to rearm their militaries as they face up to a more aggressive Russia and an increasingly isolationist America. But that push must overcome a formidable roadblock in the shape of China’s restrictions on critical minerals.

面对愈发强硬的俄罗斯与日益奉行孤立主义的美国，欧洲各国政府正加紧重整军备，但这一行动必须克服中国关键矿产限制带来的巨大障碍。

China dominates the market for rare earth metals and permanent magnets, which are used in the production of missiles, jets, drones and a vast array of military hardware. Beijing has wielded this leverage in its trade wars with Washington and Brussels, tightening or loosening export controls on rare earths in negotiations over tariffs and other trade barriers.

中国在稀土金属和磁体市场占据主导地位，这些材料广泛用于导弹、战斗机、无人机及各类军事装备的生产。北京已在与华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的贸易战中动用这一影响力，在关税及其他贸易壁垒谈判中收紧或放宽稀土出口管制。

The drama has spurred a flurry of action in Europe, with Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, the E.U.’s executive arm, urging the bloc to “strive for its independence” on the critical minerals. But in the meantime, European trade officials have been frantically engaging with their Chinese counterparts to try to secure the bloc’s supply.

这一局势促使欧洲采取一系列行动，欧盟执行机构欧盟委员会主席冯德莱恩呼吁欧盟在关键矿产领域“争取自主独立”。与此同时，欧洲贸易官员正紧急与中方对接，试图保障欧盟的供应稳定。

On Wednesday, ambassadors from across the 27 E.U. nations were told that China appeared to be willing to negotiate so-called general licenses to streamline rare earth exports to Europe. But there was no guarantee that such a solution would come quickly — or last for long. The bloc is focused on finding alternative supply options, said two diplomats briefed on the discussions, who asked for anonymity to discuss internal deliberations.

周三，欧盟27国大使接到通知，中国似乎愿意协商所谓的“通用许可证”，以简化对欧洲的稀土出口流程。但两名了解相关讨论、因涉及内部磋商而要求匿名的外交官表示，此类解决方案能否快速落地或长期维持尚无保障，欧盟正重点寻找替代供应渠道。

In the short term, the goal in the negotiations is to “provide more certainty to European industry,” said Olof Gill, a spokesman for the European Commission. “Engagement continues.”

欧盟委员会发言人奥洛夫·吉尔表示，短期内谈判的目标是“为欧洲产业提供更多确定性”，“相关沟通仍在继续。”

Yet the twists and turns have made it clear to European leaders just how much their military buildup hinges on an increasingly unreliable relationship with China.

但局势的反复让欧洲领导人清醒认识到，其军备扩张在很大程度上依赖于与中国日益不稳定的关系。

“Everything hangs on this,” said Joris Teer, a researcher at the EU Institute for Security Studies, the European Union’s think tank for security policy. Without a flow of critical minerals, he said, “there is no rearmament.”

“一切都取决于此，”欧盟安全政策智库欧盟安全研究所研究员约里斯·蒂尔说，若关键矿产供应中断，“重整军备便无从谈起”。

After President Trump announced sweeping tariffs in April, Beijing quickly responded by limiting the export of seven rare earth elements and magnets for the entire world. It threatened to widen that list last month, before Mr. Trump and Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, agreed at a summit last week to delay that escalation by a year.

今年4月，特朗普总统宣布大范围加征关税后，北京迅速回应，限制全球范围内七种稀土元素及磁体的出口。上月，中国曾威胁扩大限制清单，直至特朗普与中国最高领导人习近平在上周的峰会中同意将这一升级举措推迟一年。

But the April restrictions remain in place for European buyers — and for all of the E.U.’s talk of diversification, Beijing has Brussels in a bind.

但4月的限制措施对欧洲买家仍然有效——尽管欧盟一再强调供应多元化，北京仍让布鲁塞尔陷入两难境地。

About 98 percent of the European Union’s imports of key rare earths come from China, making it even more dependent than the United States, which imports 80 percent of those rare earths from China. Although rare earths are found throughout the world, they are very difficult to extract and refine.

欧盟约98%的关键稀土进口来自中国，依赖度甚至高于美国——美国80%的相关稀土从中国进口。尽管稀土在全球分布广泛，但开采和提炼难度极大。

The European Union has been working to fix that dependency, and it passed an act meant to create a homegrown industry that took effect in 2024. Still, replacing China’s mining and refining capacity is no quick and easy endeavor.

欧盟一直在努力摆脱这种依赖，并于2024年生效了一项旨在打造本土稀土产业的法案。但要取代中国的采矿和提炼产能并非易事，也无法一蹴而就。

Analysts at the consulting firm SFA Oxford recently predicted in a research note that “full diversification” from China would take eight to 12 years, given how long it takes to develop mines, construct refineries, expand manufacturing and work into the NATO supply chain.

咨询公司SFA牛津的分析师近期在研究报告中预测，考虑到矿山开发、精炼厂建设、制造业扩张及融入北约供应链所需的时间，实现对中国稀土的“完全多元化替代”需要八至12年。

And when it comes to the defense industry, Europe doesn’t have that kind of time.

但就国防工业而言，欧洲没有这么多时间。

European nations are scrambling to raise their spending on defense sharply as they try to develop key capabilities by 2030. To that end, the European Union has loosened budget rules and rolled out a 150 billion euro ($172 billion) loan program to help fuel military outlays.

欧洲各国正紧急大幅增加国防开支，试图在2030年前提升关键军事能力。为此，欧盟放宽了预算规则，并推出一项1500亿欧元（约合1.23万亿元人民币）的贷款计划，以助力军事支出。

欧盟贸易专员马罗什·谢夫乔维奇表示，在中国的出口许可证制度下，欧洲稀土买家一直难以获得供应。

A lack of access to critical minerals could disrupt that initiative, tilt the scales of geopolitics and shape Europe’s future.

无法获取关键矿产可能扰乱这一计划，改变地缘政治格局并影响欧洲的未来。

“Autonomy in defense begins with autonomy in materials,” said Daniel Fiott, the head of a defense and statecraft program at Vrije Universiteit Brussel, a university in Brussels.

“国防自主始于材料自主，”布鲁塞尔自由大学国防与治国方略项目负责人丹尼尔·菲奥特说。

Since October last year, rare earth exporters in China have been required to provide the authorities with detailed explanations of how shipments would be used in Western supply chains. The rules gave Chinese authorities a view of the kinds and quantities of rare earths that companies around the world needed. The move in April to restrict access caused shortages and sent prices for rare earths like dysprosium — used to make heat-resistant magnets — skyrocketing.

自去年10月起，中国稀土出口商需向当局详细说明货物在西方供应链中的用途。这些规定让中国当局得以掌握全球企业对稀土的需求种类和数量。4月实施的出口限制导致短缺，镝等用于制造耐热磁体的稀土价格飙升。

Rare earth minerals are key in F-35 fighter jets, drones, submarines, Tomahawk missiles, radar systems and other military technologies that are made in either the United States or the European Union, and which Europe has been planning to stockpile as part of its rearmament plans.

稀土是F-35战斗机、无人机、潜艇、“战斧”导弹、雷达系统等美欧军事技术的关键原料，也是欧洲重整军备计划中拟储备的关键物资。

中国矿区采集的稀土矿物样本，陈列于北京某地质研究所。

“The end game of China, here, is to slow down the advancement of the United States, and Europe by connection,” said Benedetta Girardi, an analyst at The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies, a think tank. “If it hits the security sector of one, it also hits the security sector of the other,” she said.

“中国的最终目的是减缓美国的发展进程，并使欧洲也受到牵连，”海牙战略研究中心分析师贝内代塔·吉拉尔迪说，“若打击其中一方的安全领域，另一方也会受到波及。”

Maros Sefcovic, the European Union’s trade chief, has noted that since Beijing began requiring licenses to export rare earths, only about half of the 2,000 applied for by E.U. entities have been “properly addressed.”

欧盟贸易主管马罗什·谢夫乔维奇指出，自北京开始要求稀土出口许可证以来，欧盟实体提交的2000份申请中，仅约一半得到“妥善处理”。

Even though China has rolled back its most recent threat of stricter controls, the fact that it has threatened broad restrictions could serve as a warning shot.

尽管中国撤销了近期加强管制的威胁，但这种广泛限制的威慑本身已敲响警钟。

“I’m still concerned,” said Gracelin Baskaran, director of the Critical Minerals Security Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank. “Even a pause in restrictions leaves us precarious.”

“我仍感到担忧，”战略与国际研究中心关键矿产安全项目主任格雷斯林·巴斯卡兰说，“即便限制暂停，我们仍处于脆弱境地。”

爱沙尼亚的一座稀土加工厂。欧洲稀土行业的企业尚不确定政策制定者鼓励建立本地供应链的计划是否足以奏效。

She said that Europe, the United States and their allies are not yet at the point where they can quickly replace the dysprosium in drone motors, for instance. The world also has no real alternative to China’s supply of samarium, a rare earth mineral crucial for magnets that can withstand high temperatures in advanced military gear.

她说，例如欧洲、美国及其盟友目前仍无法快速替代无人机发动机中的镝。在钐的供应上，全球也没有能真正替代中国的选择——钐是制造先进军事装备中耐高温磁体的关键稀土。

Yet even as the risks of China’s rare earth dominance become clear, Europe is struggling to turn anxiety into action.

然而，即便中国稀土主导地位的风险已十分明确，欧洲仍难以将焦虑转化为实际行动。

The United States is moving fast to ramp up investment in rare earth production: The Department of Defense has bought a $400 million stake in a rare earth company called MP Materials, and this week announced hundreds of millions of dollars in loans and potential stakes in Vulcan Elements and ReElement Technologies, which are partnering to make magnets from recycled rare earth minerals.

美国正迅速加大对稀土生产的投资：美国国防部已向稀土企业MP材料公司投资4亿美元收购股权，本周又宣布向沃尔坎元素公司和ReElement技术公司提供数亿美元贷款及潜在股权，这两家公司正合作利用回收稀土制造磁体。

In Europe, companies in the rare earth business are not sure if Europe’s push to encourage a local supply chain — which involves joint procurement, access to finance and speeding up permitting — will suffice in a timely manner.

在欧洲，稀土行业企业不确定欧盟推动本土供应链的举措——包括联合采购、资金支持和加快审批——能否及时发挥足够作用。

That is why diplomacy is likely to be the main, and perhaps only, hope in the short term.

这也是为何短期内外交手段可能是主要乃至唯一的希望。

“The Chinese are attempting to pull the rug from underneath the entire rearmament” push in Europe, said Mr. Teer of the EU Institute for Security Studies. “It’s not something that, as a defense official or an industry, you want to say out loud.”

“中国正试图破坏欧洲的整个重整军备计划，”欧盟安全研究所的蒂尔说，“作为国防官员或行业从业者，是不愿意把这话挑明的。”

Tesla shareholders on Thursday approved a plan that could make Elon Musk the world’s first trillionaire, two days after New Yorkers elected a tax-the-rich candidate as their next mayor.

周四，也就是纽约市民选举一位主张向富人征税的候选人担任市长两天后，特斯拉股东通过了一项可能使埃隆·马斯克成为全球首位万亿富翁的方案。

These discrete moments offered strikingly different lessons about America and who deserves how much of its wealth.

这两件事看似毫不相关，却展现了关于美国社会及其财富分配问题的鲜明对照。

At Tesla, based in the Austin, Texas, area, shareholders have largely bought into a winner-takes-all version of capitalism, agreeing by a wide margin to give Mr. Musk shares worth almost a trillion dollars if the company under his management achieves ambitious financial and operational goals over the next decade.

在总部位于得克萨斯州奥斯汀地区的特斯拉，股东们基本信奉“赢家通吃”的资本主义模式，他们以压倒性票数达成一致：如果马斯克在未来十年内能带领公司实现雄心勃勃的财务和运营目标，就给予他价值近1万亿美元的股份。

But halfway across the country, in the home to Wall Street, Zohran Mamdani’s victory served as a reminder of the frustrations many Americans have with an economic system that has left them struggling to afford basics like food, housing and child care.

而在美国另一端的华尔街所在地，佐兰·马姆达尼的当选折射出许多美国人对经济体制的不满——这个体系让他们为食品、住房和育儿等基本开支疲于奔命。

These are vastly different arenas, to be sure. But that split-screen reality speaks to a larger divide in American business and politics. On one side are billionaires like Mr. Musk and their many supporters, including President Trump, who see the financial success of a small group of executives as something to be celebrated and emulated.

这两件事当然属于截然不同的领域，但这种并存的现实反映了美国商业和政治中更深层的分裂。一边是像马斯克这样的亿万富翁以及他们的众多支持者，包括特朗普总统，他们认为一小部分高管的经济成功值得颂扬和效仿。

On the other are progressives like Mr. Mamdani, a democratic socialist, who are calling for something more akin to the social welfare systems of Western Europe. Mr. Mamdani campaigned on using higher taxes on businesses and the wealthy to pay for universal child care and free buses — promises that helped him win a resounding victory against two more conservative candidates.

另一方则是马姆达尼这样的进步派民主社会主义者，他们呼吁建立更接近西欧模式的社会福利体系。马姆达尼在竞选中主张通过对企业和富人增税来实现全民育儿保障和免费公交——这些承诺帮助他以压倒性优势击败了两位立场更为保守的候选人。

Much like an earlier pay plan that Tesla shareholders approved in 2018, this 12-step package asks Mr. Musk, the company’s chief executive, to vastly expand Tesla’s stock market valuation — to $8.5 trillion from around $1.4 trillion — while hitting a variety of other goals. Those include selling one million robots with humanlike qualities and 10 million paid subscriptions to the company’s self-driving software.

与特斯拉股东在2018年批准的那份薪酬方案类似，这项包含12个阶段的计划要求担任首席执行官的马斯克大幅提高特斯拉的市值——从约1.4万亿美元提高到8.5万亿美元——同时完成其他一系列目标，包括出售100万台人形机器人，以及实现1000万份自动驾驶软件的付费订阅。

“What we’re about to embark upon is not merely a new chapter of the future of Tesla, but a whole new book,” Mr. Musk said, after thanking shareholders for their support.

“我们即将开启的不只是特斯拉未来的新篇章，而是一个全新的时代，”马斯克在感谢股东支持后说道。

Tesla’s stock price fell modestly in after hours trading.

特斯拉的股价在盘后交易中小幅下跌。

Tesla’s directors and some investors, including the board that oversees Florida’s public pension fund, hailed the $1 trillion pay plan as a way to motivate Mr. Musk, who is already the world’s wealthiest person, to build futuristic products like cars that can drive themselves.

特斯拉董事及部分投资者——包括监管佛罗里达州公共养老基金的董事会——称赞这项价值万亿美元的薪酬方案，认为它将激励已经身为全球首富的马斯克打造自动驾驶汽车等未来产品。

“Those who claim the plan is ‘too large’ ignore the scale of ambition that has historically defined Tesla’s trajectory,” the Florida State Board of Administration said in a securities filing describing why it voted for Mr. Musk’s pay plan. “A company that went from near bankruptcy to global leadership in E.V.s and clean energy under similar frameworks has earned the right to use incentive models that reward moonshot performance.”

佛罗里达州行政委员会在一份阐述其为何投票支持马斯克薪酬计划的证券备案文件中表示：“那些质疑‘薪酬过高’的人忽视了特斯拉的雄心之大，而这种雄心一直定义着特斯拉的发展轨迹。一个在类似激励框架下从濒临破产发展到在电动车和清洁能源领域领先全球的公司，完全有资格使用奖励‘登月级成果’的激励模式。”

纽约市候任市长佐兰·马姆达尼的竞选主张是通过提高企业和富人的税收来为全民托育和免费公交提供资金。

The plan is structured in such a way that if Mr. Musk makes money, the company’s investors do, too — a point that the fund manager Cathie Wood made this week on the social media platform X.

该薪酬方案的设计确保马斯克获利时公司投资者也能受益——基金经理凯西·伍德本周在社交媒体平台X上强调了这一点。

“I do not understand why investors are voting against Elon’s pay package when they and their clients would benefit enormously if he and his incredible team meet such high goals,” Ms. Wood, who is the chief executive of Ark Invest, wrote.

身为方舟投资公司首席执行官的伍德写道：“我不明白投资者为何要投票反对埃隆的薪酬方案，若他与其卓越团队实现这些宏伟目标，投资者及其客户都将获得巨大回报。”

But Mr. Musk’s detractors, including officials who oversee public pension funds in New York and California, vigorously opposed the plan, saying it would concentrate too much wealth and corporate power in the hands of one person.

但马斯克的反对者，包括纽约和加州公共养老金基金的管理官员，强烈反对这项计划，称它会让过多的财富和公司权力集中在一个人手中。

“This is not pay for performance. It is pay for unchecked power,” Thomas DiNapoli, the New York State comptroller, told reporters and investors on a recent conference call.

纽约州审计长托马斯·迪纳波利在最新一次与记者和投资者的电话会议上表示：“这不是绩效薪酬，这是无约束权力得到的报酬。”

Even Pope Leo XIV weighed in, saying in an interview with Crux, a Catholic news website, that Mr. Musk’s compensation was a symptom of the growing disparity between working people and the wealthy. The median Tesla worker earned around $57,000 in 2024, according to a company securities filing.

甚至教宗良十四世也发表了看法，他在接受天主教新闻网站Crux采访时表示，马斯克的薪酬方案折射出工薪阶层与富豪群体日益扩大的鸿沟。根据公司的一份证券申报文件，2024年特斯拉员工的薪酬中位数约为5.7万美元。

Mr. Musk addressed some of those concerns obliquely, saying the company’s humanoid robot, Optimus, was the singular solution for addressing poverty. The robot remains under development.

马斯克间接回应了部分质疑，声称公司研发的人形机器人Optimus是消除贫困的唯一解决方案。目前该机器人仍处于开发阶段。

“People often talk about eliminating poverty, giving everyone amazing medical care. Well, there’s actually only one way to do that, and that’s with the Optimus robot,” Mr. Musk said. “You start getting into like, some pretty wild sci-fi sort of scenarios.”

“人们常说要消除贫困、让所有人享有优质医疗服务。但实际上只有一种方法能做到，那就是Optimus机器人，”马斯克说。“这即将带我们进入超乎想象的科学幻境。”

His pay plan had been expected to pass. Roughly half a dozen similar — albeit much smaller — executive stock packages have been put to a shareholder vote at publicly traded U.S. companies in the past three years, according to the proxy solicitation firm Georgeson. All but one of them passed.

这项薪酬方案的通过本在预料之中。据代理征求机构乔治森的数据，过去三年美国上市公司提交股东表决的类似高管股权激励方案约有六个（尽管规模小得多），除一个外均获通过。

Mr. Musk was allowed under state law in Texas, Tesla’s corporate residence, to vote his own shares. The executive owns about 15 percent of Tesla’s stock. His control could grow to almost 29 percent if he fulfills the terms of the pay plan, though he might have to sell some stock to pay taxes.

根据特斯拉注册地得克萨斯州法律，马斯克可以用自己持有的股份参与投票。他持有特斯拉约15%的股份。如果他达成薪酬计划的条款，其持股比例最高可增至近29%，不过他可能需要出售部分股票支付税费。

But another of the company’s biggest investors, the manager of Norway’s sovereign wealth fund, Norges Bank Investment Management, said it would vote against the pay package.

但公司另一大投资者——挪威主权财富基金运营机构挪威银行投资管理公司明确表示将投反对票。

“While we appreciate the significant value created under Mr. Musk’s visionary role, we are concerned about the total size of the award, dilution and lack of mitigation of key person risk,” the firm said, using a business term for a company’s dependence on one particular person.

该机构表示：“尽管我们认可马斯克在其富有远见的领导角色下所创造的巨大价值，但我们对这份奖励的总体规模、股权稀释效应以及未能缓解关键人员风险措施的缺失感到担忧。”这里的“关键人员风险”指公司过度依赖某一特定人物。

Other opponents said the plan’s terms allowed the Tesla board of directors too much leeway to award Mr. Musk the shares even if he does not achieve the product goals.

其他反对者则表示，该方案条款赋予特斯拉董事会过大自由裁量权，即使未达成产品目标仍可向马斯克授予股份。

Tesla’s board of directors rejected those complaints.

特斯拉董事会驳斥了这些质疑。

The compensation plan “was designed with one overarching purpose: to supercharge Tesla’s next phase of exceptional growth, innovation and value creation,” Robyn Denholm, the chair of the company’s board of directors, said in a letter to shareholders last month. “There are no layups, and Elon only gets additional voting rights if he delivers on bold market capitalization and operational goals.”

董事会主席罗宾·德霍姆上月致信股东称：该薪酬方案的“核心目标只有一个：加速特斯拉迈向新一轮非凡增长、创新与价值创造。没有易达成的指标，埃隆唯有达成远大的市值与运营目标，才能获得更多的投票权。”

Automakers around the world and their suppliers have begun scaling back production after a dispute over a Chinese-owned chipmaker in the Netherlands led to a shortage of the semiconductors needed to power the systems in vehicles.

荷兰一家中资芯片制造商引发的争端导致为汽车系统供电所需的半导体短缺，全球汽车制造商及其供应商因而开始减产。

Representatives from China and the European Union met on Tuesday in an effort to resolve the standoff, more than a month after the Dutch government seized control of the chipmaker, Nexperia. Beijing has halted deliveries of chips from its factories and criticized officials in the Netherlands for failing to work to find a resolution.

中国和欧盟的代表周二举行会晤，试图解决这一僵局。一个多月前，荷兰政府接管了这家名为安世的芯片制造商。北京方面叫停了中国工厂发货，并批评荷兰官员未能努力找到解决方案。

Efforts from Washington to try to resolve the dispute have failed, leaving more companies concerned they may be forced to halt production if a solution is not found soon.

华盛顿为解决争端所做的努力均以失败告终，更多公司担心，如果不能尽快找到解决方案，它们可能被迫停产。

Europe’s car industry has been the most vocal, but Nexperia makes thousands of chips used by other industries to make products like washing machines, vacuum cleaners, night vision devices, radars and tanks.

欧洲汽车行业对此反应最为强烈，但安世生产的数以千计种芯片还广泛应用于洗衣机、吸尘器、夜视设备、雷达及坦克等其他行业产品。

“I think there are very justified concerns about global manufacturing output being impacted if this can’t be resolved in the next few weeks,” said Chris Miller, author of the book “Chip War,” who reports widely on the semiconductor industry.

半导体行业资深报道者、《芯片战争》(Chip War)一书作者克里斯·米勒表示：“我认为，如果在未来几周内不能解决这个问题，对全球制造业产出受到影响的担忧是非常合理的。”

How did the chip dispute start?

这场芯片争端是如何开始的？

Nexperia, which has headquarters in the Netherlands, was bought by a Chinese company, Wingtech, in December 2019 and has since shipped basic, but necessary, chips to manufacturers around the world.

安世的总部位于荷兰，2019年12月被中国公司闻泰科技收购，此后一直向全球制造商供应基础但不可或缺的芯片。

In late September, the Dutch government took control of the company over what it said were concerns that more production could be moved to China from Europe. Documents from a court in Amsterdam showed that U.S. officials had pressured the Dutch government about the company’s ownership.

9月下旬，荷兰政府以担心更多生产可能从欧洲转移到中国为由接管该公司。阿姆斯特丹一家法院的文件显示，美国官员曾就该公司的所有权问题向荷兰政府施压。

Beijing responded by stopping export of the chips that are packaged at Nexperia’s factories there, sending automakers around the globe scrambling to secure supplies and warning about disruptions.

北京方面的回应是叫停了安世在华工厂封装芯片的出口，这使得全球汽车制造商纷纷争分夺秒地确保供应，并对供应链中断发出警告。

The White House announced on Saturday that as part of the trade deal between President Trump and the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping, shipments from Nexperia’s production sites in China would begin again. That has yet to happen.

白宫上周六宣布，作为特朗普总统和中国领导人习近平之间贸易协议的一部分，安世在中国的生产基地将恢复发货。但这尚未实现。

Some industry insiders have drawn parallels of the current situation to the shortages after economies around the world shut down during the coronavirus pandemic, while others have pointed to a significant difference.

一些业内人士将当前的情况与新冠疫情期间全球经济停摆后的芯片短缺相提并论，也有人指出了一个显著的不同之处。

“This is a politically induced situation,” Ola Källenius, chief executive of Mercedes-Benz, said on a call with analysts last week.

梅赛德斯-奔驰首席执行官康松林(Ola Källenius)上周在与分析师的电话会议上表示：“这是一个由政治因素引发的情况。”

去年在德国汉堡安世半导体生产线上的一块晶圆。

Why can’t the chips just be replaced?

为什么这些芯片不能被替代？

Semiconductors require a two-step production process. In Nexperia’s case, the front-end production takes place in Hamburg, Germany, while the back-end production, where the chips are completed and packaged, is done mostly in China.

半导体的生产过程需要两个步骤。以安世为例，其前端生产在德国汉堡进行，而芯片完成和封装的后端生产主要在中国进行。

To produce the chips in China, Wingtech would have to find wafers that were made locally, while Nexperia would need more options to finish the production outside China. The company already has some back-end production in Malaysia and the Philippines, but it is not enough to compensate for the loss of its Chinese sites.

要在中国生产芯片，闻泰科技必须找到本地生产的晶圆，而安世要想在中国以外的地方完成生产，也需要更多选项。该公司在马来西亚和菲律宾已经有一些后端生产，但这不足以弥补其中国工厂造成的损失。

Nexperia has the financial stability to make this happen, but it would take at least four to six months, said Antonia Hmaidi, a senior analyst at the Mercator Institute for China Studies in Berlin. On top of that, the chips have to be tested and receive certification before they can be used in cars.

柏林墨卡托中国研究学院的高级分析师安东尼娅·赫迈迪表示，安世有足够的财务稳定性来实现这一目标，但至少需要四到六个月的时间。除此之外，这些芯片在用于汽车之前必须经过检测和认证。

In recent years, analysts have warned that companies moving production to China should have a backup plan, even if it means higher operating costs to strengthen and diversify supply chains in case of an emergency.

近年来，分析师们一直警告称，将生产转移到中国的公司应该有一个备用计划，以防紧急情况，即便这意味着需承担更高运营成本来强化供应链韧性与多元化布局。

“This should be the latest wake-up call that anyone needs in terms of how far China is willing to go to protect its own companies,” Ms. Hmaidi said.

赫迈迪说：“这应该是最新的警钟，让所有人都知道中国愿意采取多么强烈的措施来保护自己的公司。”

Which carmakers are affected?

哪些汽车制造商受到了影响？

The necessity of Nexperia’s chips is reflected in the span of automakers announcing plans to curtail production. Mercedes, Stellantis and Nissan have set up task forces to help them figure out how to maintain production, while securing chips from other sources.

安世芯片的重要性体现在宣布减产计划的汽车制造商范围之广。梅赛德斯、斯特兰蒂斯和日产都成立了特别工作组，在寻求其他芯片来源的同时协助制定维持生产计划。

Bosch, Europe’s largest auto parts supplier, said the situation with Nexperia had presented “major challenges” that demanded flexibility. The company said that up to 1,000 of its employees at two factories in Germany might have to scale back to part-time work through a government-supported program that was also used during the pandemic.

欧洲最大的汽车零部件供应商博世表示，安世的情况带来了“重大挑战”，需要灵活应对。该公司表示，其在德国的两家工厂可能有多达1000名员工需要通过政府支持的计划转为兼职岗位，该计划在疫情期间也被使用过。

“We are using alternative sources of supply, optimizing inventory levels in our global manufacturing network and implementing technical alternatives,” said Inga Ehret, a spokeswoman for Bosch.

博世发言人英加·埃雷特表示：“我们正在使用替代供应源，优化我们全球制造网络中的库存水平，并实施技术替代方案。”

Nissan said on Wednesday that it would cut production at two plants in Japan because of the suspension of shipments from Nexperia. The company expects to have to “implement small-scale production adjustments involving several hundred units” at each factory starting next week, a spokeswoman said.

日产周三表示，由于安世暂停发货，将削减日本两家工厂的产量。发言人表示，预计下周起，每家工厂需“实施涉及数百辆车的微调生产计划”。

“The supply situation remains fluid, and we are monitoring developments closely,” she said. “Once supply stabilizes, we will recover quickly and ensure any impact on customer deliveries is minimized.”

她说：“供应情况仍然不稳定，我们正在密切关注事态发展。一旦供应稳定，我们将迅速恢复，将对客户交付的影响降到最低。”

The electric car pulling up to the conference hall was Chinese. The leader who stepped out was not.

驶抵会议大厅的电动车是中国的，但走下车的领导人却不是中国人。

The climate-friendly ride was carrying President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, the host of this year’s U.N. Climate Change Conference, a gathering of dozens of world leaders in the Amazonian city of Belém.

这辆环保座驾承载的是巴西总统卢拉——今年联合国气候变化大会的主办国元首。这场汇聚了数十位世界领导人的会议在亚马孙城市贝伦召开。

The vehicle, a sleek black S.U.V. made by the Chinese automaker BYD, was part of a fleet of electric and hybrid cars assembled to shuttle delegations to the summit’s opening on Thursday, where they began negotiations on ways to cut emissions of planet-warming gases and slow down climate change.

这款流线型黑色SUV由中国车企比亚迪制造，属于为周四峰会开幕式准备的电动及混合动力车队。各国代表团乘坐这些车辆前往会场，就削减温室气体排放、减缓气候变化的方案展开谈判。

“We need to embrace a new way of life, a more just, resilient and low-carbon development model,” Mr. Lula said in his opening remarks on Thursday.

“我们需要拥抱一种新的生活方式，一种更公正、更具韧性且低碳的发展模式，”卢拉在周四的开幕致辞中表示。

That Brazil chose Chinese electric vehicles as the official means of transporting Mr. Lula and other world leaders sent a clear signal to many: In its quest to transform its roads and its economy, Latin America’s largest nation would be turning to China.

巴西选择中国电动车作为卢拉及其他世界领导人的官方用车，向许多人传递了明确信号：这个拉丁美洲最大的国家在寻求道路交通与经济转型之际，将目光投向中国。

The gesture highlighted the spectacular inroads that Chinese climate technologies have made in Brazil. It also underscored the absence of the United States at this year’s talks, known as COP30, which President Trump is not attending.

这一举措既凸显了中国气候技术在巴西取得的显著进展，也凸显了美国在今年这场名为COP30气候大会的缺席——特朗普总统并未出席。

“The world is moving on, even without U.S. political and technological leadership,” said Scott Kennedy, a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington research organization. “With these cars, Brazil is signaling that it has other options.”

“即便没有美国的政治与技术引领，世界仍在前行，”华盛顿智库战略与国际研究中心高级顾问斯科特·肯尼迪表示。“通过这些汽车，巴西在传递一个信息：它还有其他选择。”

Electric vehicles are widely seen as crucial in the fight against climate change because they reduce the world’s reliance on fossil fuels and eliminate emissions of carbon dioxide, the primary heat-trapping gas that’s warming Earth’s atmosphere.

电动车被广泛视为应对气候变化的关键力量，因为它们能减少全球对化石燃料的依赖，且不会排放二氧化碳——这种主要温室气体正导致地球大气升温。

While European and American automakers have struggled to pivot to making vehicles powered by electricity, China has gained ground by offering electric cars built with advanced technologies at lower prices than those of competitors like Tesla. This has made Chinese cars especially attractive in developing countries with less spending power.

当欧美车企仍在艰难转型电动车生产时，中国已凭借技术先进、价格低于特斯拉等竞争对手的电动车占据优势。这使得中国汽车在购买力较弱的发展中国家尤其具有吸引力。

China also controls the supply chains for the critical minerals that are needed to make the powerful batteries that go into these cars. The country is vying with United States for access to these strategic minerals, which are considered key to the technologies of the future and are also plentiful in Brazil and elsewhere in Latin America.

中国还掌控着电动车高性能电池所需关键矿产的供应链。这些被视为未来科技命脉的战略矿产在巴西及拉丁美洲其他地区储量丰富，正引发中美两国的激烈争夺。

Chinese electric cars have been rapidly gaining market share in Asia and Europe, now accounting for roughly two-thirds of the global market. In Brazil, the world’s sixth-largest car market, over 80 percent of electric vehicles sold are Chinese.

中国电动车已迅速抢占亚洲和欧洲市场份额，目前约占全球市场的三分之二。在全球第六大汽车市场巴西，售出的电动车中超过80%是中国品牌。

And Chinese automakers have made it clear that they have even bigger plans for Latin America.

中国车企也明确表示，它们对拉丁美洲有着更大的规划。

Last month, BYD inaugurated its biggest factory outside Asia, at a plant in Bahia State, in northeastern Brazil, that was once run by Ford. Also this year, GWM, another Chinese company, took over a massive plant that once belonged to the German automaker Mercedes-Benz. The plan is to sell the electric cars produced at these factories across Brazil and the rest of Latin America.

上个月，比亚迪在巴西东北部巴伊亚州启用了其在亚洲以外最大的工厂——该厂曾由福特运营。同样在今年，另一家中国企业长城汽车接管了一座曾隶属于德国车企梅赛德斯-奔驰的大型工厂。这些工厂生产的电动车计划销往巴西及拉丁美洲其他地区。

It is already clear whether electric vehicles are leaving a mark on Brazilian cities, including in Belém, a port city of 1.3 million near the mouth of the Amazon River that is frequently choked by traffic.

在贝伦等巴西城市，电动汽车的普及已带来显著变化。这座拥有130万人口的港口城市位于亚马孙河口附近，常年饱受交通拥堵困扰。

On a weekday just before the summit kicked off, the streets were gridlocked, but the clouds of exhaust were thinner than they had once been. The roads were dotted with electric cars, humming quietly in the midday traffic. Dignitaries zipped around in convoys made up of GWM pickup trucks, their windows frosted by air-conditioning. Electric buses shuttled passengers around the city.

峰会召开前的一个工作日，贝伦的街道依旧拥堵，但尾气烟雾较以往稀薄了许多。道路上随处可见电动车，在正午的车流中安静行驶。政要们乘坐由长城皮卡组成的车队穿梭往来，车窗因空调制冷凝结着雾气。电动巴士在城里穿梭，运送乘客。

“This technology is transforming the whole world,” Mr. Kennedy said. “And China has jumped into this space.”

“这项技术正在改变整个世界，”肯尼迪表示，“而中国已迅速切入这一领域。”