The man who stabbed three people to death in Taipei, Taiwan, appeared to have prepared meticulously for his attack, police investigators said on Saturday, even as they struggled to find a motive for his spree of violence.

警方调查人员上周六表示，在台湾台北持刀刺死三人的男子似乎为这次袭击做了周密准备，但他们仍难以确定其疯狂暴力行为的动机。

Two days before the man began his assault with smoke grenades and a long knife in the city’s main subway station on Friday afternoon, he checked into a cheap hotel only 50 yards from the store where he ended his spree, Taiwanese police officers said.

该男子于上周五下午在台北市的一个主要捷运站使用烟雾弹和一把长刀发动袭击，台湾警方称，在发动袭击两天前，他入住了一家距离其行凶的最后一个地点——一家店铺——不到50米的廉价旅馆。

He had left evidence of his plans in digital form, they said, and on foot and bicycle he scouted the locations where he attacked stunned shoppers and commuters.

警方表示，他以数字形式留下了其作案计划的证据，并曾步行和骑自行车踩点，勘察他袭击惊骇不已的购物者和通勤人群的地点。

And during his hourslong assault, he changed his outfit five times, the police said, although they did not make clear exactly where or when.

警方还称，在持续数小时的袭击过程中，他换了五次衣服，但没有明确说明具体的地点和时间。

“Up to now, we have not been able to clarify his motive. We know only that he had a plan for this attack,” Lu Chun-hung, the chief of the criminal investigation division of the Taipei City Police, told reporters. He also sought to douse rumors that the attacker, whom the police identified as Chang Wen, had acted in league with others who remained at large.

“我们目前为止没有办法厘清动机，我们只是知道他有这个攻击的计划，”台北市警察局刑事警察大队大队长卢俊宏告诉记者。他还对嫌疑人并非单独行动、仍有同伙在逃的传言进行了澄清。

“We’ve reviewed all the surveillance camera footage and found that he acted alone and did not have any contact with anyone else,” Mr. Lu said.

“我们调了所有的监视器，他都是单独行动，没有跟任何其他人接触，”卢俊宏说。

Three people died from wounds suffered in the attacks, and the attacker died after apparently jumping from the fifth floor of a retail building where he had just fatally stabbed a man. Eleven other people were injured, six of whom were still in the hospital on Saturday, said Taiwan’s minister of health, Shih Chung-liang.

在此次袭击中，三人伤重不治，袭击者在当地一家购物场所的五楼刺死一名男子后，疑似从该处跳楼身亡。台湾卫生福利部部长石崇良称，另有11人受伤，其中六人截至上周六仍在住院治疗。

The bloodshed drew intense public attention in Taiwan, where outbursts of deadly violence are rare.

这起流血事件引起了台湾民众的极大关注，在当地，致命的暴力事件非常罕见。

For the second day in a row, Taiwan’s president, Lai Ching-te, and other senior officials sought to reassure residents that the government would thoroughly investigate the killings and look for lessons to prevent any similar attacks. The last similar case was in 2014, when a man went on a stabbing spree on a Taipei subway train, killing four people. He was executed in 2016.

台湾总统赖清德及其他高级官员连续两天出面安抚民众，表示政府将彻底调查这起杀人事件，并从中吸取教训，以防止类似袭击再次发生。上一次类似案件发生在2014年，当时一名男子在台北捷运上持刀行凶，造成4人死亡。该男子于2016年被执行死刑。

The latest series of attacks began around 3:40 p.m. and ended a little over three hours later, according to a timeline described by Chang Jung-Hsin, the director-general of Taiwan’s National Police Agency, in a televised meeting. At the same meeting, Taiwan’s premier, Cho Jung-tai, suggested that answers were needed about why the attacker could continue his actions for so long after witnesses were already alarmed.

据台湾警政署署长张荣兴在一个视讯会议上介绍的时间线显示，这一系列袭击始于下午3点40分左右，在三个多小时后结束。在同一次会议上，台湾行政院院长卓荣泰表示，有必要弄清楚在目击者已经报警的情况下，袭击者为何还能持续行动如此之久。

The police said the man set out from his hotel room and began by trying to set on fire parked vehicles. He went back to a small apartment he rented and tried to set fire to it, and then went to Taipei Main Station, pulling a small trolley holding improvised smoke grenades. He tossed the grenades near a busy concourse and entryways and attacked a man with a knife, after the man tried to stop his attack, the mayor of Taipei, Chiang Wan-an, told reporters.

警方表示，该男子从所住的旅馆房间出发，首先试图点燃停放的车辆。随后他回到自己租住的一间小公寓，试图纵火；接着前往台北车站，拖着一辆装有自制烟雾弹的小推车。台北市长蒋万安告诉记者，他在一处人流密集的连通道和出口附近投掷烟雾弹，并在一名男子试图阻止其行凶后，用刀袭击了该男子。

Police officers arrived to try to catch the attacker, but he escaped back to his hotel room, and then walked about half a mile to a branch of the Eslite bookstore in Zhongshan neighborhood, an area thronged by young Taiwanese, especially on a weekend evening. He had rented a hotel room a stone’s throw from the store.

警方赶到现场试图抓捕袭击者，但他逃回了自己的旅馆房间，随后步行近千米，前往位于中山区的一家诚品书店分店。该区域挤满年轻人，尤其在周末夜晚。他租住的旅馆房间距离该书店仅咫尺之遥。

He threw more smoke grenades at the crowd, which was growing increasingly alarmed. The attacker, dressed at this point in black shorts, shirt and cap, then stabbed a second man. Then he rushed upstairs in the bookstore and fatally stabbed another man on the fourth floor.

他又向恐慌情绪不断加剧的人群投掷了更多烟雾弹。此时，身穿黑色短裤、衬衫、戴着帽子的袭击者随后刺伤了第二名男子。接着，他冲至书店楼上，在四楼将另一名男子刺死。

Moments later, the attacker climbed to the fifth floor of the building, left some clothes and equipment on the floor, and plunged to his death on the street below.

不久之后，袭击者爬上大楼五楼，将部分衣物和装备留在地上，然后一跃而下，坠亡于下方街道。

While officials stressed that they were still trying to understand the attacker’s motives, details of his life and final actions suggested that he led an isolated and increasingly troubled life.

官员们强调，他们仍在努力弄清袭击者的动机，但其人生经历和最后的行为细节表明，他过着一种孤立且日益备受困扰的生活。

He had fallen out of contact with his family for two years or more, and had also lost his job, the police said. Previously, he had been discharged from the Taiwanese military in 2021 for driving while drunk. Family members told the police investigators that he had been interested in weapons since childhood.

警方表示，他已与家人失去联系两年或更长时间，并且失去了工作。此前，他曾因酒驾于2021年被台湾军方开除。家属向警方调查人员表示，他从小就对武器感兴趣。

When he fled the train station, he left behind gasoline bottles, a tactical vest and a gas mask. At his small apartment, which he had tried to set on fire, investigators found more knives, five gasoline containers and a laptop computer that was burned. Inside the hotel room that the man had rented for his final three days, they found 23 primitive gasoline bombs, two tablet computers and more knives.

他在逃离车站时留下了汽油瓶、一件战术背心和一个防毒面具。在他试图纵火的小公寓里，调查人员发现了更多的刀具、五个汽油容器以及一台被烧毁的笔记本电脑。在这名男子为生命最后三天租住的旅馆房间内，警方发现了23枚简易汽油炸弹、两台平板电脑和更多的刀具。

When Ueno Zoo in Tokyo announced this week that its most famous residents, Xiao Xiao and Lei Lei — twin 4-year-old giant pandas on loan from China — would go home in late January, a frenzy broke out in Japan.

本周，东京上野动物园宣布，其最知名的居民——从中国租借的4岁双胞胎大熊猫晓晓和蕾蕾——将于1月底返回中国。消息一出，日本国内掀起轩然大波。

Thousands of people descended on the zoo after seeing news alerts warning that Japan would soon be panda-less for the first time in more than half a century. Fears spread that the pandas would not be replaced as China punishes Japan over its of recent expression of support for Taiwan.

成千上万人看到新闻中关于半个多世纪以来日本将首次没有熊猫的警报后，纷纷涌向动物园。由于中国近期因日本表态支持台湾而对其采取反制措施，民众纷纷担忧这对大熊猫走后不会有替代者。

Mitsuko Usui, 65, visited the zoo on Tuesday with her family, lining up at 9 a.m. for a glimpse of Lei Lei. When her son was young, she brought him to see Chinese pandas here, and she wanted to repeat the tradition with her granddaughters.

65岁的臼井美津子（音）周二与家人一同前往动物园，早上9点便开始排队，只为一睹蕾蕾的风采。在她儿子小时候，她曾带他来这里观看中国大熊猫，如今她希望能和孙女们延续这一传统。

“It’s so hard to imagine Japan without pandas,” Ms. Usui said.

“很难想象日本没有熊猫的日子，”臼井说。

China and Japan made plans months ago for Xiao Xiao and Lei Lei, who were born at Ueno Zoo in 2021, to return home early next year. But Japanese officials say there has been no progress in talks with the Chinese authorities about sending replacements.

这对双胞胎大熊猫于2021年在上野动物园出生，中日两国数月前就已计划让它们明年初回国。但日本官员表示，与中国当局就派遣替代熊猫的谈判尚未取得任何进展。

Now the political climate has turned dire, as China fumes about comments by Japan’s prime minister, Sanae Takaichi. She said last month that Japan could intervene militarily if China were to attack Taiwan, a self-governed democracy that Beijing claims is part of its territory. Beijing has urged millions of tourists to avoid Japan, restricted Japanese seafood imports and increased military patrols.

如今，两国之间的政治氛围变得十分紧张。中国对日本首相高市早苗的相关言论表示强烈不满——她上月称，若中国攻击台湾这个北京声称是其领土的自治地区，日本可能会进行军事干预。对此，北京已敦促数百万游客避免前往日本，限制日本海产品进口，并加强了军事巡逻。

The Chinese foreign ministry declined to comment on whether it would keep sending pandas to Japan, referring questions to the “relevant Chinese authorities.”

中国外交部拒绝就是否会继续向日本派遣大熊猫置评，将相关问题交由“中国主管部门”处理。

周二，上野动物园的游客们排起长队，只为观看双胞胎熊猫晓晓和蕾蕾。

In Japan, pandas are considered the epitome of “kawaii,” or cute, culture. Millions of people visit Ueno Zoo each year to see Xiao Xiao and Lei Lei, the first twin pandas to be born there. Pandas are everywhere: on keychains, coffee mugs, winter socks and cream-filled pastries.

在日本，熊猫被视为可爱文化的象征。每年有数以百万计的人前往上野动物园看望晓晓和蕾蕾——它们是首次在该动物园诞生的双胞胎熊猫。这里的熊猫元素无处不在：钥匙扣、咖啡杯、冬季袜子和奶油糕点上都能见到它们的身影。

Mami Yonezawa, a frequent visitor, lined up repeatedly on Tuesday to say goodbye to the pandas, saying their departure made her sad.

常客米谷真美（音）周二多次排队与熊猫道别，称它们的离开让她十分难过。

“Pandas should be separate from political disputes,” she said. “They shouldn’t be used as cards.”

“熊猫应该远离政治争端，”她说。“它们不应该被当作筹码。”

Pandas have symbolized friendship between China and Japan since 1972, when China sent its first delegation of pandas, Kang Kang and Lan Lan, to celebrate the establishment of diplomatic ties between the countries. China has continued to dispatch the furry ambassadors even through disputes over territory, military policy, human rights and Japan’s wartime atrocities.

自1972年以来，熊猫一直是中日友谊的象征。当年，中国派遣首对熊猫“康康”和“兰兰”前往日本，庆祝两国建立外交关系。即便在发生领土争端、军事政策、人权问题以及日本战时暴行等争议期间，中国仍继续派遣这些毛茸茸的大使们。

1972年，为庆祝中日建交，大熊猫康康（左）和兰兰从中国抵达上野动物园。

Minoru Kihara, a top official in Ms. Takaichi’s cabinet, said he hoped a solution could be reached.

高市早苗内阁高级官员木原稔表示，希望双方能找到解决方案。

“Pandas are widely beloved by the Japanese people,” he said at a news conference in Tokyo on Monday. “Pandas have contributed to improving public sentiment in both Japan and China. We hope that these exchanges will continue.”

“熊猫深受日本民众喜爱，”周一他在东京的新闻发布会上说。“熊猫为改善中日两国公众情绪做出了贡献。我们希望这类交流能够继续下去。”

China has long used pandas to cultivate relationships with foreign politicians, soften China’s image abroad and shape policy on Taiwan. The hashtag “Japan will no longer have pandas” trended this week on Weibo, a popular Chinese social media platform, and some commenters said Japan did not deserve pandas until it changed its tune on Taiwan.

长期以来，中国一直利用熊猫与外国政界人士建立关系、软化自身海外形象，并影响有关台湾的政策。本周，“日本将不再有大熊猫”的话题登上中国热门社交媒体微博的热搜榜，部分网友表示，在日本改变对台湾的态度之前，不配拥有熊猫。

周二，上野动物园的晓晓。

Some zoos have gone without pandas for long stretches of time, including the Smithsonian’s National Zoo in Washington, which endured an 11-month pause before welcoming a pair of pandas last year. (Foreign zoos usually agree to send young pandas back to China before they turn 4 so they can take part in a breeding program. Adult pandas go back when they are elderly, typically in their 20s.)

有些动物园曾长期没有熊猫，例如华盛顿史密森尼国家动物园在去年迎来一对熊猫之前，曾经历了11个月的“熊猫空窗期”。（外国动物园通常同意在熊猫幼崽四岁前将其送回中国，以便它们参与繁育计划；成年熊猫则在年老时返回，通常是在20多岁的时候。）

For foreign leaders, pandas are often high on the list of priorities. During a recent state visit to China, President Emmanuel Macron of France secured replacements for two elderly pandas that recently returned to China. A pair of pandas will come to France in 2027 under a 10-year agreement.

对于外国领导人来说，熊猫往往是优先事项清单上的重要一项。在最近对中国的国事访问期间，法国总统马克龙成功为两只近期返回中国的老年熊猫争取到了替代者。根据一项为期10年的协议，一对熊猫将于2027年前往法国。

Yun Sun, director of the China Program at the Stimson Center in Washington, said Beijing’s panda diplomacy was “more a policy instrument than conservation program.”

华盛顿史汀生中心中国项目主任孙韵表示，北京的熊猫外交“更多是一种政策工具，而非保护计划”。

“Given the current realities of the Sino-Japan relations, and the unlikelihood for Takaichi to take steps the Chinese would deem necessary and satisfactory to de-escalate, new pandas for Japan will be unlikely for the foreseeable future,” she said.

“考虑到当前中日关系的实际情况，以及高市早苗不太可能采取中国认为必要且满意的降温措施，在可预见的未来，日本很难迎来新的熊猫，”她说。

At Ueno Zoo, the last day of viewing for Xiao Xiao and Lei Lei is Jan. 25. Zoo officials have set up a reservation system for visits, to prevent overcrowding. More than 187,000 people are expected to visit in the coming weeks, subjected to a viewing limit of one minute.

在上野动物园，晓晓和蕾蕾的最后参观日被定为1月25日。动物园官员已设立预约参观系统，以防止过度拥挤。预计未来几周将有超过18.7万人前来参观，每位游客的观看时间限制为一分钟。

On Tuesday, a line to see pandas stretched for more than a mile. Television crews set up shop near bamboo groves. Zookeepers fielded questions from journalists about China-Japan tensions.

周二，看望熊猫的队伍绵延超过1.5公里。电视台工作人员在竹林附近搭建了拍摄点，动物园饲养员则回应了记者关于中日紧张关系的相关提问。

Ms. Usui and her family were giddy after they emerged from seeing Lei Lei. Her son Tsuyoshi Usui, 39, said he was pleased to be able to carry on the family’s panda-viewing tradition.

臼井一家看完蕾蕾后十分兴奋。她39岁的儿子、理发师臼井刚（音）说，能够延续家族看熊猫的传统，他感到很开心。

“It’s so sad that we won’t be able to see them anymore,” said Mr. Usui, a hairdresser. “They’re so cute.”

“以后再也看不到它们了，真的很伤心，”臼井刚说。“它们太可爱了。”

When the world’s tallest bridge opened in China’s Guizhou Province in September, a state-run political talk show filmed an episode from its summit to showcase what it called “the remarkable story of China’s path to modernization.”

当世界上最高的桥梁于9月在中国贵州省开通时，一档国有媒体的政治脱口秀节目在桥顶拍摄了一期节目，展示他们所称的“中国式现代化的精彩故事”。

A Canadian influencer on the panel marveled, “You have projects like this the West could only dream of.”

节目中一位加拿大网红惊叹道：“你们有这种西方难以企及的工程。”

CNN and NBC broadcast segments of their own about the bridge, which stands roughly 200 stories above a river. So did Matt Walsh, a right-wing commentator. “Why aren’t we building stuff like this any more?” he asked on his show on YouTube. He lamented that America had “lost the will and desire to do great things.”

CNN和NBC报道了这座高悬于离河面约200层楼高处的桥。右翼评论员马特·沃尔什也提到了它。“我们为什么不再建造这样的东西了？”他在YouTube节目中问道。他感叹美国已经“失去了做大事的意志和欲望”。

It would be a mistake to brush off the story of the Guizhou bridge as simply a victory of Chinese propaganda. The reactions to the bridge point to something deeper than admiration for Chinese infrastructure: a widening imbalance between the self-images of the world’s two largest powers.

将贵州大桥的故事简单归为中国宣传的胜利将是一个错误。对这座桥的反应指向了比对中国基础设施的钦佩更深层的东西：世界上两大强国自我形象之间日益扩大的失衡。

China has been buoyed this year by a surge of confidence, convinced that its governance model is ascendant and its rise inevitable. That confidence often overlooks serious vulnerabilities: a slowing economy, a deepening housing crisis and falling birthrates.

今年，中国因信心激增而振奋，坚信其治理模式更优越，其崛起不可避免。这种信心往往忽略了严重的脆弱性：经济放缓、不断深化的住房危机以及出生率下降。

The United States, meanwhile, has taken a different tone — one that China experts say exhibits defeatism. President Trump’s national security strategy, released this month, frames China more as a business competitor than as a rival for military, technological and ideological power. That is a shift from the views of prior administrations, including Mr. Trump’s own in his first term. Chinese analysts have interpreted the new strategy as evidence of American retreat.

与此同时，美国采取了不同的基调——中国专家称其表现出一种失败主义。特朗普总统本月发布的国家安全战略，将中国更多地定位为商业竞争对手，而不是军事、技术和意识形态力量的对手。这与前几届政府（包括特朗普的第一任期）的观点有所转变。中国分析人士将这一新战略解读为美国退缩的证据。

The document describes China as a “near peer.” It downplays Beijing’s military and technological strengths and reframes the relationship largely in commercial terms — a striking position when China sees itself advancing on every front.

该文件将中国描述为“实力相近的国家”。它淡化了北京的军事和技术优势，并主要从商业角度重新定义了这种关系——当中国认为自己在各领域都在前进的时候，这样的立场显得很惊人。

An official Chinese commentary published by the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy Studies Center argued that the “near peer” phrasing reflects “deep anxiety” within America’s decision-making establishment and amounts to a “painful” acknowledgment that earlier U.S. strategies have failed.

习近平外交思想研究中心发表的一篇中文官方评论认为，“实力近乎对等”的表述反映了美国决策层内部的“深切焦虑”，并相当于在“痛苦地”承认此前的美国战略的失败。

Similarly, Mr. Trump reversed Washington policy this month when he allowed the Silicon Valley giant Nvidia to sell advanced semiconductors to China, as long as the company shares the proceeds with the U.S. government. The move, in effect, cast competition with China as a losing battle best managed through short-term commercial transactions.

同样，本月特朗普逆转了华盛顿的政策，允许硅谷巨头英伟达向中国销售先进半导体，只要该公司与美国政府分享收益。这一举动实际上将与中国竞争视为一场注定失败的战斗，通过短期商业交易来管理最为妥当。

世界最高大桥花江峡谷大桥，位于中国贵州省。

A danger is that Mr. Trump, by downplaying the geopolitical rivalry with China, could give license to pessimism about America’s place in the world.

一个危险是，特朗普淡化与中国的地缘政治竞争可能助长对美国国际地位的悲观情绪。

The gap in superpower perception — overconfidence in the rising power and defeatism in the incumbent — could destabilize U.S.-Chinese relations. It makes it less likely the two sides can view each other’s strengths with clear eyes and heightens the risk of strategic miscalculation.

超级大国认知的差距——崛起大国过度自信、现任大国失败主义——可能破坏美中关系。这使得双方不太可能清晰看待彼此的优势，并增加了战略误判的风险。

“Scholars of international relations have long argued that overconfidence and false optimism can intensify conflicts and even contribute to the outbreak of wars,” said Haifeng Huang, a political scientist at Ohio State University. He pointed to how China’s belligerent brand of wolf-warrior diplomacy has alienated key trading partners, including Australia and the European Union. He cited Russia’s underestimation of the challenges it faced when it invaded Ukraine as another example of the perils of geopolitical hubris.

“国际关系学者长期以来认为，过度自信和虚假乐观会加剧冲突，甚至导致战争爆发，”俄亥俄州立大学政治学家黄海峰说。他指出，中国“好战”的狼战外交如何疏远了包括澳大利亚和欧盟在内的关键贸易伙伴。他还以俄罗斯入侵乌克兰时低估自身面临的挑战为例，说明地缘政治傲慢的危险性。

In recent years, the triumphant narrative that China has cultivated in its propaganda has taken root at home and echoed abroad.

近年来，中国在其宣传中构建的胜利叙事已在国内扎根，并在国外产生共鸣。

During the Covid-19 pandemic, global views of China dipped to their lowest in decades. But the Chinese public, its information filtered by a tightly controlled media, consistently overestimated the country’s international standing, according to two surveys conducted by Mr. Huang. The surveys showed that Chinese people believed that China was admired and endorsed far more widely around the world than Pew Research Center and Gallup surveys indicated.

在新冠疫情期间，全球对中国看法降至几十年来的最低点。但根据黄海峰进行的两次调查，中国公众的信息被严格控制的媒体过滤，一贯高估本国在国际上的地位。调查显示，中国人认为中国在世界范围内受到的钦佩和认可远超皮尤研究中心和盖洛普调查所显示的程度。

Beijing could not prevent a crisis of confidence in 2023 and 2024 after it ended its strict Covid policies. The housing market crashed, youth unemployment surged and consumer sentiment plunged. A slump in confidence, largely driven by the decline in real estate values, continues to hang over China’s economy.

结束严格的新冠防疫政策后，北京未能阻止2023年和2024年出现的信心危机。房地产市场崩盘，青年失业率飙升，消费者信心暴跌。主要由房地产价值下降驱动的信心低迷继续笼罩着中国经济。

But 2025 began differently. In January, DeepSeek announced a big advance in artificial intelligence and became a catalyst for a wave of technological confidence in China.

但2025年的开局有所不同。1月，DeepSeek宣布人工智能领域的一项重大进展，成为中国技术信心浪潮的催化剂。

Over the past two months, I’ve interviewed more than a dozen Chinese tech executives and investors. They said they felt more optimistic than at any point in the previous four years, even as they acknowledged that the wider economy was sluggish and that intense domestic competition was eroding their profit margins.

过去两个月里，我采访了十多位中国科技高管和投资者。他们表示，他们比过去四年中的任何时候都更加乐观，尽管他们承认，整体经济低迷，激烈的国内竞争正在侵蚀他们的利润率。

Market sentiment has shifted, too. Hong Kong’s Hang Seng stock index, heavily weighted toward Chinese companies, is up about 25 percent this year, compared with 16 percent for the S&P 500. The founder of a Shanghai-based A.I. start-up told me that major banks were so busy working on initial public offerings that it had become difficult to get meetings with their senior executives. A year ago, the banks were asking to see him.

市场情绪也发生了变化。以中国企业为主的香港恒生指数今年上涨了约25%，而标准普尔500指数的涨幅为16%。上海一家人工智能初创企业的创始人告诉我，各大银行都忙于首次公开募股，以至于很难与它们的高管见面。一年前，银行还在主动约见他。

China’s confidence is magnified by the acclaim it receives from abroad. Western influencers routinely post videos of China’s megaprojects — from high-speed rail hubs to astonishing urban skylines — that feed a narrative of Chinese competence. American commentators gush at China’s tech and manufacturing advances. State media eagerly amplifies these voices as proof that the world views China as the standard-bearer of modern development.

从国外获得的赞誉增强了中国的信心。西方网红经常发布中国大型项目的视频——从高铁枢纽到惊人的城市天际线，不断强化着有关中国实力的叙事。美国评论人士对中国的科技和制造业进步赞不绝口。官方媒体急切地放大这些声音，作为世界将中国视为现代发展标杆的证据。

The scholar Zhang Weiwei, whose political talk show featured the opening of the Guizhou bridge, has advised top leaders on how to shape China’s messaging abroad. In July, he devoted an episode to praising what he called the “wise Americans” who, in his telling, have begun to acknowledge China’s rise and America’s decline.

学者张维为的政治脱口秀节目谈到了贵州大桥的开通，他就如何塑造中国的对外信息向最高领导人提出建议。今年7月，他用一集的篇幅赞扬了他所谓的“美国智者”，用他的话来说，这些人已经开始承认中国的崛起和美国的衰落。

“Since Trump’s return to the White House,” he said, “more Western voices have been reflecting on what the U.S. has done wrong and what China has done right. Their conclusion: America’s problems are intractable.”

“总之，特朗普再度入主白宫以来，从各个角度反思美国做错了什么、中国做对了什么的西方人士越来越多，而他们最后的结论似乎都是一样的，即美国的问题基本无解，”他说。

Chinese state media also widely reported a Pew survey showing that views of the United States have worsened this year in 10 high-income countries while views of China have improved.

中国官方媒体还广泛报道了皮尤研究中心的一项调查，该调查显示，今年10个高收入国家对美国的看法有所恶化，而对中国的看法有所改善。

American elites who visit China typically stay at high-end hotels, visit companies that are making money and meet with officials who have survived under the iron rule of Xi Jinping, China’s top leader. A Hong Kong-based economist I interviewed, requesting anonymity because Beijing had warned the person not to speak ill of the economy, said visitors rarely got to meet with people who had lost their businesses or been detained under Mr. Xi. Americans also rarely encounter ordinary Chinese who face economic pressures that might feel familiar.

访华的美国精英通常下榻高端酒店，参观利润丰厚的企业，会见在习近平铁腕统治下生存下来的官员。一位要求匿名的香港经济学家接受采访时表示，访华者很少能接触到在习近平执政期间破产或被拘留的人士。美国人也很少接触到那些承受着他们可能熟悉的经济压力的普通中国人。

7月，上海世界人工智能大会上，众多人形机器人争相吸引观众目光。

China’s advances in artificial intelligence, robotics and manufacturing pose real challenges for the United States. But the larger risk is the extent to which the American psyche internalizes a Beijing-driven narrative of U.S. decline, often without understanding China’s own weaknesses.

中国在人工智能、机器人和制造业方面的进步对美国构成了真正的挑战。但更大的风险在于，美国人的心理在多大程度上内化了北京主导的美国衰落叙事，而往往不了解中国自身的弱点。

What worries some observers most is not China’s rising confidence but what they say is America’s diminishing faith in its own abilities. To Jianying Zha, a writer in New York City who has chronicled Chinese politics for decades, that shift is the real strategic danger.

一些观察家最担心的不是中国日益增强的自信，而是他们所说的美国对自己能力的信心正在减弱。几十年来一直记录中国政治的纽约作家查建英认为，这种转变是真正的战略危险。

“America’s greatest enemy is itself — losing faith in its core values and its fighting spirit,” she told me. “That’s exactly what plays into China’s ancient art of war: defeating you without waging war, because you’ll defeat yourself.”

“美国最大的敌人是它自己——对它的核心价值观和战斗精神失去信心，”她告诉我。“这正是中国古代兵法的精髓所在：不战而屈人之兵，因为你会打败自己。”

The Trump administration asked Congress on Wednesday to approve an arms package for Taiwan valued at more than $11 billion, in what would be a huge injection of military aid to the self-governing democratic island bracing for a long-feared invasion by China.

特朗普政府周三要求国会批准一项价值超过110亿美元的对台军售方案，这将为这个自治的民主岛屿注入大量军事援助，台湾正为人们长期担忧的中国入侵做准备。

If approved by Congress, as is likely given Taiwan’s strong bipartisan support, the package would exceed the $8.4 billion in arms sold to Taiwan during the Biden administration, according to figures recently compiled by the research arm of Britain’s House of Commons. And it would be equivalent to more than half the $18.3 billion in arms sold to Taiwan during President Trump’s first term in office.

根据英国下议院研究部门最近汇编的数据，如果国会批准——鉴于台湾享有两党广泛支持，这很可能实现——该方案将超过拜登政府期间对台出售的84亿美元武器。而且，这相当于特朗普总统第一任期内对台出售的183亿美元武器的半数以上。

The size of the proposal is likely to reassure China hawks in Washington who have grown uneasy about Mr. Trump’s commitment to defending Taiwan as he seeks to cut trade and economic deals with Beijing.

该方案的规模很可能安抚华盛顿的对华鹰派人士，随着特朗普寻求与北京达成贸易和经济协议，这些人士对其保卫台湾的承诺日益感到不安。

The arms sales cleared by the State Department include more than $4 billion each for high mobility artillery rocket systems, known as HIMARS, and M109A7 self-propelled howitzers. The package would also include more than $700 million for Javelin and TOW anti-armor missiles, as well as Altius kamikaze drones made by the military technology company Anduril.

国务院批准的军售包括价值超过40亿美元的高机动性火炮火箭系统（简称HIMARS）和M109A7自行榴弹炮。该方案还包括价值超过7亿美元的标枪和陶式反装甲导弹，以及由军事技术公司Anduril制造的Altius自杀式无人机。

In a statement on its website, the Pentagon’s Defense Security Cooperation Agency said the proposed sale would serve U.S. interests by supporting Taiwan’s “continuing efforts to modernize its armed forces and to maintain a credible defensive capability.”

五角大楼国防安全合作局在其网站上发表声明称，该拟议出售将通过支持台湾“持续努力实现武装力量现代化并维持可靠的防御能力”来服务美国利益。

Without explicitly mentioning Beijing, Taiwan’s defense ministry said in a statement that the weapons package would provide “strong deterrence and deterrence combat capabilities” and “asymmetric combat advantages.”

台湾国防部在声明中虽未明确提及北京，但表示该武器方案将提供“强大的威慑和威慑性作战能力”以及“不对称作战优势”。

U.S. officials and China experts have warned for years that China’s president, Xi Jinping, appears determined to regain control of Taiwan, which he considers a rogue province that belongs under Beijing’s control, and has been organizing his military for a potential invasion in the coming years.

美国官员和中国专家多年来警告称，中国国家主席习近平似乎决心重新控制台湾，他视台湾为属于北京管辖的叛离省份，并一直在为未来几年可能的入侵行动组织其军队。

Though not formally independent, Taiwan has been a self-governing democracy since China’s communist revolution and is a close U.S. ally and economic partner. Washington has supplied Taipei with advanced weapons for decades, even though it does not formally recognize Taiwan as a country and maintains a policy of “strategic ambiguity” regarding whether it would come to the island’s defense in the event of an attack.

虽然没有正式独立，台湾自中国共产主义革命以来一直是自治民主政体，也是美国的密切盟友和经济伙伴。华盛顿没有正式承认台湾为国家，并在发生攻击时是否保卫该岛问题上维持“战略模糊”政策，但数十年来一直向台北提供先进武器。

The announcement of the package came while Taiwan’s president, Lai Ching-te, is seeking to push through Taiwan’s annual budget as well as an additional $40 billion special budget for increased spending on military hardware up to 2033.

该方案宣布之际，台湾总统赖清德正寻求推动通过台湾年度预算以及一项额外400亿美元的特别预算，用于增加至2033年的军事装备支出。

Taiwan’s opposition Nationalist Party, which, together with a smaller opposition party, controls the majority in Taiwan’s legislature, has criticized Mr. Lai’s proposals, citing issues such as delayed deliveries of previous weapons orders and wasteful projects, and could delay or even block the proposed increases in military spending.

台湾的反对党国民党与一个较小的反对党一起控制议会多数席位，国民党批评赖清德的提案，理由包括先前武器订单交付延迟和浪费项目，并可能推迟甚至阻拦拟议的军费增加。

But politicians on both sides in Taiwan have indicated that they expect Mr. Lai’s proposed special budget to pass eventually, possibly after changes demanded by the opposition.

但台湾政界两大阵营都表示，他们预计赖清德提出的特别预算最终将获得通过，可能是在按反对党要求修改后。

“Taiwan will also continue to deepen cooperation with the United States and other security partners, steadily enhancing its defense capabilities and resilience,” Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement about the latest arms purchases from the United States.

台湾外交部在关于最新美国军购的声明中表示：“台湾也将继续深化与美国及其他安全伙伴的合作，稳步提升国防能力和韧性。”

The economic relationship between the United States and China is as fraught as it has been in recent memory, but that has not stopped a wave of Chinese food and beverage chains from moving aggressively into the United States for the first time.

尽管近年美中经济关系前所未有地紧张，但并未阻挡一波中国餐饮连锁品牌首次大举进军美国市场。

Chinese tea shops in New York and Los Angeles are offering consumers drinks topped with a milk or cheese foam. Fried chicken sandwich joints are trying to lure diners in California with affordable fast food. Restaurant and drink brands, some with thousands of stores in China, are taking root in American cities to escape punishing competition at home.

纽约和洛杉矶的中式茶饮店带来了奶盖或芝士顶饮品。在加州，来自中国的炸鸡三明治店铺试图以亲民价格吸引食客。为了逃离国内残酷的竞争，这些中国餐饮品牌——其中有一些在国内已经拥有了数千家门店——正在美国城市扎下根来。

HeyTea, a tea chain originating in Jiangmen, a city in southern China, has opened three dozen stores nationwide since 2023, including a flagship operation in Times Square, in New York. Two other rival tea brands, Chagee and Naisnow, opened their first U.S. stores this year. Luckin Coffee, a chain with three outlets for every one Starbucks in China, opened several spots across Manhattan.

起源于中国南方城市江门的喜茶，自2023年以来已在全美开设了30多家门店，包括一家位于纽约时报广场的旗舰店。另两家茶饮竞争对手霸王茶姬与奈雪的茶也于今年登陆美国市场。在中国门店数量三倍于星巴克的瑞幸咖啡已在曼哈顿开设多家分店。

Wallace, one of China’s largest fast-food chains with more than 20,000 stores selling fried chicken and hamburgers, landed in Walnut, Calif., for its first shop. Haidilao, China’s largest hot-pot chain, is redoubling its efforts in the United States after entering the market more than a decade ago.

中国最大西式快餐品牌之一、有两万余家炸鸡和汉堡门店的华莱士在加州核桃市开了美国首店。进入美国市场十余年后，中国最大火锅连锁海底捞如今正加倍推进在这里的扩张。

The American expansion comes at a challenging moment for China’s food and beverage industry. The Chinese economy is no longer growing at a breakneck pace, hampered by a long-running real estate crisis and sluggish consumer spending. To survive, restaurant chains are undercutting one another on prices, inciting an unsustainable, profit-killing race to the bottom.

中国餐饮业向美国市场的扩张正值一个面临严峻挑战的时刻：受长期房地产危机与消费疲软拖累，中国经济已告别高速增长时代。为了生存，餐饮连锁竞相压价，引发了一场不可持续、吞噬利润的恶性竞争。

“China’s food service industry is suffering from severe oversupply,” said Bob Qing, the founder of Tomato Capital, a Chinese firm that invests in restaurants.

“中国的餐饮是严重过剩的，”投资餐饮企业的番茄资本创始人卿永说。

In China, there are three times more food and beverage establishments per capita than there are in the United States, according to Mr. Qing. And half the new restaurants that open in China close within a year.

据他介绍，中国的人均餐饮门店数量是美国的三倍，且新开业餐厅中有半数撑不过一年。

时报广场的喜茶旗舰店内，员工正在制作茶饮。这家连锁品牌起源于中国南方城市江门。喜茶在中国国内有4000家门店，两年前开始在美国扩张。顾客经常在喜茶的时报广场旗舰店排队购买招牌的芝士奶盖水果茶。

Many Chinese fast-food restaurants have expanded internationally in recent years, especially in Asia, but the United States, according to Mr. Qing, holds significant appeal because it is “the only market as mature and large as China.”

近年来，许多中国快餐品牌已走向国际市场，尤其是在亚洲。但在卿永看来，美国市场独具魅力，因为这“算是极少数大家都还是愿意去做交流的”。

But a U.S. expansion is not without its challenges. Chinese brands must walk a geopolitical tightrope because of China’s position as an economic rival — or adversary — to the United States. While their global expansion is celebrated in China as a sign of the country’s progress and development, it can be viewed as a threat to America’s local businesses.

但进军美国市场并非没有挑战。由于中国被美国视为经济竞争对手乃至敌手，中国品牌必须在地缘政治上谨慎行事。虽然它们在全球的扩张在中国被视为国家进步与发展的象征，但在美国却可能被视为对本土企业的威胁。

Chinese food and beverage chains are moving into the United States as many American brands that stormed into China decades earlier are pulling back.

当中国餐饮连锁大举入美之际，那些几十年前大举进入中国市场的美国品牌却在收缩战线。

This month, Starbucks sold a controlling stake in its China operations to a Chinese investment firm, Boyu Capital. The fast-food conglomerate Restaurant Brands International sold most of Burger King’s China business to a Chinese private equity firm.

11月，星巴克将中国业务的控股权出售给中国投资公司博裕资本。餐饮巨头餐饮品牌国际公司也将汉堡王中国业务的大部分股权售予一家中国私募股权公司。

Domestic competition is especially fierce in China, where milk tea shops have sprouted up over the last decade. According to some estimates, there are 420,000 milk tea shops in China. Some stores have started selling drinks for less than $1, while others offer free online orders. Many of these brands carry an upscale version of bubble tea, which has been wildly popular for years. They brew loose tea leaves instead of using tea bags or powder and add fruit slices, fresh milk or whipped cream cheese foam on top.

中国本土市场竞争格外激烈，过去十年间，奶茶店如雨后春笋般涌现。据估算，目前全国奶茶店数量已达42万家。部分门店饮品售价已跌破7元人民币，还有品牌提供线上点单免单。多个主打高端新式茶饮的品牌近年来风靡市场。它们坚持使用原叶茶汤而非茶包或粉末，佐以鲜果切片、鲜奶或特调芝士奶盖。

HeyTea, which helped pioneer the trend and has about 4,000 stores in China, stopped accepting new franchise applications earlier this year. The company started its American expansion two years ago as the battle among tea brands intensified.

作为该趋势的引领者之一，在中国市场拥有约4000家门店的喜茶于今年初停止接受新的加盟申请。随着茶饮品牌竞争白热化，该企业于两年前启动了美国扩张计划。

At HeyTea’s store in Times Square one recent afternoon, lines stretched out the door with groups of customers waiting for elaborate drink concoctions such as a signature fruit tea topped with cheese foam.

近日的一个午后，纽约时报广场的喜茶门店外排起长龙，顾客们等待着购买精心调制的特色饮品，比如有芝士奶盖的招牌鲜果茶。

“They are getting so big now,” said Farida Abdelaziz, 20, who waited up to 30 minutes with her friends for drinks.

“它家生意太火爆了，”排队近半小时的20岁顾客法里达·阿卜杜勒阿齐兹感叹道。

Naisnow, a smaller Chinese tea brand, opened its first U.S. store in Flushing, a predominantly Asian neighborhood in New York, in October. The lines were long and sales were brisk. Its most popular items were avocado and kale-based drinks made for the United States. The company said it aimed to expand to 500 stores over the next three to five years.

规模小一些的中国茶饮品牌奈雪的茶于10月在纽约亚裔聚居区法拉盛开设美国首店。开业以来门庭若市，其中专为美国市场打造的牛油果羽衣甘蓝系列成为最畅销单品。该企业宣布未来三至五年计划拓展至500家门店。

在纽约法拉盛，一名奈雪的茶门店员工正在整理展示柜。法拉盛的这家店是奈雪的茶在美国的首店，该公司计划在未来几年内在美国扩张至500家门店。在以亚裔为主的法拉盛社区，奈雪的茶门店外顾客大排长龙购买牛油果羽衣甘蓝饮品。

Jerry Yao, Naisnow’s deputy manager in charge of overseas development, said one difference was already apparent: “The margins are definitely better than in China.”

奈雪的茶海外开发副经理姚建宇指出，美中市场有一个差异显而易见：“这里的利润率绝对高于中国。”

The transition to the United States is not always smooth. The hot-pot chain Haidilao, which has a cultlike following in China, struggled when it first entered the market in 2013.

进军美国市场并非总是一帆风顺。在中国拥有狂热粉丝的火锅连锁海底捞在2013年首次进入美国市场时就遇到了困难。

It did not provide English-language menus. The prices were higher than customers had expected. And its trademark over-the-top service came across as intrusive.

当时未提供英文菜单，定价超出顾客预期，其标志性的极致服务反被视作侵扰。

In China, Haidilao’s staff provides free manicures to customers waiting for a table, performs noodle-making dances to entertain guests and even peels shrimp by hand for diners. But the staff’s attentiveness was initially perceived as “eavesdropping” in the United States, said Qu Cong, the chief financial officer of Super Hi International Holdings, Haidilao’s overseas business entity.

在中国，海底捞员工会为等位顾客提供免费美甲服务，表演拉面秀来娱乐客人，甚至亲手为食客剥虾。但据海底捞海外业务主体特海国际首席财务官瞿骢透露，这种无微不至的服务最初被美国顾客视为“窥探隐私”。

“For American customers, there’s a strong sense of boundaries, so simply copying the practices used in China might not work,” Ms. Qu said.

“美国本地客人他会有一个比较强的边界感，完全照搬国内这套可能行不通的，”瞿骢表示。

Haidilao provided more guidance, in English, on how to navigate the hot-pot dining experience, in which diners dip various raw ingredients into a pot of boiling broth at the table. It tweaked the spice levels on some soup bases and expanded the beef selection.

为此海底捞增加了英文指引，帮助顾客理解火锅的用餐方式——食客需要将各种生食材放入桌上的沸汤中涮煮。它还调整了部分锅底的辣度等级，并丰富了牛肉品类选择。

The chain generated social media buzz over the summer when one of its restaurants appeared in the final episode of “And Just Like That…,” the sequel to “Sex and the City.” In the episode, the hostess sees that Carrie Bradshaw is dining alone and brings out “Tommy Tomato,” a plush doll, to fill the empty seat.

今年夏天，它的一家门店出现在《欲望都市》续集《就这样……》的大结局里，女服务员见凯莉·布拉德肖独自用餐，拿出一只名为“汤米·汤米拖”的番茄玩偶陪坐，引发社交媒体热议。

Chinese brands must weigh how much to cater to local tastes. When Wallace, the fast-food chain, opened its first U.S. store last year, it stripped down its sprawling menu to focus mainly on fried chicken sandwiches.

中国品牌还需权衡本地化程度。华莱士去年在美国开首店时，大幅精简菜单，集中主打炸鸡三明治。

Ricky Chen, the president of Wallace USA, said the standard chicken sandwich the company served in China came with lettuce and mayonnaise. For American diners, Wallace removed the lettuce and added a pickle, which is something Chinese customers “don’t really eat.” It also made its food saltier.

美国区总裁里奇·陈表示，中国版经典鸡腿堡带生菜和蛋黄酱，美国版去掉生菜，加了中国顾客“不怎么吃”的腌黄瓜，并把整体口味调得更咸。

Mr. Chen likes Wallace’s chances in the new market. “American fast food is getting too expensive,” he said. At its location in California, Wallace offers three full-size chicken sandwiches for $10. By comparison, a single chicken sandwich at Chick-fil-A or KFC sells for about $6.

他看好在这个新市场的前景。“美国快餐已经太贵了，”在其加州门店，三份足量鸡腿堡只需10美元。相比之下，Chick-fil-A或肯德基单份就要约6美元。

Wallace does not hide its Chinese roots, Mr. Chen said. But it also does not promote them. At first, most of his customers were Asian because they were familiar with the brand. That has since changed.

华莱士并不掩饰中国背景，里奇·陈说。但也没有刻意宣传。开业初期，顾客多是认识品牌的亚裔。但现在情况已经不同。

Wallace said it planned to open 10 more locations by the end of 2026.

华莱士称计划2026年底前再开10家店。

Chagee, a tea brand that started selling shares on the Nasdaq stock exchange in May, said customers did not perceive it as a Chinese brand. It derives its name from an ancient Chinese love story. Its logo features a concubine in a Beijing Opera costume, faintly resembling the Starbucks two-tailed mermaid logo.

5月在纳斯达克上市的霸王茶姬表示，顾客并未将其视作中国品牌。品牌名取自中国古代爱情故事，商标采用京剧旦角形象，隐约有点像星巴克双尾美人鱼。

Emily Chang, Chagee’s chief commercial officer in North America, said she was hired to develop the company as an ABC, or American-born Chinese, brand. She said that it had more than a dozen stores “in the pipeline” and that it planned to move beyond California. Chagee started in Los Angeles in April.

霸王茶姬北美首席商务官艾米莉·张说，她得到的任务就是把霸王茶姬打造成一个“ABC（美国出生的华人——译注）品牌”。她说目前已有十多家店在“筹备中”，并且计划走出加州。霸王茶姬4月在洛杉矶开设首店。

Mr. Qing, the restaurant investor and consultant, said that despite geopolitical tensions, the United States had welcomed China’s food and drink brands. He said the U.S. embassy in Beijing invited him and chain restaurant owners to tour various American cities earlier this year.

餐饮投资人卿永表示，尽管地缘政治紧张，美国对中国的餐饮品牌依然持欢迎态度。今年早些时候，美国驻北京大使馆还邀请他和多家连锁品牌负责人赴美多城市考察。

“This is one of the few industries in which people are still willing to engage in that kind of exchange,” he said.

“这是目前少数几个两国人民仍愿意相互交流的行业，”他说。

When China’s rulers ordered tens of thousands of soldiers to crush pro-democracy demonstrations in Beijing in 1989, Gen. Xu Qinxian was the commander who famously said no.

1989年，当中国统治者下令数万士兵镇压北京的民主示威活动时，徐勤先将军以拒绝执行命令而闻名。

He refused to lead his troops into the capital to help clear the protesters in Tiananmen Square by armed force. For decades, the story of his defiance remained murky.

他拒绝率领部队开进首都，以武力清剿天安门广场的抗议者。几十年来，他的反抗故事一直鲜为人知。

Now, a leaked video of his secret court-martial has shed a rare light on General Xu, and on the tensions inside the military as Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader at the time, prepared to send the soldiers into Beijing. That deployment culminated in the killing of hundreds — by some estimates, thousands — of unarmed people on June 3 and 4 as soldiers fired on protesters and bystanders.

如今，一段泄露的秘密军事法庭审判视频罕见地揭开了徐勤先的真实面貌，也展现了当时军队内部的紧张局势——时任中国最高领导人邓小平正准备向北京派遣军队。这一部署的高潮发生在6月3日和4日，士兵向抗议者和旁观者开枪，杀死了数百名手无寸铁的人（根据某些估计达到数千人）。

In the trial footage, General Xu explains that he refused the order as a matter of individual conscience and professional judgment. He tells judges that sending armed troops against civilians would lead to chaos and bloodshed, saying that a commander who carried out martial law poorly would go down as “a sinner in history.”

在审判录像中，徐勤先解释说，他拒绝命令是出于个人良心和职业判断。他告诉法官，派遣武装部队对抗平民会导致混乱和流血，并说执行戒严令不力的指挥官将成为“历史罪人”。

General Xu had risen from a family of small-time vendors to command the 38th Group Army, one of the military’s most prestigious units. But by the time of his court-martial in 1990, captured in the video, he had been stripped of his command, charged with disobeying martial law orders, and brought before the judges to defend the decision that abruptly ended his career.

徐勤先出身小贩家庭，却一路晋升至第38集团军司令——最负盛名的部队之一。但在1990年的军事法庭上，他被剥夺指挥权，被控违反戒严令，并且要在法官面前，为这个突然结束他职业生涯的决定辩护。

The six-hour video of the trial shows General Xu, in drab civilian clothes, entering a courtroom, guarded by three soldiers. Three judges gaze down from a podium. The courtroom is devoid of spectators.

长达六小时的审判录像显示，徐勤先穿着朴素便服，在三名士兵的看守下进入法庭。三位法官端坐审判席俯视全场。法庭中没有观众。

General Xu does not beg for mercy. Instead, he tersely lays out why he refused to comply.

徐勤先没有乞求宽恕。相反，他简洁地列出了他拒绝服从的原因。

“I said that whoever carries this out well could be a hero,” he tells the judges, “and I said that whoever carries this out poorly would become a sinner in history.”

他对法官们说：“执行这样的任务可能立功，也可能成为历史罪人。”

It is almost unheard of for such footage, describing internal decision-making and dissent within the Chinese military, to become public, and discussion of the 1989 crackdown is still heavily censored in China. The video, which has been shared on YouTube, a platform blocked in China, has drawn intense interest, with more than a million views on one channel alone.

这类描述中国军队内部决策和异议的录像非常罕见，而且关于1989年镇压的讨论在中国仍然受到严格审查。这段视频在中国被屏蔽的YouTube平台上分享，引起了人们的强烈兴趣，仅一个频道的观看量就超过了100万次。

“It is one thing to read about General Xu taking a stand and following his conscience. It is another to see him sitting in such a vulnerable position in court,” said Jeremy Brown, a professor at Simon Fraser University in Canada who wrote a history of the Tiananmen protests and crackdown. “To see Xu explain how he decided to refuse to follow a bad order from his well-informed military perspective forces the observer to think: ‘What would I do in this situation?’”

“读到徐将军秉持良知挺身而出的报道是一回事，亲眼目睹他在法庭上如此脆弱的姿态则是另一回事，”加拿大西蒙弗雷泽大学教授周杰荣(Jeremy Brown)表示。他曾撰写过天安门事件抗议与镇压的历史著作。“当看到徐勤先从深入的军事专业视角阐述拒绝执行错误命令的抉择时，观者不禁会自问：‘如果身处同样情况，我将如何抉择？’”

General Xu tells the judges that he was speaking only for himself, not for the 38th Army, in refusing the order.

徐勤先告诉法官，他拒绝命令只是代表他自己，而不是代表38军。

His account, along with the testimony of other generals cited by the judges and prosecutor at his trial, provides new insights into how Chinese leaders secretively developed and conveyed the plans for martial law and tried to stifle misgivings in the People’s Liberation Army.

他的陈述，以及法官和检察官在审判中引用的其他将军的证词，为中国领导人如何秘密制定和传达戒严令计划，并试图消除人民解放军的疑虑提供了新的视角。

General Xu, perhaps like other generals, was summoned individually to hear the orders. It may have been an effort to prevent them from sharing any concerns, said Wu Renhua, an independent historian from China who now lives in Taiwan. Mr. Wu, who has written several studies of the 1989 pro-democracy uprising and crackdown, also noted that General Xu’s trial showed how the martial law orders were delivered orally, leaving no paper trail.

徐勤先也许和其他将军一样，被单独召见听取命令。现居台湾的中国独立历史学家吴仁华说，这可能是为了防止他们相互交流自己的疑虑。吴仁华撰写过若干关于1989年民主起义和镇压的研究，他还指出，徐勤先的审判表明，戒严令是口头下达的，没有留下任何书面记录。

“This counts as the most important material I have come across in over 30 years of collecting material on June 4,” Mr. Wu said of the trial video.

“这可以说是我30多年收集六四资料当中所见到的最重要的一份，”吴仁华在谈到庭审视频时说。

“General Xu Qinxian’s insubordination was a pivotal event in the June Fourth events, but many details remained unclear before this footage emerged,” said Mr. Wu, who as a young scholar in Beijing went to Tiananmen Square in 1989 to join the protests.

“徐勤先将军抗命的事件，在整个六四事件当中是一个非常重大的事件，但是很多细节，这个录像出来之前的都是不明了的，尤其是关于戒严的决定，”吴仁华说。1989年，身为年轻学者的他曾前往天安门广场参与抗议活动。

Mr. Wu was among the people who posted the video online, but said he did so only after seeing that others had. He said he had been given the video by a trustworthy source, whose identity he declined to reveal, and that he checked details carefully to confirm that the footage was authentic. Professor Brown and another historian of the Tiananmen protests, Timothy Brook, a professor emeritus at the University of British Columbia, also said they saw no reason to doubt the authenticity of the video.

吴仁华是在网上发布视频的人之一，但他说他是在看到其他人上传之后才跟进的。他说，他从一个值得信赖的消息来源那里得到这段视频，但他拒绝透露此人的身份。他还说，他仔细检查了细节，以确认视频的真实性。周杰荣及另一位研究天安门事件的历史学家、不列颠哥伦比亚大学名誉教授卜正民(Timothy Brook)均表示，他们认为该视频真实可信。

The trial centers on a tense meeting between General Xu and his commanders on May 18, 1989. For weeks, students had occupied Tiananmen Square, demanding political liberalization. China’s top leader, Deng, wanted a decisive end to the tumult.

审判的焦点集中于1989年5月18日徐勤先和他的指挥官们的一场紧张的会议。当时学生们已经占领天安门广场几个星期，要求政治自由化。中国最高领导人邓小平想要果断地结束这场骚乱。

General Xu was in a hospital, recovering from a kidney stone, when he was summoned to the Beijing Military Region headquarters. China’s leaders had decided to impose martial law, and General Xu was being ordered to send about 15,000 armed troops from the 38th Army — an elite force based about 90 miles from Beijing — to be part of an initial force of 50,000.

正因肾结石住院治疗的徐勤先被叫到北京军区总部。中国领导人已经决定实施戒严令，徐勤先奉命从38军——一支驻扎在距离北京约150公里的精锐部队——派出大约1.5万名武装官兵，作为最初的5万人部队的一部分。

“I said that I had disagreements about this,” General Xu told the court, referring to the martial law order. The protests should be resolved mainly through political means, not by force, he said. If the central government ordered troops in, they should be deployed only to Beijing’s outskirts.

“我说这个事情我有不同意见，”徐勤先对法庭说，他指的是戒严令。他说，抗议活动应该主要通过政治手段解决，而不是武力。如果中央政府命令军队进驻，应该只部署在北京的郊区。

General Xu acknowledged that the 38th Army would have to comply. But he did not want to be part of the operation, he told the commanders.

徐勤先承认38军必须服从命令。但他告诉指挥官，他不想参与这次行动。

“I said to them that my superiors can appoint me, and they can also dismiss me,” he recounted in court, seeming to indicate that he was willing to lose his job over his decision.

“当时我说，我说上级可以任我，也可以免我，”他在法庭上叙述道，似乎表明他愿意因为自己的决定付出丢掉职位的代价。

One of the generals at the meeting, Dai Jingsheng, told investigators that he and his colleagues went silent for about a minute while they absorbed General Xu’s defiance. “Nobody expected words like this from Xu,” said General Dai, according to the testimony.

会议上的一位将军戴敬生告诉调查人员，他和同事们沉默了大约一分钟，徐勤先的反抗让他们一时没回过神来。“没想到徐会说这些话，”戴敬生在证词中说。

Under questioning, General Xu acknowledged that the military answered to China’s Communist Party leaders. But he suggested that it should also be subject to a broader authority.

在质询之下，徐勤先承认军队听命于中国共产党领导人。但他表示，军队也应该受到更广泛的权威的约束。

He told the commanders that an order so momentous should first be discussed more widely among senior party and government officials and — crucially, perhaps — by the National People’s Congress, the legislature that some moderates in the party also hoped would step in to halt the slide toward carnage.

他对指挥官们说，如此重大的命令，首先应该在党政高级官员之间进行更广泛的讨论，最关键的是，也许应该由全国人民代表大会进行讨论。一些党内温和派人士也希望全国人民代表大会能够介入，阻止事态滑向屠杀。

To support his case, General Xu said the People’s Liberation Army had been “incorporated into the state system” and so answered not only to party leaders, but to the government and lawmakers. (Communist Party leaders, especially Xi Jinping, have since condemned the idea of a “national” military as a threat to the party’s control of the armed forces.)

为了支持自己的观点，徐勤先说，解放军已经“纳入国家体制”，因此不仅对党的领导人负责，也应对政府和立法者负责。（此后中共领导人——尤其是习近平——谴责“国家军队”理念威胁了党对武装力量的控制。）

General Xu “seemed to believe that there was a possibility that his expression of concern would go up the food chain to higher levels that would essentially pump the brakes on martial law,” said Joseph Torigian, a historian of the Chinese Communist Party at American University in Washington who has examined the trial video.

徐勤先“似乎相信，他表达的担忧有可能会上升到更高层，从根本上踩下戒严令的刹车，”华盛顿美利坚大学研究中国共产党的历史学家唐志学(Joseph Torigian)看过审判录像后说。

“The trial reveals, I think, that there was a sense even within the military that conversation, dialogue, to try to win over the students — that option had not been exhausted,” Mr. Torigian said.

唐志学说：“我认为，这次审判表明，甚至在军方内部也有一种感觉，通过对话争取学生支持的途径尚未穷尽。”

General Xu seemed to wrestle with how far to take his dissent.

徐勤先似乎在纠结该将异议表达到何种程度。

Pressured by his commanders during the Beijing meeting, he relayed the martial law orders to a 38th Army colleague in a phone call, but also told him that he did not want to participate. He later called one of the commanders who had passed on the orders, repeating that he did not want to be involved. The next day, after a 38th Army officer beseeched General Xu to stay with the army if it went into Beijing, he said he would. But by then, it was too late to change course.

在北京会议期间，迫于指挥官的压力，他在电话中向38军的一位同事转达了戒严令，但同时告知对方自己不愿参与。后来，他打电话给一名下达命令的指挥官，重申自己不想参与其中。第二天，一名军官恳求徐勤先若部队进京务必随行。徐勤先表示同意。但到那时，改变态度为时已晚。

“This is intolerable,” one vice chairman of the Chinese military said of General Xu’s actions, according to the trial testimony. Senior leaders cut off his contact with 38th Army officers, and he was later detained.

“这是不能容忍的，”根据审判证词，中国军方的一位副主席在谈到徐勤先的行为时说。高层领导人切断了他与38军军官的联系，他后来被拘留。

Under a new commander, the 38th Army became notorious for its bloody advance into Beijing, shooting bystanders as well as people who resisted.

在新指挥官的领导下，38军以向北京进军的血腥行动而臭名昭著，不仅射杀抵抗者，连路人也不放过。

General Xu was sentenced to five years in prison, and he died in 2021 at 85. Parts of his story surfaced in books and news reports. In 2011, he told a Hong Kong newspaper that he had no regrets about his decision.

徐勤先被判处五年徒刑，他于2021年去世，享年85岁。他的部分故事出现在书籍和新闻报道中。2011年，他对一家香港报纸表示，对自己的决定并不后悔。

BEIJING — On a spring evening in 1989, with the student occupation of Tiananmen Square entering its second month and the Chinese leadership unnerved and divided, top army commanders were summoned to headquarters to pledge their support for the use of military force to quash the protests.

北京——1989年春，学生对天安门广场的占领进入了第二个月，中国领导层紧张不安、意见相左。一天傍晚，军方高级将领被召集到军区总部，表态支持动用武力镇压抗议者。

1989年5月19日凌晨，中共中央总书记赵紫阳出现在天安门广场，呼吁学生停止绝食，这是他最后一次公开露面，当时他已失去了权力。时任中央办公厅主任温家宝（右二）后来成为国家总理。

One refused.

有一个人拒绝了。

1989年6月4日，在天安门广场附近的尸体。学生们抗议的是腐败、不公和通货膨胀。

In a stunning rebuke to his superiors, Maj. Gen. Xu Qinxian, leader of the mighty 38th Group Army, said the protests were a political problem, and should be settled through negotiations, not force, according to new accounts of his actions from researchers who interviewed him.

在强大的第38集团军担任军长的徐勤先少将，令人震惊地违抗了上级。根据采访过徐勤先本人的几名学者新近对其举动做出的描述，他当时表示，抗议活动属政治问题，应该通过谈判解决，不应动用武力。

李晓明（左五）在北京和战友的合影。照片由李晓明本人提供。

“I’d rather be beheaded than be a criminal in the eyes of history,” he told Yang Jisheng, a historian.

“宁杀头，不做历史罪人，”他告诉历史学者杨继绳。

现居澳大利亚的李晓明，是1989年奔赴天安门广场的军人之一。他说，“我们的部队受到的教导是，我们不准朝学生开第一枪。”

Although General Xu was soon arrested, his defiance sent shudders through the party establishment, fueling speculation of a military revolt and heightening the leadership’s belief that the student-led protests were nothing less than an existential threat to the Communist Party.

尽管徐勤先很快被捕，但他抗命一事令党内权势集团深感震动，不仅加剧了对军队倒戈的猜忌，也让领导层更坚定地相信，由学生领导的抗议活动是关涉共产党存亡的重大威胁。

The new details of the general’s defiance and the tremors it set off are among a series of disclosures about the intrigue inside the Chinese military preceding the bloody crackdown in Beijing on June 3 and 4, 1989, some contained in army documents spirited out of China in recent years, and others revealed in interviews with party insiders, former soldiers and other people directly involved in the events 25 years ago.

得到披露的一系列信息揭示了，1989年6月3日到4日的血腥镇压前，解放军内部的角力，其中包括徐勤先抗命的新细节，以及由此引发的震动。这些信息中，有一部分包含在近年来流出中国的军方文件里，还有一些则是通过对直接参与25年前的事件的党内人士和退伍军人进行采访而获得。

Contrary to rumors at the time, the documents show that army units did not fight one another. But they show that General Xu’s stand against the threatened use of lethal force fanned leaders’ fears that the military could be dragged into the political schisms and prompted party elders to mobilize an enormous number of troops.

与当时的传闻不同，这些文献显示，解放军并未内斗。不过，它们的确表明，徐勤先对采取致命武力所表达的反对立场，激起了领导层的忧虑——军队可能会陷入政治分裂。他的表态也促使党内元老调集了规模庞大的部队。

Even after a quarter century, the night of bloodshed remains one of the most delicate subjects in Chinese politics, subjected to unrelenting attempts by the authorities to essentially erase it from history. Yet even now, new information is emerging that modifies the accepted understanding of that divisive event.

尽管四分之一个世纪已经过去，但是那个血腥的夜晚却依然是中国政治中最敏感的话题之一，当局将它实质上从历史中抹去的努力一直没有懈怠。然而，就算到了今天，也仍有新的信息浮出水面，修正人们对这起分歧深重的事件公认的理解。

At the time, Deng Xiaoping, the party patriarch who presided over the crackdown, praised the military for its unflinching loyalty, and the image of a ruthlessly obedient army lingers even in some foreign accounts. But the military speeches and reports composed before June 4 that year, and in the months after, show soldiers troubled by misgivings, confusion, rumors and regrets about the brutal task assigned to them. “The situation was fluid and confusing, and we underestimated the brutality of the struggle,” Capt. Yang De’an, an officer with the People’s Armed Police, wrote in one assessment found among military documents acquired by the Princeton University Library. “It was hard to distinguish foes from friends, and the target to be attacked was unclear.”

当时，主持镇压的党内元老邓小平赞扬军队忠诚不二，就连一些国外的报道也保留了部队坚定冷酷地服从命令的形象。不过，1989年6月4日前夕及后来几个月的军队讲话和报告显示，对于下达的残酷任务，官兵们心存疑虑、感到困惑，流言和悔恨也让他们颇为不安。在普林斯顿大学图书馆(Princeton University Library)取得的中国军方文献中，有一份评估报告写道，武警杨德安称，“情况多变，很混乱。我们对斗争的残酷性估计不足。敌友难分，攻击目标也不明确。”

Some former soldiers and officials who agreed to talk about their roles in the crisis said they were alarmed by the state-enforced censorship and silencing of witnesses that has left a younger generation largely ignorant about one of the most devastating episodes in modern Chinese history.

一些退伍官兵同意谈论自己在这场危机中扮演的角色。他们表示，国家强制实施的审查，再加上制止目击者发声的做法，使得年轻一代对中国当代史中堪称最为沉痛的这一事件基本一无所知，这让他们忧心忡忡。

“I personally didn’t do anything wrong,” said Li Xiaoming, who in 1989 was among the troops who set off toward Tiananmen Square, “but I feel that as a member, a participant, this was a shame on the Chinese military.”

李晓明说，“我个人没有做错事，但我觉得作为其中一个成员，作为一个参与者，这是中国军队的一种耻辱。”1989年的时候，他就身在向天安门广场进发的部队当中。

While official secrecy makes it difficult to confirm elements of the new accounts, scholars who have reviewed the army’s internal reports, including unit-level descriptions of mobilization as well as detailed accounts about the violent confrontations with protesters, say they are authentic. An earlier attempt to pierce the party’s imposed blackout, “The Tiananmen Papers,” a collection of documents published in 2001, has been dogged by controversy about its intent and authenticity.

虽然官方的遮掩使得这些新说法的细节难以得到确认，但是研究过解放军内部报告的一些学者表示，这些说法真实可信。他们浏览的报告包括对部队动员的描述，以及对军队与抗议人群暴力冲突的详尽叙述。此前也曾有人尝试还原共产党强行抹去的记忆，于是有了2001年发表的文献集《天安门文件》(The Tiananmen Papers)，但外界对其意图与真实性的争议一直挥之不去。

The interviews and documents show that even at the time few in the military wanted to take direct responsibility for the decision to fire on civilians. Even as troops pressed into Beijing, they were given vague, confusing instructions about what to do, and some commanders sought reassurances that they would not be required to shoot.

采访与文献显示，就连在当时，军队里也没什么人原意承担向平民开火的直接责任。就在部队迫近北京的当口，他们接到的行动指令仍然含糊不清、令人费解，还有部分军官希望得到保证，他们不会接到开枪的命令。

In an interview, a former party researcher with military ties confirmed the existence of a petition, signed by seven senior commanders, that called on the leadership to withdraw the troops.

一位与军队有联系的前党内研究人员在接受采访时确认，存在一份由七名军官联署的请愿书，呼吁领导层退兵。

“The people’s military belongs to the people, and cannot oppose the people,” stated the petition, according to the former researcher, Zhang Gang, who was then trying to broker compromise between the protesters and the government. “Even less can it kill the people.”

这名前研究人员名为张刚，当时曾试图协调抗议者与政府达成妥协。他表示，请愿书中写道，“人民军队是属于人民的军队，不能同人民对立，更不能杀死人民。”

There were fewer episodes of outright military defiance, like that of General Xu. No dissident, he had written a letter in blood during the Korean War begging to join the army as an underage youth, according to Mr. Yang, the historian who was among the few people to interview him after 1989. The elite 38th Group Army, which General Xu commanded from a base about 90 miles south of Beijing, was a bulwark protecting the capital.

像徐勤先那样直接违抗军令的事件则更为少见。历史学者杨继绳是少数几个在1989年后采访过徐勤先的人之一，根据他的说法，徐勤先并非异见人士，当初为参加朝鲜战争而写下血书，不到年龄的他才得以参军。徐勤先指挥的第38集团军是精锐部队，驻扎在北京以南约150公里处，担负着保卫首都的重任。

Having witnessed the student protests during an earlier visit to Beijing, where he was receiving treatment for kidney stones, he feared the consequences of quelling them with troops trained to fight foreign invaders. Sending armed soldiers onto the streets, he warned, would risk indiscriminate bloodshed and stain the reputation of the People’s Liberation Army.

在事件之前，他曾赴京治疗肾结石，亲眼目睹了学生的抗议活动。军队的训练目的是抵御外敌入侵，他担忧，动用军队镇压抗议会产生恶劣的后果。他警告，派全副武装的军人上街，可能会造成子弹不长眼的流血，玷污人民解放军的声誉。

“If there was a conflict with ordinary civilians, and you couldn’t tell the good guys from the bad guys, who would shoulder responsibility for problems?” he later said, according to Dai Qing, a Beijing writer who had access to separate interview notes with the general.

据北京的作家戴晴所看到的访谈资料，徐勤先后来表示，“和老百姓发生冲突，好人坏人又分不清，出了事谁负责？”

In the end, General Xu agreed to pass the orders to his officers, but not to lead armed troops into the capital. He was arrested, expelled from the party, and served four years in prison, Mr. Yang said.

杨继绳表示，徐勤先最终同意向手下的官兵传达命令，但他本人不会带领武装部队进入首都。徐勤先遭到逮捕，并被开除党籍，还在监狱服刑四年。

In poor health, General Xu lives in a sanitarium for military officials in Hebei Province in northern China, according to another researcher who interviewed him and demanded anonymity for speaking. The general declined to be interviewed for this article.

据另一位采访过徐勤先的研究人员透露，徐勤先身体虚弱，住在河北省一家军队领导专用的干休所里。这名研究人员要求匿名。徐勤先拒绝就这篇文章接受采访。

According to an internal history of the army among the Princeton documents, his act kindled rumors among soldiers that officers of the 38th Group Army had resigned en masse and that the army had refused to enter Beijing. To counter the hearsay, officers of the 38th were assembled to condemn their former commander and pledge unyielding obedience in enforcing martial law, according to the army documents.

普林斯顿文献中部队内部的历史档案显示，徐勤先的举动在士兵中催生了谣言：38军的军官集体辞职，该军拒绝入京。军方文件显示，为了破除谣言，38军的军官被召集在一起，谴责他们的前任军长，并宣誓坚决服从命令，实行戒严。

But General Xu was not the sole dissenter within the military elite. Col. Wang Dong, a People’s Liberation Army officer and aide to a respected veteran commander, organized the petition of military leaders opposed to martial law, said Mr. Zhang, the former researcher. With Colonel Wang now dead, Mr. Zhang and others decided that the time had come to step forward with details of his role organizing the petition.

但徐勤先并不是军队高层中唯一的异议者。前研究员张刚表示，人民解放军军官王东上校是一位受人尊敬的老司令员的助手，他组织反对戒严的军队高层进行请愿。王东如今已经去世，张刚和其他人认为现在是时候公布他组织请愿的细节了。

Mr. Deng and his allies were so alarmed by spreading misgivings about martial law that they disconnected many of the so-called red phones that allowed senior officials to speak with one another, Mr. Zhang said. But Colonel Wang offered to use his elite connections to organize a show of dissent from within the military.

张刚表示，军中对戒严令的疑虑的扩散让邓小平等人非常担心，以至于他们切断了很多所谓的“红机子”。高层官员本可以通过这种电话互相联系。但王东试图利用自己的高层关系，组织军队内部人士表达不同意见。

Copies of the petition spread around Beijing that May, but its origins and authenticity were unclear, diminishing its impact. But Mr. Zhang, who had contacts with senior military officers, now says that he wrote down the statement and names during a phone call from Colonel Wang and then passed it on to friends who made copies.

1989年5月，请愿书的复印件传遍北京，但其来源和真实性却并不清晰，因此削弱了它的影响力。张刚曾与军队高级军官有联系，他如今表示，自己边接王东的电话，边记下了请愿书的内容和名字，之后将请愿书交给朋友，由他们进行了复写。

In interviews, several of those who took part in back-channel efforts to defuse the crisis described how Colonel Wang held a secret meeting with Wang Juntao and Zhou Duo, two liberal intellectuals who were trying to avert a military assault, even as they chided protesters for disorganization and naïveté. Both men recalled a long night in Mr. Zhou’s home when they peppered Colonel Wang with questions about attitudes in the army. He played down the risk of mass bloodshed, both men recalled.

几名曾私下努力化解危机的人接受采访时称，王东与王军涛、周舵举行了秘密会议，这两名自由主义知识分子当时在设法阻止军队发起攻击，同时也斥责抗议者组织混乱，思维天真。两人回忆称，他们在周舵家待了一晚上，反复询问王东有关军队态度的问题。两人均称，王东淡化了出现大规模流血事件的风险。

“He said, ‘If the Communist Party fires on and kills ordinary people, then wouldn’t the Communist Party be committing suicide?'  ” Mr. Zhou, who lives in Beijing, said in a telephone interview. He said they “absolutely never imagined it would turn out as brutally as it did.”

目前居住在北京的周舵接受电话采访时表示，“他说，‘如果共产党射杀平民百姓，那共产党不是在自杀吗？’”周舵表示，他们“绝对没有想到，最后的结局会是那么残酷”。

Even as the petition circulated around Beijing, 180,000 to 250,000 troops from across the country were mobilizing to enforce martial law. Although the resistance by ordinary Beijingers is well established, the documents and interviews describe the dismay, frustration and rumors that unsettled the military when residents were galvanized into defiance, rather than being cowed by the rush of soldiers clutching guns.

就在请愿书被传至北京各处之时，共有18万至25万名士兵从全国各地赶来实施戒严。虽然北京普通民众进行反抗的举动已经得到充分证实，但相关文件及采访内容说明，荷枪实弹的士兵进入北京时，居民们没有感到害怕，而是奋起反抗，由此在部队内部引发了沮丧、失望的情绪及谣言，这些都让士兵们有所动摇。

Many Beijing residents were swept up by the idealism of the students and their grievances over corruption, inequality and inflation. From May 19, as word of impending martial law leaked, tens of thousands of them poured out of their homes to stop the troops at key intersections, pleading with them to understand the students’ demands.

学生们的理想主义及他们对腐败、不平等现象和通货膨胀的愤懑之情感染了很多北京居民。从5月19日开始，随着即将戒严的消息走漏至外界，数以万计的民众走出家门，来到主要路口阻止军队进城，并恳请他们理解学生的诉求。

One soldier, Chen Guang, then 17, from rural Henan Province, said his unit was enveloped by students after its convoy of 10,000 soldiers was halted on Chang’an Avenue on May 20.

当时，来自河南农村的士兵陈光只有17岁。陈光表示，他的部队被学生围了起来，在此之前，也就是5月20日，他所属部队的一万名士兵被拦在长安街上。

For three days, as the weary, marooned soldiers clutched their rifles in the wilting sun, he recalled how residents and students brought them food and escorted them to toilets, all the while bombarding them with the message that theirs was a just cause. “Even in the restroom, there was no reprieve,” Mr. Chen said in an interview. “If one student would go hoarse yelling, another would take his place.”

他回忆称，在三天的时间里，疲惫不堪、孤立无援的士兵在炙烈的太阳下紧握枪支，居民和学生给他们送来食物，并带他们上厕所，还无时不刻地向他们灌输信息——他们从事的是正义的事业。“就连上厕所都不会停，”陈光接受采访时说。“一个人讲累了讲哑了，另一个上来继续跟你讲。”

Rattled by the impasse and worried that troops might waver in their loyalties, the commanders ordered their withdrawal, the documents say. “We wrote our names and addresses in their notebooks and there were quite a few tears as we pulled out,” Mr. Chen said, recalling makeshift banners that hung from windows hailing their loyalty to the people. “It felt like a victory after a battle.”

文件显示，这一僵局和军队的忠诚可能出现动摇的情况让将领们非常担心，他们命令士兵们撤退。“我们走的时候还在本子上给他们留下名字和通信地址，撤走时很多人都哭了，”陈光说，“感觉跟打了场胜仗似的。”陈光回忆称，车窗内挂着临时做好的横幅，宣示着他们对人民的忠心。

Over the next 10 days, several former soldiers said they were fed a confusing diet of indoctrination at their encampments on the outskirts of Beijing. They studied the speeches of Mr. Deng and were told the demonstrations were the work of a subversive minority bent on toppling the Communist Party.

几名军人表示，在接下来的十天时间里，他们在北京郊区的营地被灌输了一些令人困惑的思想。他们学习邓小平的讲话，被告知示威活动是由少数颠覆分子发起的，目的是推翻共产党。

Even as the troops imbibed the propaganda, the notion that they might have to shoot the demonstrators appeared remote, recalled Mr. Li, who was then 25 and a radar operator in the 39th Group Army. “Our unit was educated that we mustn’t fire the first shot at students, and if we fired the first shot at the public, we’d be responsible to history,” he said in an interview from Australia.

李晓明回忆称，即便在士兵们学习这种宣传思想时，可能必须朝示威者开枪的概念似乎还很遥远。李晓明当时25岁，是第39军的一名雷达兵。他在澳大利亚接受采访时表示，“我们的部队受到的教导是，我们不准朝学生开第一枪，如果我们朝老百姓开了第一枪，我们就得对历史负责。”

Even after over a week of such training, commanders worried about the commitment of the troops to take the square.

即使是接受了一周这样的培训，将领们依然担心军队夺取广场的决心有多大。

“They’re baffled why so many members of the public have taken part in the demonstrations,” Gen. Yang Baibing, whose older brother was a confidant of Mr. Deng’s, told military officers on May 31, according to a compilation of party and military speeches at Princeton. “Some comrades have all kinds of views and doubts about stopping the turmoil.”

根据普林斯顿大学图书馆汇总的党内及军队讲话记录，杨白冰上将曾在5月31日对军官们说，“有些同志对为什么有这么多群众参加游行有些困惑不解。”杨白冰的兄长是邓小平的亲信。“有些同志对制止动乱还有这样那样的想法和疑惑。”

The messages of restraint were jettisoned on June 3, when the troops received orders to retake the square by early the next day “at any cost,” former soldiers said.

6月3日，保持克制的讯息被放弃了。一些当年的士兵表示，军队当天接到了命令，要求“不惜一切代价”在第二天清早夺回天安门广场。

“Reach Tiananmen or die,” party members from one battalion declared in a ceremony before they set off, according to one entry. In some units, troops recorded their determination with oaths signed in blood. But amid the bravado, there was also fear and confusion, magnified by rumors of mutinous units who might turn on other armies, according to soldiers who were there and the military documents.

根据一份记录，有一个营的党员在出发前的仪式上宣称，“誓死到达天安门。”有些部队的军人用写血书立誓的方式表决心。然而，根据现场士兵的描述和军方的文件，这种虚张声势还夹杂了恐惧和困惑，而后两种情绪因抗命部队可能会调转枪头的流言而被强化。

“At that moment, some officers and soldiers experienced some mental turmoil,” read an account by the 63rd Group Army, based in Shanxi in northern China, which was one of the principal forces mobilized for the crackdown. “Some felt the situation was grim and experienced some panic. Some felt that they had already tried to go in twice, and going in this time would be perilous.”

驻扎在山西省的第63集团军的一份记录显示，“当时部分官兵思想上出现了一些波动。”63军是被调集实施镇压的主要力量之一。“有的感到事态严重，心里有些恐慌。有的感到两次都没法进去，对这次开进有些畏难。”

When troops from the 39th Group Army’s 116th Division left its temporary base in far eastern Beijing, Mr. Li, the radar operator, recalled his biggest fear was that they might have to fight the 38th Group Army, whose loyalty had been thrown in doubt by General Xu’s defiance and rumors of wider defections. He grabbed a semiautomatic rifle and extra ammunition just in case.

雷达兵李晓明回忆，当39军116师离开北京东部远郊的临时驻地时，他最大的恐惧是，他们部队可能要打38军，因为后者的忠诚因徐勤先的抗命及存在更广泛背叛的传言而遭到质疑。

As the troops set out with their orders to take the square and other important positions, they lacked standard tools for crowd control as well as clear instructions about how and when to use their guns.

当军队带着夺取广场等重要场所的命令进发时，他们既缺乏控制群众的常规工具，又没有得到关于如何开枪及何时开枪的清晰指示。

“There was a lack of protective equipment and nonlethal weapons,” read one People’s Armed Police assessment of the crackdown in the documents. “Imagine if they had tear gas, flash grenades, shields, helmets and other protective equipment.”

“缺乏防护器材与非致命性武器，”文献中有一份关于武警部队对镇压行动的评估报告这样写道。“缺乏防护器材与非致命性武器。设想，若配有催泪弹、闪光弹、盾牌、头盔等防护器材。”

Mr. Li said he was spared the decision of whether to fire by his divisional commander, Xu Feng, who ignored instructions to plow toward Tiananmen. Instead, after learning of the unfolding bloodshed, Commander Xu kept his troops in the eastern suburbs, where the turmoil was less intense, and pretended his battalion’s communication radio had malfunctioned. Mr. Li can still recall the frantic calls: “Division 116, Division 116, where are you?”

李晓明说，他所在的116师的师长许峰没有理会向天安门广场进发的命令，他因而无需决定是否开枪。在得知军队展开血腥镇压后，许峰在冲突较为缓和的东郊按兵不动，还假装军中的无线电通讯出了故障。李晓明仍然能回忆起电台里疯狂的呼叫：“116师、116师，你们在哪儿？”

In the precincts where there was large-scale killing, confusion dogged the troops at every turn, the documents suggest.

文献显示，在发生大规模屠杀的区域，军队在每次行动的关头都颇为迷惘。

Chinese leaders approved the use of live fire around 9:30 to 10 that night, according to Wu Renhua, a scholar who took part in the protests. He has written two books in Chinese about the military crackdown and now lives in Los Angeles. Passed down orally, he said, the directive lacked guidance on when or how to shoot and it most likely did not reach all units.

根据参加了当时抗议活动的学者吴仁华的说法，领导层大约是在当晚9：30分到10点之间批准使用实弹。吴仁华撰写了两本关于军方镇压行动的中文书籍，目前生活在洛杉矶。他说，指令是口头传达的，关于何时开枪、如何开枪并没有给出指示，而且，很有可能未能传达到所有部队。

“Whether the shooting should be into the air or into the crowd was left unclear,” he said in a telephone interview.

他在电话采访中说，“朝天鸣枪，还是对人群开枪，没有说清楚。”

Wang Yongli, who was riding with the 38th Army, described how some civilians threw bricks and bottles at the troops and then attacked military vehicles with iron bars. He said that the soldiers, shaking with fear and rage, first shot into the air, but at some point, the rifle sights were aimed at the crowds. “No one said to shoot, but it was, like, ‘We’re going to teach them a lesson,’ and then those soldiers unleashed their fury,” he said. “You pulled the trigger and bang, bang, bang, it was like rain, the noise shaking the heavens.”

据与38军同行的王永利（音译）描述，一些民众向军队扔砖头和瓶子，然后用铁棍袭击军车。他表示，战士们又紧张又生气，一开始向天开枪，不过，到了某个时刻，他们的步枪瞄准了人群。“也没说打，（当官的）就说‘狠狠教训下这些人，’那战士手就发狠了，”他说。“啪，一扣那个扳机，轰轰轰轰轰，跟下雨似的，哗地就朝天上打去了。”

Although an accurate death toll may never be known, estimates of the number of civilians killed by gunfire or crushed by tanks range from the hundreds to more than 1,000. The government estimated that 300 lives were lost, many of them soldiers.

尽管确切的死亡人数或将永远不得而知，但据估计，被枪杀或遭坦克碾死的平民少说也有数百人，多则有逾千人。政府估算的数据是300人丧生，其中许多是士兵。

The next day at dawn, Mr. Yang, the historian, then a reporter with the Xinhua news agency, made his way to Muxidi, a neighborhood west of the square that was the scene of some of the fiercest resistance to the military attack.

第二天的黎明，当时是新华社记者的历史学者杨继绳设法赶到了木樨地。这一带位于天安门广场以西，军队的攻击行动在此遭遇到了某些最为激烈的抵抗。

He saw a tangle of abandoned bikes, charred vehicles and drying pools of blood. “Everywhere you looked there were bullet holes,” he recalled. But perhaps the most chilling sight, he said, was the crimson-colored graffiti slathered across a wall. “People’s Blood!” it read. “People’s Blood!”

他看到废弃的自行车凌乱地堆在地上，还有烧焦的车辆和一滩滩干涸的血迹。他回忆道，“到处都是枪眼。”不过他说，最让人不寒而栗的场景，也许是一面墙上涂抹的厚厚的血红大字，写的是“人血！人血！”

Finland’s prime minister apologized on Wednesday to China, South Korea and Japan in an effort to quash a growing racism scandal in the country.

芬兰总理周三向中国、韩国和日本致歉，试图平息在该国愈演愈烈的种族歧视丑闻。

Over the past few days, lawmakers in Finland’s most prominent anti-immigration party have posted pictures of themselves pulling back their eyelids, apparently in support of a Finnish beauty queen who was stripped of her crown last week for making a similar gesture.

过去几天，芬兰最具影响力的反移民政党的多名议员接连发布自己扯眼角的照片，显然是在支持一位因做出类似手势而被剥夺桂冠的芬兰选美皇后。

“I sincerely apologize for recent offensive social media posts by individual members of Parliament, which do not reflect Finland’s values of equality and inclusion,” Prime Minister Petteri Orpo said in a Chinese-language statement posted on social media on Wednesday by the Finnish Embassy in China.

芬兰驻华大使馆周三在社交媒体发布了总理佩泰里·奥尔波的中文声明，他在声明中表示：“对于近期个别议员在社交媒体上发表的冒犯性言论，我深表诚挚歉意。这些言论与芬兰倡导的平等与包容的价值观背道而驰。”

Finland’s embassies in South Korea and Japan shared similar statements on social media.

芬兰驻韩、驻日大使馆也在社交媒体上发布了类似致歉声明。

The controversy began this month when pictures surfaced on social media of Sarah Dzafce, Finland’s representative to the Miss Universe pageant, pulling her eyelids back at a slant, according to Helsingin Sanomat, Finland’s largest newspaper.

据芬兰最大报纸《赫尔辛基新闻报》报道，这场争议始于本月。当时，芬兰环球小姐参赛代表萨拉·扎夫采在比赛中向后拉扯眼皮形成斜眼的照片在社交媒体流传开来。

Ms. Dzafce apologized in an Instagram statement last week.

扎夫采上周在Instagram上发文致歉。

“One of the most important things for me is respect for people, their backgrounds and differences,” she said, adding, “I take responsibility for my actions and will learn from this.”

她表示：“对我而言，尊重每一个人、尊重不同的背景与差异是至关重要的事。我会为自己的行为负责，并从中吸取教训。”

The Miss Finland Organization then stripped her of her title, saying in a statement that her comment was “offensive, harmful and completely against the values” of the pageant.

随后，芬兰小姐组委会撤销了她的冠军头衔，并在声明中指出，她的这一行为“具有冒犯性和危害性，完全违背了选美赛事的核心价值观”。

前芬兰小姐萨拉·扎夫采上周在赫尔辛基的新闻发布会上。

Ms. Dzafce did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

截至目前，扎夫采尚未回应置评请求。

The loss of her title angered lawmakers in the Finns Party, a populist, anti-immigration party that is part of Mr. Orpo’s governing coalition.

扎夫采被夺头衔一事激怒了正统芬兰人党的议员们。这个民粹主义反移民政党属于奥尔波领导的执政联盟。

Two Finnish members of Parliament, Juho Eerola and Kaisa Garedew, and a Finnish lawmaker in the European Parliament, Sebastian Tynkkynen, posted social media images similar to the ones Ms. Dzafce posted. Ms. Garedew said in her caption that she was giving herself a temple massage; Mr. Eerola and Mr. Tynkkynen posted captions in support of Ms. Dzafce.

芬兰国会的尤霍·埃罗拉、凯萨·加雷杜以及欧洲议会中的芬兰议员塞巴斯蒂安·滕基宁均发布了与扎夫采动作相似的照片。加雷杜称自己只是在做太阳穴按摩；埃罗拉和滕基宁则在配文中表示支持扎夫采。

Mr. Eerola has since apologized. “I am deeply sorry that my photo caused offense to Asian people,” he told The Asahi Shimbun, a Japanese newspaper.

此后埃罗拉已公开致歉。他向日本《朝日新闻》表示：“我发布的照片冒犯了亚洲民众，对此我深感愧疚。”

Ms. Garedew declined to apologize in an interview with Iltalehti, a Finnish tabloid. Mr. Tynkkynen criticized China in a post on Instagram and said resisting Ms. Dzafce’s “cancellation” was the right choice.

而加雷杜在接受芬兰小报《晚报》采访时拒绝道歉。滕基宁则在Instagram上发文指责中国，还称抵制对扎夫采的“取消行动”才是正确选择。

The three lawmakers did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

这三位议员目前均未回应置评请求。

Mr. Orpo has denounced the posts as “childish” and “stupid.” But the controversy is still brewing in Finland. The national broadcaster, Yle, reported that the lawmakers’ party is set to meet on Thursday to discuss it.

奥尔波已公开谴责这些照片既“幼稚”又“愚蠢”，但争议在芬兰境内仍持续发酵。芬兰国家广播公司报道称，涉事议员所属政党将于周四召开会议，就此事展开讨论。

Robots made by Chinese start-ups have danced on television, staged boxing matches and run marathons. When one company debuted its most recent robot last month, people online in China thought it looked so much like a human that workers cut the robot’s leg open onstage to reveal its metal pistons.

中国初创企业研发的机器人已登上电视跳舞、登台打拳击，还跑马拉松。某公司上月推出最新机器人时，中国网友认为外观太像真人，现场工作人员只得当众剖开机器人腿部，展示其内部金属活塞结构。

Despite the public fascination, concerns are growing that China’s robotics industry is moving too fast. The robots can mimic human movement and even complete basic tasks. But they are not skilled enough to handle many tasks now done by people. And with so many companies rushing into the industry, Beijing is warning of a bubble.

尽管这类机器人引发了公众的广泛关注，外界对中国机器人产业发展过快的担忧也在不断加剧。目前这些机器人虽能模仿人类动作，甚至完成一些基础任务，却尚未熟练掌握人类当下承担的诸多工作技能。面对大批企业争相涌入的现状，中国政府已发出行业泡沫预警。

Over 150 manufacturers are vying for a piece of the market, the Chinese government said last month, warning that the industry was at risk for a crowd of “highly repetitive products.”

北京上月指出，国内已有超过150家制造商竞逐机器人市场，并警示称，该行业正面临“产品同质化严重”的风险。

“China has an attack-first approach when it comes to the adoption of new technology,” said Lian Jye Su, a chief analyst at Omdia, a tech research firm. “But this generally leads to a large number of vendors fighting for small chunks of market.”

“在新技术应用方面，中国向来采取先发制人的策略，”科技研究机构Omdia首席分析师苏连杰表示。“但这种模式通常会导致大量厂商瓜分有限的市场份额。”

As it did with electric vehicles, China has gained an early global lead in making robots. China is using more robots in factories than the rest of the world combined, moving farther ahead of Japan, the United States, South Korea and Germany. Robots have transformed Chinese factory lines, doing things like welding car parts and lifting boxes onto conveyor belts.

如同在电动汽车领域的发展路径，中国在机器人制造领域也已率先抢占全球领先地位。中国工厂的工业机器人使用量，已超过世界其他国家的总和，将日本、美国、韩国和德国远远甩在身后。机器人已然改变了中国工厂的生产线运作模式，承担起焊接汽车零部件、将箱子搬上传送带等一系列工作。

It’s not unusual to run into a robot in Beijing. Robotic machines deliver room service in hotels and buff the floors in airports. Four-legged robots help deliver packages on university campuses. Robots cooked and served food in canteens during the 2022 Winter Olympics.

在北京，偶遇机器人早已不是新鲜事：酒店里，机器人负责送客房服务；机场里有机器人承担拖地工作；大学校园里，四足机器人帮忙配送包裹；2022年冬奥会期间，食堂里有机器人负责烹饪和上菜。

But China is also working on the next frontier of robotics: robots that not only look but think and act like people. Public and private investors spent over $5 billion this year on start-ups making humanoid robots — the same amount spent in the last five years combined.

与此同时，中国正致力于攻克机器人领域的下一个前沿课题——研发不仅外形酷似人类，更能像人类一样思考、行动的机器人。今年以来，公共与私人投资者已向人形机器人初创企业投入超50亿美元，这一数额相当于过去五年的投资总和。

Chinese robot makers have significant advantages. They are able to draw on the world’s strongest manufacturing sector and the backing of multiple levels of government. They are getting better at making parts like the motors and specialized screws in robot joints.

中国机器人制造商具备诸多显著优势，他们能依托全球最完备的制造业体系，再加上各级政府的支持，企业在电机、机器人关节专用螺丝等零部件制造等技术方面正持续精进。

今年，中国多家公共和私营企业纷纷向机器人初创企业投入资金。政府宣称该行业将助力推动中国经济增长。8月，宇树及其他初创企业制造的人形机器人在北京参加了一场仅限机器人的体育赛事。一些中国创始人与投资者坚信，人形机器人可能是人工智能在现实世界中形成实体力量的途径。

What Chinese robot start-ups have not been able to do is make humanoid robots that could transform the economy.

然而，中国机器人初创企业至今未能实现的目标是打造出足以推动经济变革的人形机器人。

Experts say the humanoid robots that have been released so far struggle with unpredictable situations. They can be programmed to follow patterns, but they have a hard time reacting to events as they happen.

专家表示，目前已推出的人形机器人难以应对各类突发状况。它们可以按照预设程序完成重复性动作，却很难对实时发生的事件做出灵活反应。

Chinese companies are realizing that making robots is not enough, said P.K. Tseng, a research manager at TrendForce, a market research firm in Taipei, Taiwan. “Without use cases, even if they can ship the products, they don’t know where to sell them,” he said.

“中国企业逐渐意识到，光造出机器人还远远不够，”台湾市场研究机构集邦科技研究经理曾伯楷指出。“如果没有具体的应用场景，就算产品能生产出来，企业也不知道该卖给谁。”

Company founders and investors believe that artificial intelligence will be the answer and that humanoid robots could be how A.I. becomes a physical force in the world.

企业创始人和投资者坚信，人工智能将是破局的关键，而人形机器人有望成为人工智能在现实世界中发挥实际作用的载体。

In Silicon Valley, tech executives often talk about achieving what they call artificial general intelligence. There is no settled definition, but for many it is the idea that A.I. could match the powers of the human mind.

在硅谷，科技高管们常常提及实现“通用人工智能”的目标。这一概念目前尚无统一定论，但在很多人看来，通用人工智能指的是具备与人类大脑同等能力的人工智能。

In China, robotics companies claim they will make A.G.I. a reality.

在中国，机器人企业纷纷宣称将率先让通用人工智能成为现实。

“For people in China, A.G.I. should be something that benefits people in their everyday life,” said Sunny Cheung, a fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, which studies Chinese government influence. “Robotics is a testament of applied A.I. in real life.”

“对于中国人而言，通用人工智能理应是一种能切实惠及人们日常生活的技术，”研究中国政府影响力的机构詹姆斯敦基金会研究员桑尼·张（音）表示，“机器人技术正是人工智能在现实生活中落地应用的绝佳例证。”

But there is a big gap between this vision and the current abilities of robots. Many Chinese robotics start-ups are working on software they hope will transform robot behavior the way large language models have transformed A.I.

但这一愿景与当前机器人能力存在巨大鸿沟。许多中国机器人初创企业正着力研发相关软件，希望能像大型语言模型颠覆人工智能领域那样，彻底改变机器人的行为模式。

One way that robots can learn to act more like people is by repetitively doing basic tasks. For example, a limited number of robots made by UBTech Robotics, which is based in Shenzhen like dozens of other start-ups, have been lifting boxes over and over again at electric vehicle factories.

机器人要学会更贴近人类的行为方式，一种途径是通过反复执行基础任务积累经验。例如，与众多同行一样扎根深圳的优必选科技已在部分电动汽车工厂部署少量机器人，让它们反复练习搬箱子的动作。

Another way to train robots is by simulation, in which they watch a lot of videos of the thing they will do. Many of China’s leading robotics start-ups use software and chips made by the Silicon Valley company Nvidia to run their robots’ simulation training, Mr. Cheung said.

另一种训练方式是模拟教学，即让机器人观看大量相关任务的视频。桑尼·张称，中国多家头部机器人初创企业均采用美国硅谷企业英伟达研发的软件和芯片，开展机器人的模拟训练工作。

在7月于上海举行的世界人工智能大会上，与会者得以与松延动力公司一款具有逼真特征的人形机器人进行互动。宇树科技宣布了上市计划，这可能帮助它成为中国领先的人形机器人制造商。展会上的机器人零部件。中国机器人制造商在批量生产方面日益精进，使企业相较于外国竞争对手更具优势。

While no one is certain how useful humanoid robots will turn out to be, China has already put two million manufacturing robots to use. Factories in China installed nearly 300,000 new robots last year, while American factories installed 34,000.

尽管人形机器人未来的实用价值尚无定论，但中国目前已投入使用200万台工业机器人。去年，中国工厂新增工业机器人安装量近30万台，而美国工厂的安装量仅为3.4万台。

Chinese factories have also gotten better at making robots, a major advantage over foreign firms that struggle to manufacture them in large numbers.

中国工厂在机器人生产制造方面的能力也日益提升，使其相较于难以实现大规模生产的外国企业具备显著优势。

The start-up Unitree Robotics has announced plans to do an initial public offering, which could provide the capital it needs to help it become China’s leading humanoid robotics maker. Its latest basic humanoid robots are priced at about $6,000 in China, a fraction of the price of robots made by Boston Dynamics, long the leading American player in the industry. Boston Dynamics was acquired by the South Korean giant Hyundai Motor in 2020.

初创企业宇树科技已宣布计划启动首次公开募股，此次上市有望为其募集足够资金，助力其成为中国首屈一指的人形机器人制造商。该公司最新推出的基础款人形机器人，在中国市场的售价约为4.2万元，仅为长期领跑美国机器人行业的波士顿动力公司同类产品售价的一个零头。波士顿动力于2020年被韩国巨头现代汽车收购。

Major A.I. research labs, universities and start-ups in the United States have bought Unitree robots in recent months to test the robots’ abilities and interactions with their software.

近几个月来，美国多家顶尖人工智能研究实验室、高校以及初创企业纷纷采购宇树科技的机器人，用于测试其性能以及与自研软件的适配性。

Chinese robot makers can offer lower prices in part because they are getting a lot of funding from municipal governments and state-backed hedge funds. The Beijing government has started a $14 billion fund to invest in A.I. and robotics. Shanghai set up an embodied A.I. fund with an initial investment of about $77 million.

中国机器人制造商之所以能给出更低的售价，部分原因在于它们能获得大量来自地方政府和国有对冲基金的资金支持。北京市政府已设立规模达140亿美元的基金，专门用于人工智能和机器人领域的投资；上海市也成立了一支具身智能专项基金，初始投资额约为7700万美元。

机器人学习更接近人类行动的一种方式就是反复执行基础任务。宇树机器人的价格仅为波士顿动力公司所产机器人的一个零头。优必选公司于2019年进行的演示。

In Hangzhou, a tech hot spot, Unitree and a rival, Deep Robotics, are part of a group of A.I. and robotics start-ups that the Chinese media has crowned the “six dragons.” The A.I. start-up DeepSeek is another.

在科技热点城市杭州，宇树科技与其竞争对手云深处科技同属被中国媒体誉为“六小龙”的人工智能与机器人初创企业阵营，人工智能企业深度求索也位列其中。

This month, Deep Robotics said it had raised $70 million in its latest funding round.

本月，云深处科技宣布在最新一轮融资中募集到7000万美元资金。

The humanoid robot maker Robotera said in November that it had raised more than $140 million from investors, including the venture capital arm of Geely, an electric carmaker, and the Beijing city government’s dedicated investment funds for robotics and artificial intelligence.

人形机器人制造商星动纪元则于11月表示，已从投资者处筹集超1.4亿美元资金，投资方包括电动汽车制造商吉利集团的风险投资部门，以及北京市政府专门设立的机器人与人工智能投资基金。

In late November, the Chinese central government set up a committee to establish industry standards. Members included founders, university research labs, municipal government hedge funds and Chinese state officials working on cryptography.

11月下旬，中国中央政府成立专项委员会，负责制定机器人行业标准。委员会成员涵盖企业创始人、高校研究实验室代表、地方政府对冲基金负责人，以及从事密码学研究的中国政府官员。

On a leafy campus in eastern China, crews are working day and night to finish a mammoth round structure with two sweeping arms the length of aircraft carriers.

在中国东部一座绿树成荫的校园里，施工人员正夜以继日地建造一座庞大的环形建筑，两翼延伸的双臂长度堪比航空母舰。

On former rice fields in the country’s southwest, a hulking, X-shaped building is being built with equal urgency under great secrecy. That facility’s existence wasn’t widely known until researchers spotted it in satellite images a year or so ago.

在中国西南部一片昔日的稻田上，一座巨型X形建筑也在高度保密的状态下紧锣密鼓地施工。直到大约一年前，研究人员通过卫星图像发现了这一设施，其存在才被广泛知晓。

Together, the colossal projects are China’s most ambitious efforts yet to harness an energy source that could transform civilization: fusion.

这两项巨型工程是中国迄今为驾驭核聚变能源所做的最具雄心的尝试，这种能源或将彻底改变人类文明。

Fusion, the melding together of atoms to release extraordinary energy, uses fuels that are plentiful, carries no risk of meltdowns and leaves no long-lived radioactive waste. It promises near-limitless energy that might not only satisfy the surging demand for electricity to power artificial intelligence but also end reliance on the fossil fuels that are perilously overheating the planet.

核聚变是将原子聚合以释放巨大能量的过程，其使用的燃料资源丰富，不存在熔毁风险，也不会产生长期放射性废物。它承诺近乎无限的能源，不仅能满足人工智能发展带来的激增电力需求，还能终结人类对化石燃料的依赖——正是对化石燃料的过度使用，让地球面临危险的升温危机。

Scientists first mused a century ago about fusion, the energy of the stars. In recent decades, they have made major strides toward reproducing the process in the laboratory using magnets and lasers. Yet forcing unruly atoms to combine is vastly more difficult than splitting them, as in the fission process that produces nuclear power today.

一个世纪前，科学家们首次构想出核聚变这种恒星能源的可能性。近几十年来，他们通过磁体和激光技术在实验室中重现核聚变过程，取得了重大进展。然而，迫使难以控制的原子发生聚合，远比核裂变（当前核能发电所采用的原子分裂技术）困难得多。

A fusion reactor must first heat hydrogen to temperatures hotter than the sun, turning it into plasma, the fourth state of matter. Then it needs to hold this violent plasma together for long enough that the atoms fuse and disgorge energy. China, the United States and other countries are now racing to develop the machines that can pull all this off and survive to do it again and again, reliably enough to power a grid.

核聚变反应堆必须首先将氢加热到比太阳还高的温度，使其转化为物质的第四态等离子体，然后需要将这种处于剧烈状态的等离子体约束足够长的时间，直至原子发生聚变并释放能量。如今，中国、美国及其他国家正展开激烈竞赛，争相研发能够实现这一过程的设备，并确保其具备足够可靠性反复运行，最终为电网供能。

The world’s two superpowers are in a tightening contest to dominate the energy future. Under the Trump administration, the U.S. is intent on producing oil, gas and coal and selling it abroad. Its chief economic rival, China, has become the world’s dominant supplier of clean energy in the form of solar panels, batteries and electric vehicles.

中美这两个世界超级大国正围绕未来能源主导权展开一场日益激烈的角逐。特朗普政府执政期间，美国致力于石油、天然气和煤炭的生产与出口；而其主要经济竞争对手中国已成为太阳能电池板、电池和电动汽车等清洁能源领域的全球主要供应国。

Fusion could change the calculus for both nations and the globe. Whoever conquers it could build plants around the world and forge new alliances with energy-hungry countries. But the Americans and the Chinese have very different strategies for getting there.

核聚变可能会改变两国乃至全球的能源格局。任何一个率先掌握这项技术的国家都能在全球范围内建造核电站，并与能源需求旺盛的国家建立新的联盟。但中美两国实现这一目标的战略路径却截然不同。

The United States is counting on private industry and American innovation to deliver results, with government agencies providing targeted support. From coast to coast, a fleet of start-ups has brought new urgency and ingenuity to the quest.

美国寄望于私营企业和本国的创新能力来取得突破，政府提供有针对性的支持。从东海岸到西海岸，一批初创企业为这一探索注入了新的紧迫感和创造力。

On the other side of the world, China’s government has made fusion a national priority, marshaling resources at daunting speed. Recently, a Shanghai start-up essentially matched an engineering breakthrough by America’s best-funded fusion company, Commonwealth Fusion Systems, in much less time. Over the summer, the Chinese government and private investors poured $2.1 billion into a new state-owned fusion company. That investment alone is two and a half times the U.S. Energy Department’s annual fusion budget.

而在世界的另一端，中国政府将核聚变列为国家优先事项，正以惊人的速度调配资源推进相关研究。最近，上海一家初创企业在更短时间内基本实现了美国资金最雄厚的核聚变公司联邦聚变系统公司取得的一项工程突破。今年夏天，中国政府和私人投资者向一家新成立的国有核聚变公司注资21亿美元，仅这一笔投资就相当于美国能源部年度核聚变预算的2.5倍。

中国BEST托卡马克装置将于10月开工建设。几十年前，中国曾与法国合作开发其EAST托卡马克装置。

The two countries’ progress could soon be tested head-to-head.

两国的进展很快可能迎来正面较量。

Commonwealth says that by 2027, the experimental device it is building in Massachusetts will pull off a key feat: producing more energy than it takes to run. That would be a signal that fusion could someday generate electricity for data centers, steel mills and more.

联邦聚变系统公司表示，其在马萨诸塞州建造的实验装置将在2027年前实现一项关键成就：产生的能量超过运行该装置所需消耗的能量。这一突破将标志着核聚变有望在未来为数据中心、钢铁厂等设施提供电力。

China’s leading plasma-physics lab is aiming for its new machine, which has the modest name of BEST and will sit in the twin-armed building in the country’s east, to cross that milestone in the next few years, too.

中国顶尖的等离子体物理实验室也设定了类似目标——位于中国东部那座双臂形建筑之内的一个名为“夸父启明”(BEST)的新型装置，也计划在未来几年内实现这一里程碑。

对中国聚变企业的投资激增——按企业所在地划分的年度聚变股权投资额。注：2025年数据截至12月5日。其他国家包括德国、英国、加拿大、日本、法国、以色列、瑞典和澳大利亚。来源：聚变能源基地

“It’s a very tight schedule,” said Lian Hui, a scientist at the lab. Even so, “we are very confident we will be able to achieve BEST’s research goals,” he said.

“时间非常紧张，”该实验室的科学家连辉表示。“即便如此，我们对实现BEST的研究目标仍充满信心。”

A National Priority

国家优先事项

China’s commitment to science, and fusion, comes from the very top.

中国对科学研究及核聚变的重视源自国家最高领导层。

The government’s new five-year plan, covering 2026 through 2030, promises “extraordinary measures” to secure breakthroughs in fusion energy and other areas. China’s state-owned nuclear company is preparing detailed fusion research proposals, calling it “the main racetrack in future scientific and technological competition among the great powers.”

中国政府涵盖2026至2030年的五年规划承诺，将采取“超常规措施”，确保在核聚变能源及其他关键领域取得突破。中国国有核电企业正制定详细的核聚变研究提案，称其为“各大国未来科技竞争的主赛道”。

The country was a minnow in fusion only two decades ago, and it grew by teaming up with other nations. It worked closely with France to develop its most modern tokamak, a type of doughnut-shaped fusion machine. It became a key contributor to the 33-nation ITER fusion experiment (pronounced “eater”). During much of the past decade, American and Chinese researchers conducted joint experiments and extolled their nations’ “long-term friendship” in plasma physics.

仅在20年前，中国在核聚变领域还微不足道，但其通过与其他国家合作逐步发展壮大。中国曾与法国密切合作，研发出最先进的托卡马克装置（一种环形核聚变设备），并成为由33个国家参与的国际热核聚变实验堆(ITER)项目的关键贡献者。在过去十年的大部分时间里，中美研究人员开展联合实验，并盛赞两国在等离子体物理领域的“长期友谊”。

Now, Chinese labs and companies are pouring concrete for cutting-edge research facilities of their own. The Chinese Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Plasma Physics is building both the new BEST tokamak and a 100-acre complex nearby where researchers will develop and test components to operate under the extreme conditions of a fusion device. Scientists there are also sketching out another tokamak that would power a pilot fusion plant in the 2030s and ’40s.

如今，中国的实验室和企业正在建设自主研发的尖端研究设施。中国科学院等离子体物理研究所不仅在建造新型BEST托卡马克装置，还在附近建设一个占地约40公顷的综合园区，研究人员将在那里研发和测试能在核聚变装置极端条件下运行的组件。该所科学家还在规划另一台托卡马克装置，计划在21世纪30至40年代驱动一座示范性核聚变电厂。

Richard Pitts, a British-French physicist at ITER, visited the BEST site in January last year, when it was little more than an empty platform. Today, it’s half finished.

ITER的英裔法国物理学家理查德·皮茨于去年1月参观了BEST项目现场，当时那里还只是一片空旷的平台；而如今，该设施已完成一半建设。

China has learned a great deal from being part of ITER, and now it is applying that knowledge to make its own advances, Dr. Pitts said. “Every time I go there, I’m taken aback by the sheer numbers of people and the sheer efficiency with which things get done,” he said.

皮茨表示，中国从参与ITER项目中获益良多，现在正将这些知识应用于自主创新。“每次去那里，我都会被庞大的人力规模和极高的执行效率所震惊，”他说。

Even if the core technology works, however, fusion reactors won’t power the world until companies figure out how to build and operate them affordably and at industrial scale.

然而，即便核心技术可行，核聚变反应堆也无法为世界提供能源，除非企业能以经济可行的方式实现工业规模的建造与运营。

来自中国的核聚变研究增多——《核聚变》期刊作者分布占比。注：分析排除国籍不明的作者。来源：OpenAlex（通过特殊竞争性研究项目获取）

And on that front, China’s expertise in engineering and construction gives it a distinct advantage, said Jimmy Goodrich, a senior fellow at the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. “The risk for the United States is we create a viable technical pathway first, but then China engineers and scales it up before we can,” Mr. Goodrich said.

加州大学全球冲突与合作研究所高级研究员吉米·古德里奇表示，在这方面，中国在工程和建设领域的专业知识赋予了其独特优势。“美国面临的风险是，我们可能率先找到可行的技术路径，但中国会比我们更快实现工程化和规模化应用，”他指出。

Recently, Commonwealth got a glimpse at how quickly China is moving.

最近，联邦聚变系统公司得以窥见中国的推进速度。

Last year, scientists with the company published academic papers describing one of their biggest accomplishments: the enormous, D-shaped magnets that will sit inside its new tokamak in Massachusetts. They are made with materials that carry electricity with exceptionally low resistance, allowing them to produce superstrong magnetic fields.

去年，该公司的科学家发表学术论文，描述了他们的一项重大成就：即将安装在马萨诸塞州新型托卡马克装置内的巨型D形磁体。这些磁体采用超低电阻导电材料制成，能够产生超强磁场。

Then, this past summer, scientists with a Shanghai start-up, Energy Singularity, published a paper about their own, very similar magnet.

随后在今年夏天，上海初创企业“能量奇点”的科学家发表了一篇论文，介绍了他们自主研发的、与前者极为相似的磁体。

To Dennis Whyte, a Commonwealth co-founder, this was no mere feat of reverse engineering. Mobilizing the supply chains and manufacturing expertise needed to build and test such a magnet so quickly showed “really amazing skill,” Dr. Whyte said.

对联邦聚变系统公司联合创始人丹尼斯·怀特而言，这绝非简单的逆向工程。如此迅速地整合供应链、调动制造专业知识来建造和测试这种磁体，展现了“令人惊叹的技术实力”。

The Laser Path

激光路径

In the southwest, another front in China’s fusion ambitions is racing ahead with much less public fanfare.

在中国西南部，核聚变雄心的另一条战线正以低调得多的方式快速推进。

Scientists at the China Academy of Engineering Physics, in Sichuan Province, studied attentively as their counterparts at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California toiled for years before achieving a tantalizing demonstration of fusion’s potential. In late 2022, the lab’s lasers caused a pellet of hydrogen to “ignite,” meaning the reaction produced more energy than the energy from the lasers.

加州劳伦斯·利弗莫尔国家实验室的研究人员历经多年努力，终于在2022年底实现了令人振奋的核聚变潜力演示——其激光装置成功使氢靶丸实现“点火”，即反应产生的能量超过了激光输入的能量，与此同时，中国工程物理研究院的科学家们密切关注着这一进展。

实验室科学家连辉表示：“时间非常紧张。”他指的是中国政府设定的目标：未来几年内，BEST系统需实现短暂的能量产出超过运行消耗。

A senior scientist at China’s academy quickly called for his country to follow suit.

该院一位资深科学家迅速呼吁中国跟进这一路线。

Livermore’s achievement marked “a major scientific breakthrough that will be memorialized in the annals of human history,” Zheng Wanguo said in an interview in early 2023. China, he said, should “strengthen investment and research” in fusion energy, “taking laser fusion ignition as the main technical approach.”

“利弗莫尔实验室的成就标志着人类历史上一项重大科学突破，”郑万国在2023年初的采访中表示，中国应“加大对核聚变能源的投资和研究力度，以激光聚变点火为主要技术路径”。

Within a year and a half, an enormous X-shaped facility had arisen outside the city of Mianyang.

短短一年半后，一座庞大的X形设施在绵阳市郊拔地而起。

Chinese laser industry reports, scientific papers and a patent application suggest the site will house Shenguang IV, a new laser ignition facility. Proposals for such a facility, whose name means “Divine Light,” go back in some form over 15 years. But the Livermore lab’s success seemed to put it on the fast track.

 中国激光产业报告、科学论文和一项专利申请显示，该地点将容纳“神光四”——一座新型激光点火设施。这项以“神光”命名的设施提案，其雏形至少15年前就有了，但利弗莫尔实验室的成功似乎让这一项目驶入了快车道。

The speed of construction in Mianyang is “breathtaking,” said Livermore’s director, Kimberly Budil, given that it took her lab 20 years to build its ignition facility and get it fully running. Still, “operating that system reliably and effectively over time takes meaningful skills, and these are all lessons China will have to learn along the way,” Dr. Budil said.

利弗莫尔实验室主任金伯利·布迪尔表示，绵阳设施的建设速度“令人惊叹”——她所在的实验室花了20年时间才建成点火设施并全面投入运行。不过，“要长期可靠、有效地运行这套系统，需要具备深厚的技术积累，而这些都是中国在推进过程中必须学习的经验。”

Scientists at the China Academy of Engineering Physics have reason for secrecy. Like many at Livermore, they work in nuclear weapons research, and laser fusion offers a way to study the conditions of nuclear explosions without detonating actual weapons.

中国工程物理研究院的科学家们有充分理由去保密。与利弗莫尔实验室的许多研究人员一样，他们也从事核武器研究，而激光聚变技术为在不引爆实际武器的情况下研究核爆炸条件提供了途径。

As China’s nuclear stockpile has grown rapidly under the country’s top leader, Xi Jinping, its military has looked for ways to maintain and perhaps upgrade warheads without violating a global ban on test explosions, experts say.

专家表示，在中国国家领导人习近平治下，中国核武库迅速扩充，其军方正寻求在不违反全球核试验禁令的前提下，维护并可能升级核弹头的方法。

In recent months, the Academy of Engineering Physics has revealed plans to build another laser ignition facility in Chengdu, Sichuan’s provincial capital — a smaller, more commercial sibling to the one in Mianyang.

近几个月来，中国工程物理研究院透露，计划在四川省会成都再建一座激光点火设施——这将是一个比绵阳设施小、更偏向商业化的姊妹项目。

And Peng Xianjue, once an anonymous weapons designer, has transformed himself into an energy entrepreneur, promoting his vision of an untested type of reactor that would combine fusion and fission. China, Dr. Peng wrote in a proposal this year, should “aim for commercial application by 2040.”

曾经默默无闻的武器设计师彭先觉，如今已转型为能源创业者，力推一个从未尝试过的聚变裂变混合反应堆构想。彭先觉在今年的一份提案中写道，中国应“力争在2040年前实现商业化应用”。

Collaborate or Decouple

合作还是脱钩

The U.S.-China divide in fusion was glaring to Alain Bécoulet, an eminent French physicist, when he was in Chengdu in October for the International Atomic Energy Agency’s annual fusion conference. There were no Americans, Dr. Bécoulet said.

10月，法国著名物理学家阿兰·贝库莱在成都参加国际原子能机构年度核聚变会议时，清晰地感受到了中美在这一领域的分歧——会议上没有美国科学家的身影。

The Energy Department under President Trump had discouraged U.S. scientists from attending, three researchers told The Times. The department didn’t respond to a request for comment.

三位研究人员告诉《纽约时报》，特朗普政府领导下的美国能源部不鼓励美国科学家参会。该部门未回应置评请求。

“China is now innovative,” said Dr. Bécoulet, the chief scientist at ITER. “It’s not simply copying or redoing.”

“中国现在具备了创新能力，”作为ITER首席科学家的贝库莱表示。“不再是简单的复制或重复。”

China’s Institute of Plasma Physics announced in November that it welcomed partnerships with foreign scientists using its new BEST tokamak. “The door is always open,” said Dong Shaohua, who manages the institute’s overseas collaborations.

中国科学院等离子体物理研究所于11月宣布，欢迎外国科学家利用其新型BEST托卡马克装置开展合作。“大门始终敞开，”负责该所海外合作的董少华表示。

But, as energy security becomes increasingly vital to industries like A.I., many in American government and industry now see fusion as a win-or-lose battlefield for global influence.

然而，随着能源安全对人工智能等产业的重要性日益凸显，美国政府和产业界的许多人如今将核聚变视为一场关乎全球影响力的生死战场。

“Whoever wins and gets it together sets the foundation for the rest of the century,” said Ylli Bajraktari, head of the Special Competitive Studies Project, a research organization in Washington.

“无论谁赢得这场竞赛并成功实现技术落地，都将为本世纪余下的时间奠定基础，”华盛顿研究机构“特别竞争研究项目”负责人伊利·巴伊拉塔里表示。

The Energy Department in October released a new road map for helping the fusion industry grow and commercialize in the 2030s. The document calls for the building and upgrading of several scientific facilities. But it does away with an earlier initiative by the department to lead the design and construction of a pilot fusion plant by the 2040s.

美国能源部于10月发布了一份新路线图，旨在帮助核聚变产业在21世纪30年代实现发展和商业化。该文件呼吁建设和升级多个科学设施，但取消了此前由能源部牵头、计划在21世纪40年代设计和建造一座示范性核聚变电厂的倡议。

The reason, according to the department, is that American start-ups are already moving quickly toward erecting such a plant.

该部门表示，取消这一倡议的原因是，美国初创企业已在快速推进这类电厂的建设。

To some scientists, the U.S. government needs to do more.

一些科学家认为，美国政府需要采取更多行动。

Investors have poured about $14 billion into fusion companies worldwide, with $7.6 billion of that going to American firms. “That’s a lot of money, but it’s going to take a whole lot more of that to get this across the finish line,” said George Tynan, a plasma scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

投资者已向全球核聚变公司注入约140亿美元资金，其中76亿美元流向了美国企业。“这是一笔巨额资金，但要让这项技术最终落地，还需要更多投入，”麻省理工学院等离子体科学家乔治·泰南表示。

中国等离子体物理研究所表示，该所愿与外国科学家开展合作，这些科学家未来或将使用其新建成的BEST托卡马克装置。

Chang Liu worked for years as a physicist at the Energy Department’s Princeton Plasma Physics Laboratory. Recently, Dr. Liu tried to recruit some younger scientists for his team, but the lab said it didn’t have the budget, he said. Experiences like this, plus family reasons, led him to move to Peking University, one of China’s best. A Princeton spokeswoman said the lab didn’t comment on personnel matters.

刘畅曾在美国能源部普林斯顿等离子体物理实验室担任物理学家多年。他表示，最近他试图为自己的团队招募一些年轻科学家，但实验室称没有相关预算。这类经历再加上家庭原因，促使他跳槽至中国顶尖学府之一北京大学。普林斯顿实验室发言人表示，该实验室不对人事问题发表评论。

In America, the lack of government support is one reason so many fusion researchers are joining start-ups, Dr. Liu said.

刘畅表示，在美国，由于政府支持不足，许多核聚变研究人员转而加入初创企业。

Chinese officials, by contrast, are putting significant resources into a possible “ultimate solution” to humankind’s energy needs, he said. “They can really invest in things that are important,” he said.

他说，相比之下，中国官员正投入大量资源，寻求解决人类能源需求的“终极方案”。“他们真的能在重要领域投入资源。”

The nation’s capital was stunned on Tuesday by an explosive new article recounting a year’s worth of unguarded conversations with the usually guarded Susie Wiles, the White House chief of staff who spilled on everything from President Trump’s “alcoholic’s personality” to the brewing war in Venezuela.

周二，一篇爆炸性新报道让美国首都陷入震惊。该报道详细记述了向来谨慎的白宫幕僚长苏西·威尔斯一年内多次毫无顾忌的谈话，内容从特朗普的“酒鬼人格”到委内瑞拉酝酿中的战争，无所不包。

Ms. Wiles, who typically shuns publicity, gave 11 interviews over the course of Mr. Trump’s first year back in office to Chris Whipple, the author of a book on White House chiefs of staff who published her comments in Vanity Fair. She spoke candidly about the challenges of managing a volatile boss, the battles she had lost and the curious collection of people surrounding him.

在特朗普重返白宫的第一年里，向来回避公众关注的威尔斯接受了克里斯·惠普尔的11次采访，采访内容发表在《名利场》杂志上。惠普尔曾写过一本关于白宫幕僚长的书。威尔斯直言这位情绪多变的上司很难伺候，她谈了自己输掉的斗争，以及围绕在他身边形形色色的人物。

In response, Ms. Wiles went on social media after the story was published to call it “a disingenuously framed hit piece on me and the finest President, White House staff, and Cabinet in history.” She took no issue with any of the facts in the article, but said only that “significant context was disregarded and much of what I, and others, said about the team and the President was left out of the story.”

报道发布后，威尔斯在社交媒体上回应称，这是“一篇刻意抹黑我与美国历史上最优秀的总统、白宫幕僚及内阁的攻击文章”。她并未否认文章中的任何事实，仅表示“重要语境被忽略，我和其他人关于团队及总统的诸多言论未被纳入报道”。

Here are five takeaways:

以下是该文的五个要点：

Wiles tried to restrain Trump on Jan. 6 pardons, tariffs and his campaign of “score settling” against enemies.

威尔斯曾试图约束特朗普的1月6日事件特赦、关税政策以及对政敌的“清算”行动。

Ms. Wiles compared Mr. Trump to her father, Pat Summerall, the legendary sportscaster who was an absentee parent and alcoholic. While Mr. Trump does not drink, she suggested he had “an alcoholic’s personality” because he operates with “a view that there’s nothing he can’t do. Nothing, zero, nothing.” Her experience with her father, she said, made her “a little bit of an expert in big personalities.”

威尔斯将特朗普比作自己的父亲——传奇体育解说员帕特·萨默拉尔，萨默拉尔缺席了子女的成长，且有酗酒问题。尽管特朗普不饮酒，但威尔斯暗示他有着“酒鬼人格”，因为他总是抱着“没有他做不到的事，完全没有，零”的心态。她说，与父亲相处的经历让她“在应对强势性格的人方面算半个专家”。

She described several occasions when she had advised Mr. Trump to go slow or not as far as he wanted, only to have him bull ahead anyway. She said she had urged him not to pardon the most violent rioters from the Capitol attack on Jan. 6, 2021, which he ended up doing. She said she had tried to get him to hold off announcing the hefty tariffs in the spring because of a “huge disagreement” on his team, but he went ahead and did that too.

她描述自己多次建议特朗普放缓脚步或不要过于极端，但最终他还是我行我素。她表示，曾劝说特朗普不要赦免2021年1月6日国会山骚乱中最暴力的暴乱分子，但他最终还是这么做了。她还提到，由于团队内部的“巨大分歧”，她还曾试图让他推迟春季宣布高额关税，但他同样一意孤行。

Most intriguingly, perhaps, she said that she had forged a “loose agreement” with him to end the “score settling” against his political enemies after 90 days because she did not want it to distract from his real agenda, an idea that clearly did not work. And she acknowledged that some prosecutions were driven at least in part by his desire for payback.

或许最引人关注的是，她表示曾与特朗普达成“宽松的协议”——在90天后停止针对政治对手的“清算”行动，以免干扰核心议程——但显然并未奏效。她还承认，部分起诉行动至少在一定程度上是出于特朗普的报复意图。

“In some cases, it may look like retribution,” she said. “And there may be an element of that from time to time. Who would blame him? Not me.”

“在某些情况下，这可能看起来像是报复，”她说。“而且偶尔可能确实存在这方面的成分。谁能怪他呢？反正我不会。”

Trump’s circle includes “a conspiracy theorist,” a “right-wing absolute zealot” and an “odd, odd duck” who has admitted using drugs.

特朗普的圈子里包括“一个阴谋论者”、一个“彻头彻尾的右翼狂热分子”，以及一个承认自己吸毒的“很怪很怪的人”。

Ms. Wiles was more candid than White House officials typically are about the cast of characters around the president. She said that Vice President JD Vance had “been a conspiracy theorist for a decade” and called Russell T. Vought, the budget director, “a right-wing absolute zealot.”

威尔斯对总统身边人物的评价比白宫官员通常的公开表态更为坦率。她说副总统JD·万斯“十年来一直是阴谋论者”，并称预算主任拉塞尔·沃特是“彻头彻尾的右翼狂热分子”。

She was scathing about Elon Musk, the billionaire Trump ally who was given free rein early in the administration to take a wrecking ball to federal agencies and departments. “He’s an odd, odd duck, as I think geniuses are,” she said. “You know, it’s not helpful, but he is his own person.” She called him “an avowed ketamine” user, though she later told The New York Times that she did not have any actual knowledge of that beyond his own statements.

她对特朗普的盟友、亿万富翁埃隆·马斯克的批评尤为尖锐——马斯克在本届政府执政初期被允许随意整顿联邦机构和部门。“他是个很怪很怪的人，我觉得天才大抵如此，”她说。“你知道，这没什么帮助，但他是个特立独行的人。”她称马斯克“公开承认使用氯胺酮”，不过后来她告诉《纽约时报》，除了马斯克自己的表态外，她没有其他实际证据。

Ms. Wiles recounted Mr. Musk’s evisceration of the U.S. Agency for International Development in devastating terms. “I was initially aghast,” she told Mr. Whipple, noting that the foreign aid workers “do very good work.” Mr. Musk’s approach was “not the way I would do it” and added that “no rational person could think the U.S.A.I.D. process was a good one. Nobody.”

威尔斯以沉痛的语气讲述了马斯克对美国国际开发署的重创。“我起初感到震惊，”她告诉惠普尔，并称那些外国援助工作者“做得非常出色”。她说，马斯克的做法“不是我会采用的方式”，还说“没有任何理性的人会认为国际开发署这件事的操作是合理的，绝对没有”。

Trump keeps claiming that Bill Clinton visited Jeffrey Epstein’s island. But Wiles says he is “wrong about that.”

特朗普坚称比尔·克林顿曾到访杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的岛，但威尔斯表示他“是错的”。

Ms. Wiles acknowledged that Mr. Trump had not been telling the truth about former President Bill Clinton’s relationship with the sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein, and faulted Attorney General Pam Bondi for her handling of the investigative files about him.

威尔斯承认，特朗普关于前总统克林顿与这名性犯罪者的关系的指控并不属实，并指责司法部长帕姆·邦迪对相关调查文件的处理方式。

While Mr. Trump for years has repeatedly claimed that Mr. Clinton visited Mr. Epstein’s private island, Ms. Wiles said “there is no evidence” of that. Asked if there was any incriminating information about Mr. Clinton in the Epstein files, she said, “The president was wrong about that.”

尽管特朗普多年来一再声称克林顿曾到访爱泼斯坦的私人岛屿，但威尔斯表示“没有任何证据”支持这一说法。当被问及爱泼斯坦的文件中是否存在针对克林顿的罪证时，她说：“总统在这件事上是错的。”

As for Ms. Bondi, a friend of Ms. Wiles’s, she said the attorney general did not recognize the fervor of the president’s right-wing supporters about Mr. Epstein. “I think she completely whiffed on appreciating that that was the very targeted group that cared about this. First, she gave them binders full of nothingness. And then she said that the witness list, or the client list, was on her desk. There is no client list, and it sure as hell wasn’t on her desk.”

至于她的朋友邦迪，威尔斯表示，司法部长没有意识到总统的右翼支持者对爱泼斯坦事件的狂热程度。“我认为她完全没有意识到，这正是那个特定群体最关心的问题。首先，她给了他们一大堆无用的文件；然后又说证人名单或客户名单在她办公桌上。根本就没有什么客户名单，更不用说在她桌上。”

Wiles’s comments on Vance and Rubio stoke speculation about their rivalry to become Trump’s successor.

威尔斯对万斯和鲁比奥的评价加剧了外界对两人争夺特朗普继任者资格的揣测。

An important subtext of Ms. Wiles’s comments is the quiet rivalry between Mr. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who are vying for Mr. Trump’s nod to succeed him in 2028. The distinction she made between the two was seen as evidence that she is propping up Mr. Rubio, her fellow Floridian, over Mr. Vance, the more MAGA-friendly front-runner.

威尔斯言论的一个重要潜台词是关于万斯与国务卿鲁比奥之间悄然展开的竞争——两人都在争取特朗普的支持，希望在2028年接替他。她对两人的区别性言论被视为证据，表明她支持与她同样来自佛罗里达的鲁比奥，而非更受“让美国再次伟大”运动支持的领跑者万斯。

Here is the way she described how each of them went from being a sharp critic of Mr. Trump to a key deputy: “Marco was not the sort of person that would violate his principles,” she said. “He just won’t. And so he had to get there.” As for Mr. Vance, “his conversion came when he was running for the Senate. And I think his conversion was a little bit more, sort of political.”

她这样描述两人如何从特朗普的尖锐批评者转变为核心副手：“马可不是那种会违背自己原则的人，”她说。“他绝不会。所以他是不得不这样做。”至于万斯，“他的转变发生在竞选参议员期间，我认为他的转变更多是出于政治考量。”

Mr. Rubio told Mr. Whipple, as he has previously said, that if Mr. Vance runs, he will support him. But the ripple of rivalry was evident when Mr. Vance joked with the Vanity Fair photographer that he would give him $1,000 if he made Mr. Rubio look worse than him.

鲁比奥向惠普尔重申了此前曾经说过的话：如果万斯参选，他会支持对方。但当万斯向《名利场》摄影师开玩笑说，如果能把自己拍得比鲁比奥好看，就给摄影师1000美元时，两人之间的竞争显露无遗。

Trump seems intent on regime change in Venezuela but needs authority from Congress to launch “land strikes.”

特朗普似乎决心推动委内瑞拉政权更迭，但需国会授权才能发动“地面打击”。

Whether she meant to or not, Ms. Wiles set a new political and legal bar for her boss if he opts to escalate his conflict with President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela. While Mr. Trump has bombed boats of alleged drug traffickers, seized an oil tanker and declared Venezuelan airspace off limits, he has not sought congressional authorization so far. But if he orders the “land strikes” that he has been talking about, Ms. Wiles said he would need authority from Congress.

无论是否有意，如果特朗普选择升级与委内瑞拉总统尼古拉斯·马杜罗的冲突，威尔斯已为他设定了新的政治和法律门槛。尽管特朗普曾轰炸涉嫌贩毒的船只、扣押油轮并宣布委内瑞拉领空为禁区，但迄今为止尚未寻求国会授权。而威尔斯表示，如果他下令实施一直在谈论的“地面打击”，需要获得国会的批准。

She also made plain that regime change was Mr. Trump’s real goal. “He wants to keep on blowing boats up until Maduro cries uncle,” she said. “And people way smarter than me on that say that he will.”

她还明确表示，政权更迭才是特朗普的真正目标。“他想一直炸下去，直到马杜罗认输，”她说。“而在这方面比我聪明得多的人都说，马杜罗会的。”

Rob Reiner, the celebrated Hollywood actor and director, and his wife, the producer and photographer Michele Singer Reiner, had tried everything they could think of to help their son Nick Reiner overcome his struggles with drug addiction.

好莱坞著名演员、导演罗布·莱纳及妻子、制片人、摄影师米歇尔·辛格·莱纳曾想尽一切办法帮助他们的儿子尼克·莱纳克服毒瘾。

For years, the younger Reiner had been caught in an endless loop of drug abuse, rehab and relapse. He had experienced bouts of homelessness, and he once had a heart attack on an airplane because of his cocaine use. Initially, the challenges the Reiner family had experienced with their son, who began abusing drugs as a teenager, were largely kept private. As Nick grew into an adult, he openly discussed his addiction.

多年来，小莱纳一直陷于药物滥用、戒毒和复吸的无尽循环。他经历过无家可归的时期，还曾因吸食可卡因而在飞机上心脏病发作。他从青少年时期开始滥用药物，起初莱纳一家因此经历的种种挑战基本上不为外人所知。随着尼克长大成人，他开始公开谈论自己的毒瘾。

On Sunday, hours after Rob and Michele Reiner were found stabbed to death in their home in West Los Angeles, the police arrested Nick Reiner, now 32. On Tuesday, the county district attorney charged him with two counts of first-degree murder.

上周日，在罗布和米歇尔·莱纳被发现于洛杉矶西部家中被刺身亡数小时后，警方逮捕了现年32岁的尼克·莱纳。周二，县地区检察官以两项一级谋杀罪起诉了他。

The charges carry a maximum sentence of the death penalty or of life in prison without the possibility of parole.

这些指控最高可判死刑或终身监禁不得假释。

Here is what we know about Nick Reiner.

以下是我们对尼克·莱纳的了解。

He has struggled with drug abuse since childhood.

他的药物滥用问题始于年少时。

Nick Reiner, who was born in 1993, is the middle of three children born to Rob and Michele Reiner. He has an older brother, Jake, and a younger sister, Romy.

尼克·莱纳生于1993年，是罗布和米歇尔·莱纳三个孩子中的老二。他有哥哥杰克和妹妹罗米。

Nick began to abuse drugs as early as 15, when he entered his first drug-treatment program. As an adult, he was forthcoming in interviews about his struggles with addiction, estimating that he had been in drug treatment 18 times as a teenager.

尼克最早在15岁时开始滥用药物，当时进行了人生的第一次药物治疗。成年后，他在采访中坦率谈论了自己的毒瘾挣扎，估计自己在青少年时期接受过18次药物治疗。

In a 2018 interview, Nick Reiner recalled wrecking his parents’ guesthouse by “punching out different things” like a television and a lamp after being awake for days on cocaine. He also described having thrown a rock through a window at a treatment center in hopes of convincing officials that he needed medication.

在2018年的一次采访中，尼克·莱纳回忆说，在吸食可卡因几天未眠后，他曾砸毁父母的客宅，“打坏各种物品”，包括电视机和台灯等。他还描述自己在治疗中心扔石头砸窗户，希望说服工作人员给他开药。

“I was so lost — I didn’t know anything about myself or the world,” he said. “And that’s all I knew as a coping mechanism.”

“我当时非常迷失——我对自己和这个世界一无所知，”他说。“那是我唯一的应对机制。”

Rob and Michele Reiner were sometimes at a loss about how to help their son. A close friend of the family recalled that Michele had spoken of her son’s struggles a few years ago. “We’ve tried everything,” she said. “We don’t know what else to do.”

罗布和米歇尔·莱纳有时也不知道如何帮助儿子。一位家庭密友回忆，几年前米歇尔谈到儿子的挣扎时说：“我们已经尝试了一切。”“我们不知道还能做什么。”

He and his father made a movie that loosely resembled their stormy relationship.

他和父亲共同制作了一部电影，故事大致上基于他们之间起起落落的关系。

“Being Charlie,” a drama co-written by Nick Reiner and directed by his father, was released in 2016. Loosely inspired by their relationship, the film follows Charlie, a Los Angeles teenager who abuses drugs and who has a difficult relationship with his father, a big-time actor with political aspirations. Throughout the film, father and son butt heads over Charlie’s care and over his father’s motives as he pursues his career ambitions.

《成为查理》(Being Charlie)是一部由尼克·莱纳联合编剧、由其父执导的剧情片，于2016年上映。这部电影受他们的关系启发，讲述了洛杉矶青少年查理滥用药物，与怀有政治抱负的大牌演员父亲关系紧张的故事。整部电影中，父子二人就查理的治疗和父亲的职业野心反复争执。

Rob Reiner told The Los Angeles Times in 2015 that he had some regret over how he had handled his son’s crisis, including not listening to him after he had said a drug-treatment program was not working for him.

罗布·莱纳在2015年告诉《洛杉矶时报》，他对处理儿子危机的方式有些遗憾，包括在儿子说某个药物治疗项目无效后没有听他的话。

“We were desperate, and because the people had diplomas on their wall, we listened to them when we should have been listening to our son,” Rob Reiner said.

“我们当时走投无路，因为那些人墙上挂着文凭，我们就听了他们的话，我们本该听听我们的儿子怎么说，”罗布·莱纳说。

But the director said that making “Being Charlie,” which features Jake Reiner in a small part, had helped repair his troubled relationship with Nick Reiner.

但这位导演表示，制作《成为查理》（杰克·莱纳在片中客串一个小角色）帮助修复了他与尼克·莱纳的紧张关系。

“The whole process for me, I can just speak for myself, it did make me understand him a lot more and I think it made me a better father,” Rob Reiner said in an 2016 interview with AOL.

“就我个人而言，整个过程让我更加了解他，我认为这让我成为了更好的父亲，”罗布·莱纳在2016年接受AOL采访时说。

For his part, Nick Reiner told People that year that he had “very loving and supportive parents.”

而尼克·莱纳同年告诉《人物》杂志，他有“非常慈爱和支持的父母”。

He argued with his father the night before his parents’ bodies were found.

在父母尸体被发现的前一晚，他与父亲发生了争执。

Nick Reiner attended a holiday party with his father at the home of the comedian Conan O’Brien the night before his parents were found to have been killed. One guest at the party, who asked not to be named to protect relationships, said that Nick and Rob Reiner had gotten into a shouting match at the party, and recalled the director telling his son that his behavior was inappropriate.

尼克·莱纳在前一天晚上与父亲一起参加了喜剧演员柯南·奥布莱恩家中的节日派对。一位要求匿名以保护关系的派对客人说，尼克和罗布·莱纳在派对上大喊大叫，这位客人回忆，导演告诉儿子，他的行为不合适。

Another guest at the party, who also did not want to be named, said he had seen Nick Reiner hovering at the fringes of the gathering and that several guests had commented that he looked anxious and uncomfortable, in a way that unnerved them.

另一位同样不愿透露姓名的客人说，他看到尼克·莱纳在聚会边缘徘徊，好几位客人评论说他看起来焦虑紧张，让他们感到不安。

It was unclear what Rob Reiner and his son had argued about.

目前不清楚罗布·莱纳和儿子争执的内容。

He has been charged with murder.

他被指控谋杀。

Shortly after his parents’ bodies were discovered on Sunday, Nick Reiner was arrested. He was booked on suspicion of murder on Monday and has remained in jail without bail.

在父母尸体于上周日被发现后不久，尼克·莱纳被逮捕。他于周一作为谋杀嫌疑人被置于无保释拘留。

罗布·莱纳和米歇尔·辛格·莱纳的尸体于周日在洛杉矶布伦特伍德社区的家中被发现。

On Tuesday, the office of the Los Angeles County District Attorney formally charged Nick Reiner with two counts of first-degree murder. Those charges carry a maximum sentence of the death penalty or of life in prison without the possibility of parole. Prosecutors said they had not decided which route they would take.

周二，洛杉矶县地区检察官办公室正式以两项一级谋杀罪起诉尼克·莱纳。这些指控最高可判死刑或终身监禁不得假释。检察官表示尚未决定采取哪种量刑。

“Prosecuting these cases involving family members are some of the most challenging and heart-wrenching cases that this office faces because of the intimate and often brutal nature of the crimes involved,” said Nathan Hochman, the Los Angeles County district attorney.

“起诉涉及家庭成员的这些案件属于本办公室经手的最具挑战性和最令人心碎的一类，因为这些犯罪具有亲密且往往残酷的性质，”洛杉矶县地区检察官内森·霍克曼说。

Prosecutors said Nick Reiner had been arrested near Exposition Park in Los Angeles on Sunday without incident. Earlier on Tuesday, the Los Angeles Police Department confirmed that photographs appearing to show a blurred image of Nick Reiner being detained by officers near the park had been briefly posted online by its Gang and Narcotics Division. Those photos were later deleted.

检察官表示，尼克·莱纳于上周日在洛杉矶博览会公园附近被逮捕，过程中没有发生冲突。周二早些时候，洛杉矶警察局确认，其帮派和毒品调查部门曾在网上短暂发布过显示尼克·莱纳在公园附近被警察拘留的模糊照片。这些照片后来被删除。

His lawyer is one of L.A.’s most prominent.

尼克·莱纳的律师是洛杉矶最著名的律师之一。

Alan Jackson, whom Nick Reiner has enlisted as his attorney, is a high-profile criminal defense lawyer in Los Angeles. He has represented the Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, the actor Kevin Spacey and Karen Read, who was acquitted this year of murder charges in the death of her boyfriend in Massachusetts.

尼克·莱纳聘请的律师艾伦·杰克逊是洛杉矶知名刑事辩护律师。他曾代理好莱坞大亨哈维·韦恩斯坦、演员凯文·史派西，以及今年在马萨诸塞州被判无罪释放的凯伦·里德（她被控谋杀男友）。

Mr. Jackson was once a prosecutor in the major crimes division of the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office. He was the lead prosecutor in the murder case against the music producer Phil Spector, who was convicted in 2009.

杰克逊曾是洛杉矶县地区检察官办公室重大犯罪部门的检察官。他是音乐制作人菲尔·斯佩克托谋杀案的主检察官，斯佩克托于2009年被定罪。

President Trump announced last week that he would allow China to buy an advanced artificial intelligence chip, the H200, from the American company Nvidia, doubling down on a misguided decision he made over the summer to sell China another advanced chip, the H20. The H200 is about six times as powerful and will be an even greater boon to China’s military and A.I. development.

特朗普总统上周宣布，将允许中国从美国企业英伟达公司购买先进人工智能芯片H200。他在今年夏天已做出向中国出售另一款先进芯片H20的错误决定，如今更是错上加错。H200的性能约为H20的六倍，将为中国的军事和人工智能发展提供更大助力。

Mr. Trump explained that in return, the U.S. government will charge a 25 percent fee on all sales of the H200. But U.S. national security and technological dominance shouldn’t ever have a price — let alone such a low one.

特朗普解释称，作为交换，美国政府将对H200的所有销售额收取25%的费用。但美国的国家安全和技术主导地位绝不应被标价出售——更不用说以如此低廉的价格。

For years, both the Trump and Biden administrations had successfully sought as large a lead as possible over China in A.I. In 2018, the first Trump administration wisely cut off key companies in China from the most advanced chip-making equipment. In 2020, Mr. Trump helped reverse the deployment of nonsecure Chinese 5G telecommunications networks by Britain and other allies by banning the sale of advanced chips to the Chinese tech giant Huawei. The Biden administration substantially expanded those controls and added new ones. Both administrations said that China would use American-made chips to develop more sophisticated A.I. and modernize its military.

多年来，特朗普和拜登政府均成功致力于在人工智能领域尽可能扩大针对中国的领先优势。2018年，特朗普第一任期政府明智地切断了中国主要企业获取最先进芯片制造设备的渠道；2020年，特朗普通过禁止向中国科技巨头华为出售先进芯片，帮助英国及其他盟友放弃部署不安全的中国5G电信网络。拜登政府大幅扩展了这些管控措施，并新增了多项限制。两届政府均表示，中国会利用美国制造的芯片开发更尖端的人工智能技术，实现军事现代化。

Hampered by those policies, China has struggled to make advanced A.I. chips, despite a push of around $200 billion starting in 2014. None of China’s chips are close to matching the capacity of the H200. Huawei, a leading Chinese chipmaker, projects that it will not be able to match the H200’s performance until the end of 2027 at the earliest — and even that estimate sounds optimistic.

尽管中国自2014年起投入约2000亿美元推动芯片产业发展，但受上述政策限制，其先进人工智能芯片的研发与生产面临困难。目前中国生产的芯片性能均远未达到H200的水平。中国领先芯片制造商华为预计，其产品最早要到2027年底才能达到H200的性能标准——而这个预估本身就显得过于乐观。

In addition to making less capable chips, China struggles to make them in large quantities. Trump administration officials testified in June that China will make just 200,000 chips per year — not even enough for a single data center. By contrast, Taiwan, the United States and the rest of the democratic world will produce more than 10 million far-superior chips per year. All told, China will produce a total computing power that is a mere 1 percent to 3 percent of what U.S. companies will produce.

除了芯片性能不足，中国在大规模量产方面也面临挑战。特朗普政府官员今年6月作证称，中国每年仅能生产20万枚芯片，甚至不足以满足单个数据中心的需求。相比之下，台湾、美国及其他民主国家每年将生产超过1000万枚性能远超中国产品的芯片。总体而言，中国芯片提供的总算力仅为美国企业的1%至3%。

The chief executive of DeepSeek, a prominent A.I. company in China, admitted in 2024 that access to chips was the company’s biggest impediment. In the summer of 2025, DeepSeek reportedly tried and failed to train a new system on Chinese chips. When DeepSeek released its latest model several weeks ago, it acknowledged that the system still lags behind U.S. versions and cited computing limitations as the key reason.

中国知名人工智能企业深度求索的首席执行官于2024年承认，获取芯片是公司发展的最大障碍。2025年夏天，有报道称深度求索尝试用中国本土芯片训练新系统，但以失败告终。几周前该公司发布最新模型时也承认，其系统性能仍落后于美国同类产品，并指出算力限制是主要原因。

After Mr. Trump’s announcement last week, Chinese companies jumped at the chance to buy the H200 — more evidence that America’s chip advantage is real.

特朗普上周宣布相关决定后，中国企业纷纷抓住机会抢购H200——这进一步证明了美国的芯片优势是实实在在的。

The Trump administration argues that selling chips to China will keep China “addicted” to American products and undermine its efforts to improve production. But China knows better. In the days since Mr. Trump announced his decision to sell the H200, there have been reports that China will invest an additional $70 billion to improve its domestic production of chips. According to a report on Sunday in the Global Times, which is controlled by China’s ruling party, Nvidia’s advanced chips would be used only until Chinese tech companies can transition to domestic alternatives.

特朗普政府辩称，向中国出售芯片将使中国“依赖”美国产品，从而阻碍其提升本土产能的努力。但中国对此有着清醒的认识。特朗普宣布出售H200的决定后数日，就有报道称中国将追加投资700亿美元，用于提升本土芯片产能。据中共旗下《环球时报》上周日报道，英伟达的先进芯片仅会被中国科技企业用于完成向本土替代产品的过渡。

It’s all part of the same pattern, whether the product is solar panels, electric vehicles or telecommunications: China imports Western technology until its own production catches up; then it cuts out American companies. President Xi Jinping has long said that relying on others for core technology “is like building a house on someone else’s foundation.”

无论是太阳能电池板、电动汽车还是电信设备，中国都遵循着相同的模式：在本土产能赶上之前进口西方技术，随后将美国企业排挤出局。习近平主席长期以来一直强调，核心技术依赖他人就像“在别人的地基上盖房子”。

It should be obvious that the United States should not sell China advanced technology that China could use to target American troops and intelligence officers. Advanced A.I. will improve China’s cyber operations, intelligence analysis and weaponry. According to reports, the Trump White House has concluded that Alibaba, one of China’s biggest A.I. companies, provides technology support for the Chinese military, including some of its operations against U.S. targets. (Alibaba has denied this claim.) Other reports suggest that DeepSeek evades U.S. export controls and aids Chinese military and intelligence operations. Chinese procurement documents show that the People’s Liberation Army is also trying to get its hands on advanced U.S. chips.

美国显然不应向中国出售其可能用于攻击美军和情报人员的先进技术。先进人工智能将提升中国的网络作战、情报分析能力和武器装备水平。有报道称，特朗普政府已得出结论：中国最大的人工智能企业之一阿里巴巴为中国军队提供技术支持，包括部分针对美国目标的行动（阿里巴巴否认了这一说法）。另有报道显示，深度求索公司规避美国出口管制，为中国军事和情报行动提供协助。中国采购文件表明，中国人民解放军也在设法获取美国先进芯片。

The bipartisan House committee on China was right when it said last week that China will use the H200 to “strengthen its military capabilities and totalitarian surveillance,” and when it recommended tightening export controls rather than loosening them.

跨党派的众议院中国问题委员会上周指出，中国将利用H200“强化其军事能力和极权监控体系”，并建议收紧而非放宽出口管制——这一判断是完全正确的。

The Trump administration is well aware of how much A.I. matters to national security, which makes its decision even more baffling. Pete Hegseth, the defense secretary, last week proclaimed, “The future of American warfare is here, and it’s spelled ‘A.I.’” And when the Department of Justice recently announced charges against two individuals accused of smuggling H200s to China, it underscored the national security issues: “These chips are the building blocks of A.I. superiority and are integral to modern military applications. The country that controls these chips will control A.I. technology; the country that controls A.I. technology will control the future.”

特朗普政府深知人工智能对国家安全的重要性，这使其决策更令人费解。国防部长皮特·海格塞斯上周宣称：“美国战争的未来已至，其关键在于人工智能。”美国司法部最近对两名被控向中国走私H200芯片的个人提起诉讼时，也着重强调了国家安全问题：“这些芯片是人工智能优势的基石，对现代军事应用至关重要。掌控这些芯片的国家将掌控人工智能技术，而掌控人工智能技术的国家将掌控未来。”

For now, that country is the United States. In 2017, Li Keqiang, China’s premier at the time, told Mr. Trump during a meeting in Beijing that China would come to dominate all technologies, including A.I., and that America would export little more than soybeans and corn. Last week’s decision helps make that unlikely dream a reality.

目前，这个国家依然是美国。但在2017年，时任中国国务院总理李克强在北京会见特朗普时称，中国终将主导包括人工智能在内的所有技术领域，而美国届时除了大豆和玉米将几乎没有其他可出口的产品。特朗普上周的决定正助力这一看似遥不可及的梦想逐步成为现实。

The Trump administration plans to ramp up efforts to strip some naturalized Americans of their citizenship, according to internal guidance obtained by The New York Times, marking an aggressive new phase in President Trump’s immigration crackdown.

根据《纽约时报》获得的内部指导文件，特朗普政府计划以更强力的手段剥夺一些归化美国人的公民身份，这标志着特朗普总统移民打击行动进入了一个激进的新阶段。

The guidance, issued on Tuesday to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services field offices, asks that they “supply Office of Immigration Litigation with 100-200 denaturalization cases per month” in the 2026 fiscal year. If the cases are successful, it would represent a massive escalation of denaturalization in the modern era, experts said. By comparison, between 2017 and this year to date, there had been just over 120 cases filed, according to the Justice Department.

这份指导文件是周二向美国公民及移民服务局地方办公室下发的，要求这些机构在2026财年“每月向移民诉讼办公室提供100-200个剥夺公民身份案件”。专家表示，如果这些案件成功，将代表近现代以来剥夺公民身份行动的一次大规模升级。相比之下，司法部数据显示，从2017年到目前仅有逾120个案件被提交。

Under federal law, people may be denaturalized only if they committed fraud while applying for citizenship, or in a few other narrow circumstances. But the Trump administration has shown a zeal for using every tool at its disposal to target legal and illegal immigrants, leading activists to warn that such a campaign could sweep up people who had made honest mistakes on their citizenship paperwork and sow fear among law-abiding Americans.

根据联邦法律，只有在申请公民身份时犯下欺诈行为或在少数其他非常具体的情况下，才能剥夺公民身份。但特朗普政府表现出热衷于动用一切可用工具针对合法和非法移民，导致活动人士警告，这种行动可能波及那些在公民身份手续上犯下无心之失的人，并在守法美国人中播下恐惧。

The guidance comes as Mr. Trump has spent much of this year closing loopholes in the immigration system and throwing up roadblocks for people seeking to enter and stay in the country. The sweeping campaign, which has gone further than purging the country of unlawful migrants, has included blocks on asylum at the southern border, a pause on asylum applications inside the United States, and a ban on entry for travelers from predominantly African and Middle Eastern nations. Officials say their actions will make the country safer and preserve the country’s values

这一指导文件出台之际，特朗普今年大部分时间都在堵上移民系统的漏洞，并为寻求进入和留在美国的人设置障碍。这场全面行动已超出清除非法移民的范围，包括南部边境的庇护禁令、美国境内庇护申请的暂停，以及针对主要来自非洲和中东国家的旅行者的入境禁令。官员们表示，他们的行动将使国家更安全，并维护国家的价值观。

A targeted campaign to increase the number of American immigrants stripped of their citizenship represents an escalation of an already ambitious campaign.

针对性地加大剥夺美国移民公民身份的数量是对一项本已声势浩大的行动的升级。

“It’s no secret that U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services’ war on fraud includes prioritizing those who’ve unlawfully obtained U.S. citizenship — especially under the previous administration,” said Matthew J. Tragesser, a U.S.C.I.S. spokesman. “We will pursue denaturalization proceedings for those individuals lying or misrepresenting themselves during the naturalization process. We look forward to continuing to work with the Department of Justice to restore integrity to America’s immigration system.”

“美国公民及移民服务局的反欺诈战争优先针对那些非法获得美国公民身份的人——特别是在前一届政府时期——这已不是秘密，”局方发言人马修·J·特拉格瑟表示。“我们将对那些在归化过程中撒谎或虚假陈述的个人追究剥夺公民身份程序。我们期待继续与司法部合作，恢复美国移民系统的完整性。”

In interviews, some former agency officials expressed concern at the scale of the case goals for denaturalization pushed by U.S.C.I.S. leadership.

在采访中，一些前机构官员对公民及移民服务局领导层为剥夺公民身份行动设定的规模目标表示担忧。

“Imposing arbitrary numerical targets on denaturalization cases risks politicizing citizenship revocation,” said Sarah Pierce, a former U.S.C.I.S. official. “And requiring monthly quotas that are 10 times higher than the total annual number of denaturalizations in recent years turns a serious and rare tool into a blunt instrument and fuels unnecessary fear and uncertainty for the millions of naturalized Americans.”

“对剥夺公民身份案件施加任意的数字目标存在将公民身份撤销这一行动政治化的风险，”前服务局官员萨拉·皮尔斯表示。“要求每月配额达到近年来年度剥夺公民身份总数的10倍，这将把一个严厉且鲜少使用的工具变成钝器，并在数以百万计归化美国人中制造不必要的恐惧和不确定性。”

Proponents of stricter immigration laws said it was necessary to more aggressively root out people who had been improperly granted citizenship.

支持更严格移民法的倡导者表示，有必要更积极地清除那些不当获得公民身份的人。

“I don’t think we’re anywhere close to denaturalizing too many people,” said Mark Krikorian, the head of the Center for Immigration Studies, a group that favors restrictive immigration policies. Mr. Krikorian said that the country was “so far from denaturalizing” enough people that such an effort would not pull in people who should not be targeted.

“我认为我们远未达到剥夺太多人公民身份的地步，”持限制性移民政策的移民研究中心负责人马克·克里科里安表示。克里科里安说，国家“远未剥夺足够多人的公民身份”，这种努力不会波及那些不应被针对的人。

There are about 26 million naturalized Americans in the country, according to the Census Bureau. More than 800,000 new citizens were sworn in last year, most of whom were born in Mexico, India, the Philippines, the Dominican Republic or Vietnam, U.S.C.I.S. statistics show. Most people stripped of their citizenship revert to being legal permanent residents.

根据人口普查局数据，美国约有2600万归化公民。根据美国公民及移民服务局统计，去年有超过80万新公民宣誓入籍，其中大多数出生在墨西哥、印度、菲律宾、多米尼加共和国或越南。大多数被剥夺公民身份的人会恢复为合法永久居民。

The new guidance on Tuesday was part of a document laying out U.S.C.I.S. priorities for the 2026 fiscal year, which began in October. Listed alongside such goals as “provide employee feedback opportunities” and “strengthen management of high-risk cases” was “pursue denaturalization.”

周二的新指导文件是阐述2026财年美国公民及移民服务局优先事项的文件的一部分，该财年开始于10月。与“提供员工反馈机会”和“加强高风险案件管理”等目标并列的是“追究剥夺公民身份”。

The Justice Department previously also said it would make denaturalization a priority this year. In a memo distributed in the summer, officials laid out their approach, saying they would target individuals in an array of categories beyond committing fraud in obtaining citizenship. Categories of eligible people include gang members, those who committed financial fraud, individuals connected to drug cartels and violent criminals, according to the department.

司法部此前也表示将在今年将剥夺公民身份作为优先事项。在夏季分发的一份备忘录中，官员们概述了他们的方法，表示将针对各种情况，不仅限于使用欺诈手段获取公民身份。司法部称这其中包括帮派成员、有金融欺诈行为的人、与贩毒集团有关联的个人以及暴力罪犯等。

“The civil division shall prioritize and maximally pursue denaturalization proceedings in all cases permitted by law and supported by the evidence,” the agency wrote in June.

“民事部门应在法律允许并有证据支持的所有案件中优先并最大限度地追究剥夺公民身份程序，”该机构在6月写道。

根据联邦法律，只有在申请公民身份时犯下欺诈行为或在少数其他非常具体的情况下，才能剥夺某人的公民身份。

U.S.C.I.S. is a key player in the process of denaturalization. The agency refers cases to the Justice Department, which must go through a federal court to strip someone of their citizenship. The process can occur either through a civil or a criminal proceeding. During a civil case, government lawyers must have “unequivocal evidence” that someone obtained citizenship illegally or hid a material fact during the process.

美国公民及移民服务局是剥夺公民身份过程中的关键参与者。该机构将案件转交司法部，后者必须通过联邦法院剥夺某人的公民身份。这一过程可以通过民事或刑事程序进行。在民事案件中，政府律师必须有“明确证据”证明某人非法获得公民身份，或在过程中隐瞒了重大事实。

Because the government must go through a challenging court process, denaturalization cases have been rare since the 1990s. A Bloomberg Law analysis found that denaturalization cases brought by the government since then peaked in 2018, when 90 criminal and civil cases were filed. “The Supreme Court has repeatedly stated that citizenship and naturalization are too precious and fundamental to our democracy for the government to take it away on their whim. Instead of wasting resources digging through Americans’ files, U.S.C.I.S. should do its job of processing applications, as Congress mandated,” said Amanda Baran, a former senior U.S.C.I.S. official in the Biden administration.

因为政府必须经过艰难的法院程序，自1990年代以来剥夺公民身份案件一直罕见。彭博法律的一项分析发现，政府提起的剥夺公民身份案件在2018年达到峰值，当时提起了90个刑事和民事案件。“最高法院反复表示，公民身份和归化对我们的民主太过宝贵和根本，政府不能随心所欲地剥夺。移民及公民服务局不应浪费资源搜索美国人的档案，而应履行国会授权的处理申请职责，”拜登政府时期的前高级美国公民及移民服务局官员阿曼达·巴兰表示。

Mr. Trump stepped up denaturalizations in his first term as well. In one widely publicized case, a New Jersey man born in India, Baljinder Singh, was stripped of his citizenship after the Justice Department found that he had arrived in the country without travel documents or proof of identity and that he had used a different name.

特朗普在其第一任期内也加强了剥夺公民身份行动。在一个广受关注的案件中，新泽西一名出生于印度的男子巴尔金德·辛格在司法部发现他无旅行文件或身份证明入境并使用不同姓名后，被剥夺公民身份。

This year, the Justice Department has brought 13 denaturalization cases and won eight of them, according to Chad Gilmartin, an agency spokesman. Mr. Gilmartin said in a social media post earlier this year that there had been over 100 cases filed to the courts during the first Trump administration, compared with 24 during the Biden administration. In 2017, the Supreme Court ruled that the government must prove not only that someone had lied during the citizenship application process but that the lie had an impact on the underlying citizenship claim.

根据司法部发言人查德·吉尔马丁称，今年该部已提起13起剥夺公民身份案件，并胜诉八起。吉尔马丁今年早些时候在社交媒体上发帖表示，第一届特朗普政府期间向法院提起超过100个案件，而拜登政府期间为24个。2017年，最高法院裁定政府不仅必须证明某人在公民身份申请过程中撒谎，而且该谎言必须对潜在公民身份主张产生影响。

Experts said that despite the ramp-up in referrals, the process to actually denaturalize someone would likely remain quite difficult, raising questions on whether the government will actually be able to get many cases through.

专家表示，尽管提交案件增加，但实际剥夺某人公民身份的过程可能仍相当困难，这引发了政府是否真正能够让许多案件得以推进的疑问。

Still, some had concerns about what the guidance could portend.

尽管如此，一些人仍对这一指导文件可能预示的内容表示担忧。

“My fear would be that as we have seen in the arrest and removal context when D.H.S. employees are given arbitrary targets what happens is people who shouldn’t be swept up, get swept up and that you’re going to see that happening to people in this context as well,” said Margy O’Herron, a senior fellow at the Brennan Center, a nonpartisan law and policy organization. “That could incite fear and terror amongst naturalized citizens.”

“我的担忧是，正如我们在逮捕和驱逐中看到的那样，当国土安全部员工被赋予任意目标时，会发生不应被波及的人被波及的情况，这种情况也会发生在这些人身上，”无党派法律和政策组织布伦南中心高级研究员玛吉·奥赫伦表示。“这可能会在归化公民中引发恐惧和恐怖。”

On a recent Monday, Dougal Keith drove an electric car out of his dealership’s showroom in Leeds, in northern England, and hit the accelerator.

不久前的一个周一，杜格尔·基思驾驶着一辆电动汽车离开他位于英格兰北部利兹市的经销店，而后一脚踩下油门。

The car, a Chinese-made BYD Seal Excellence, can reach 60 miles per hour in 3.8 seconds — a key selling point. Another is the price tag, about 48,000 pounds ($64,400), which is 20 percent cheaper than a top-range Tesla Model 3.

这辆中国制造的比亚迪海豹卓越版能在3.8秒内加速至时速百公里——这是它的核心卖点之一。另一个亮点是售价约4.8万英镑（6.44万美元），比顶配版特斯拉Model 3便宜20%。

Mr. Keith, who has been selling cars for more than four decades, said customers were skeptical of buying vehicles made in China when he opened a showroom in 2023 for BYD, China’s largest automaker. Now, he has six dealerships devoted to the brand.

拥有40余年汽车销售经验的基思表示，2023年他的这家中国最大车企比亚迪的经销店开业时，消费者对中国产汽车仍心存疑虑。而如今，他已拥有六家专门销售该品牌的门店。

“Some people have the perception that because it's Chinese it’s going to be made cheaply,” he said. But then, he would ask them, “Where do you think your iPhone is assembled?”

“有些人认为，因为是中国制造，所以做工肯定粗糙，”他说。但随后他会反问：“你觉得你的iPhone是在哪里组装的？”

Chinese cars are rapidly gaining ground in Britain, driven by a combination of factors. The lack of steep tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles — unlike in the European Union or the United States, where officials see the levies as a way to protect domestic production — means the cars can be sold in Britain at better prices. And British car buyers are not particularly loyal to brands, with no major mass-market British carmaker to support.

多重因素推动下，中国汽车正迅速抢占英国市场。与将关税视为保护本土生产手段的欧盟或美国不同，英国对中国电动汽车没有征收高额关税，这意味着中国汽车能以更优惠的价格在英国销售。此外，英国消费者对汽车品牌并无强烈忠诚度，本土也没有大型大众市场车企可供国民支持。

Last month, roughly a dozen Chinese automakers, like BYD, Chery and Geely, accounted for 13 percent of new car registrations in Britain, roughly double their market share a year ago, according to data from the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders.

英国汽车制造商与贸易商协会的数据显示，上月，比亚迪、奇瑞、吉利等约十几家中国车企占据了英国新车注册量的13%，较去年同期的市场份额近乎翻倍。

“The pace is like nothing the market has ever seen before,” said Ian Plummer, the chief commercial officer of Autotrader, Britain’s largest online car marketplace. BYD and Chery, which sell brands Jaecoo and Omoda, are gaining market share in Britain five or six times as fast as previous entrants, like Tesla a decade ago and South Korea’s Kia in the 1990s, he noted.

“这种增长速度是市场前所未见的，”英国最大在线汽车交易平台Autotrader的首席商务官伊恩·普卢默表示。他指出，相比10年前的特斯拉、上世纪90年代的韩国起亚等品牌进入英国市场时，比亚迪以及旗下拥有杰酷和欧萌达品牌的奇瑞在英国的市场份额增长速度是前者的五到六倍。

道格尔·基思在英格兰北部利兹市经营的比亚迪汽车经销店。过去一年间，中国制造的汽车在英国新车注册量中的份额翻了一番。英国购车者没有一家大型本土汽车制造商可以去支持，这为中国品牌等新兴汽车制造商提供了市场机遇。

Britain’s domestic auto manufacturing industry has been in decline for years, and produced about 600,000 cars so far this year, about half the pace of production at the end of last decade. The largest producers include Japan’s Nissan; Jaguar Land Rover, owned by India’s Tata Motors; and Mini, which is part of BMW.

英国本土汽车制造业多年来持续衰退，今年以来产量约为60万辆，仅为上十年末产量的一半。目前英国最大的汽车生产商包括日本日产、印度塔塔汽车旗下的捷豹路虎，以及宝马集团旗下的MINI品牌。

China has grown to become the largest car exporter in the world, making inroads in countries as far-flung as Mexico, Brazil, Malaysia and South Africa. China produces far more electric vehicles than any other country, and its automakers have proved adept at meeting shifting regulations and consumer preferences, gaining market share with in-demand hybrids as well.

中国已崛起为全球最大汽车出口国，足迹远及墨西哥、巴西、马来西亚、南非等国。中国的电动汽车产量远超其他任何国家，中国车企也被证明善于适应不断变化的法规和消费者偏好，凭借备受青睐的混合动力车型同样持续扩大市场份额。

Beijing has encouraged exports as a way to deal with overcapacity at home, which has led to cutthroat competition and substantial losses. The surge of Chinese exports has triggered a backlash in Western countries with large domestic auto industries.

中国政府鼓励汽车出口，以此应对已导致市场竞争白热化和巨额亏损的国内产能过剩问题。中国汽车出口的激增引发了拥有庞大本土汽车产业的西方国家的反弹。

U.S. tariffs of 100 percent on Chinese electric cars have effectively banned the vehicles there. The European Union has imposed tariffs of up to 45 percent on battery-powered vehicles from China.

美国对中国电动汽车征收100%的关税，实际上已经相当于禁止该类车型进入美国市场；欧盟则对来自中国的电动汽车征收最高45%的关税。

Britain has not erected similar trade barriers, instead levying a 10 percent tariff on all imported cars. The British government has been pursuing closer economic ties with China.

英国并未设置类似贸易壁垒，仅对所有进口汽车统一征收10%的关税。英国政府一直致力于与中国建立更紧密的经济联系。

Around two million new cars are sold in Britain every year. Since 2019, the number of different brands registering sales has nearly doubled, to more than 70, according to Autotrader. No single brand commands the same loyalty, or market share, as Volkswagen in Germany or Renault and Peugeot in France.

英国每年新车销量约为200万辆。Autotrader的数据显示，自2019年以来，在英国注册销售的品牌数量已翻倍至70多个。没有任何一个品牌能像大众在德国、雷诺和标致在法国那样拥有极高的消费者忠诚度和市场份额。

利兹停车场内的电动汽车充电站。作为全球最大的汽车出口国，中国同时也是最大的电动汽车制造国。

Chinese-made cars got a jump start in Britain thanks to SAIC Motor, a Chinese state-owned carmaker, which acquired the British sports car brand MG after its collapse in the mid-2000s. More and more production was shifted to China until, in 2016, SAIC closed MG’s factory in the Midlands, the center of British car manufacturing.

中国汽车在英国的起步得益于中国国有车企上汽集团。2000年代中期，英国跑车品牌名爵破产后，上汽集团将其收购。此后，该品牌的生产逐渐转移至中国，直至2016年，上汽关闭了位于英国汽车制造业中心米德兰的名爵工厂。

MG cars imported from China accounted for more than 4 percent of new registrations in Britain so far this year, the largest share for a Chinese-owned brand. BYD accounted for just over 2 percent, about the same as Tesla.

今年以来，进口自中国的名爵汽车占英国新车注册量的4%以上，是中国品牌中占市场份额最大的；比亚迪的占比略超2%，与特斯拉相当。

Mr. Keith, the auto dealer in Leeds, sold his first car at age 16 in 1980. Over the next decade, he gradually took over his father’s gas station and repair shop, which also sold Skoda cars, then made in Communist Czechoslovakia. In the early 1990s, he took a bet on the brand and opened a showroom just after Skoda was acquired by Volkswagen but before it gained a reputation for value and reliability.

利兹市的经销商基思在1980年他16岁时卖出了人生第一辆车。在接下来的10年里，他逐渐接管了父亲的加油站和维修店，那家店当时也销售斯科达汽车（当时产自共产主义国家捷克斯洛伐克）。上世纪90年代初，在斯科达被大众收购、尚未以高性价比和可靠性成名前，他就大胆押注该品牌，为其开设了经销店。

By the early 2020s, China’s BYD had caught Mr. Keith’s attention. With a group of other independent dealerships, he pitched the automaker and two and a half years ago became one of the first franchised dealers for the brand in Britain.

21世纪20年代初，中国的比亚迪引起了基思的关注。他联合其他几家独立经销商向比亚迪提出合作申请，并在两年半前成为该品牌在英国的首批特许经销商之一。

Initially, it was “very hard work,” Mr. Keith said. Few car buyers had heard of BYD, and he offered only an all-electric model.

基思表示，起初的经营“非常艰难”。当时很少有消费者听说过比亚迪，而且他最初只提供纯电动车型。

But as more models came out — particularly plug-in hybrids — sales increased. His sales staff emphasized the fully loaded vehicles’ perks, with rotatable touch screens, wireless phone chargers, voice controls and even karaoke features.

但随着更多车型推出——尤其是插电式混合动力车型——销量开始增长。他的销售团队着重宣传这些配置齐全的车型所具备的优势：可旋转触摸屏、无线手机充电器、语音控制，甚至还有卡拉OK功能。

Customers “are beginning to understand it’s not a budget brand,” said Fozia Siddique, who has been selling BYD cars since the Leeds showroom opened.

消费者“开始明白这不是一个廉价品牌”，自利兹店开业以来就一直销售比亚迪汽车的福齐亚·西迪基说。

道格尔·基思作为D·M·基思公司的合伙人，从事汽车销售工作已有45年。他预计公司明年的销售额将达到约5亿英镑。史蒂夫·瓦因一家和他们新买的车：一辆比亚迪插电式混合动力车。

Ms. Siddique recently helped sell a new BYD plug-in hybrid S.U.V. to Steve Vine. He bought the car, which retails for about £33,000, in part because of its spaciousness and the battery’s long range. Mr. Vine, 55, regularly drives more than 300 miles from his home near Leeds to the southwest coastal town of Cornwall, and wanted to be able to do so without needing to stop and charge for too long.

西迪基最近帮助史蒂夫·瓦因购买了一辆新的比亚迪插电式混合动力SUV。这款车零售价约为3.3万英镑，瓦因购买它的部分原因是空间宽敞且续航里程长。55岁的瓦因经常从利兹附近的家驱车约500公里前往西南沿海城镇康沃尔郡，他希望能在途中无需长时间停车充电。

In Derbyshire, Roger Lyons, 60, recently bought a £48,000 electric BYD Seal Excellence after trying out models from Audi, Hyundai and Porsche. The BYD was “as nice to drive almost as a Porsche, and it’s got more toys than any of the other cars,” he said. His accountant had urged him to switch to an electric car to save on fuel costs, since his penchant for used luxury automobiles left him with two Audi sports cars that can be pricey to run and maintain.

在德比郡，在试驾了奥迪、现代和保时捷的车型后，60岁的罗杰·莱昂斯最终购买了一辆售价4.8万英镑的比亚迪海豹卓越版电动汽车。“这辆车的驾驶体验几乎和保时捷一样好，而且比其他任何车的配置都更丰富，”他说。他的会计师建议他换一辆电动汽车以节省燃油成本——他偏爱二手豪华车，名下已有两辆奥迪跑车，使用和维护成本不菲。

罗杰·莱昂斯最近买了一辆比亚迪电动汽车，他表示，“这辆车的驾驶体验几乎和保时捷一样好，而且比其他任何车的配置都更丰富。”

Encouraged by the success of his BYD dealerships, this month Mr. Keith opened two locations to sell cars made by Changan, a Chinese state-owned automaker.

受比亚迪门店成功的鼓舞，基思本月又开设了两家门店，销售中国国有车企长安汽车的产品。

Next year, Mr. Keith expects sales at his company, which runs 28 dealerships selling a variety of global brands, to hit about £500 million, more than 50 percent higher than in 2024, boosted by the demand for Chinese cars.

基思的公司目前运营着28家门店，销售多个全球品牌的汽车。他预计，明年公司销售额将达到约5亿英镑，较2024年增长逾50%，这主要得益于对中国汽车需求的推动。

In September, the BYD dealership in Leeds sold more cars than any of his other dealerships in the area. “It’s pretty good going for a brand that two years ago nobody had heard of,” he said.

今年9月，利兹市的比亚迪门店销量超过了他在该地区的其他所有门店。“对于一个两年前还无人知晓的品牌来说，这已经非常不错了，”他说。

德比郡峰区国家公园的乡村风光。凭借其长续航电池技术，比亚迪吸引了众多希望长途驾驶无需频繁停靠充电的消费者。

In 2020, a Chinese citizen had heard reports about China’s mass detention and surveillance of Uyghurs. But he wanted to see if they were true for himself.

2020年，一位中国公民听闻中国大规模拘禁和监视维吾尔人的报道。但他想亲自验证这些报道是否属实。

So the citizen, Heng Guan, 38, said that he made a hugely risky decision, driving across the country from eastern China to Xinjiang, where he tracked down and secretly shot video of hulking re-education and detention centers mostly holding Uyghurs, a Muslim ethnic group. The footage later became rare visual evidence of the scale and forcible nature of China’s clampdown, despite Beijing’s claims that they were voluntary re-education camps.

这位38岁的公民关恒表示，他做出了一个极度冒险的决定，从中国东部开车穿越全国前往新疆，在那里，他追踪并秘密拍摄了主要关押穆斯林少数民族维吾尔人的庞大再教育和拘禁中心。这些视频后来成为罕见的视觉证据，证明了中国镇压行动的规模和强制性，尽管北京声称这些是自愿的再教育营。

In 2021, Mr. Guan fled to the United States, where he applied for asylum. Then, this August, as he was living in New York, he was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. His supporters and family members feared he might be sent back to China, where human rights activists say he would almost certainly face retribution from the government.

2021年，关恒逃往美国，并在那里申请庇护。今年8月，居住在纽约的关恒被移民与海关执法局拘留。支持者和家人担心他可能被遣返回中国，人权活动人士表示，他几乎肯定会面临政府的报复。

On Monday, after a public outcry, the Trump administration moved to continue deportation proceedings against Mr. Guan, but argued that he should be sent to Uganda, which has close economic ties to China.

周一，在受到舆论强烈抗议后，特朗普政府继续推进对关恒的驱逐程序，但主张应将他遣送至乌干达，后者与中国有密切的经济联系。

At a virtual immigration hearing on Monday, Niles Gerry, a lawyer for the Department of Homeland Security, cited an agreement that allows asylum seekers in the United States who might face persecution in their home country to be removed to what the government calls safe third countries, where they can apply for asylum. Administration officials, under pressure from President Trump to carry out mass deportations, have moved swiftly to resume third-country deportations after the Supreme Court cleared the practice in July.

在周一的线上移民听证会上，国土安全部律师奈尔斯·格里引用了一项协议，允许将可能在祖国面临迫害的美国庇护申请者遣送到政府称为“安全第三国”的国家，他们可以在那里申请庇护。在特朗普总统推动大规模驱逐的压力下，政府官员迅速恢复了第三国驱逐做法，此前最高法院在7月对这一做法予以认可。

Mr. Guan’s case underscores the immense breadth of Mr. Trump’s mass deportation campaign, which is ensnaring even those who would appear to have obvious claims to asylum.

关恒的案件凸显了特朗普大规模驱逐行动的范围之广，甚至连那些看似有明显庇护理由的人也卷入其中。

The Chinese government’s wide-scale repression of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang — and the extreme lengths to which officials have gone to distort or stymie any information about its efforts in the region — has been the subject of numerous international media investigations and human rights reports in recent years.

中国政府在新疆对维吾尔人的大规模镇压——以及官员为歪曲或阻挠有关该地区行动的信息而采取的极端措施——近年来已成为众多国际媒体调查和人权报告的主题。

新疆达坂城的一处拘留设施，摄于2021年。

China and Uganda share strong economic and defense ties, and the two governments have also promoted their cooperation on fighting crime. And Mr. Guan’s lawyer, Chuangchuang Chen, said that, given that close relationship, Mr. Guan would be in great danger in Uganda.

中国和乌干达在经济和国防领域有密切联系，两国政府还推动了在打击犯罪方面的合作。关恒的律师陈闯创表示，鉴于这种密切关系，关恒在乌干达将面临巨大危险。

“It’s more likely than not for such a highly sensitive person like Mr. Guan that Uganda would send him back to China,” Mr. Chen said in a telephone interview after the hearing.

“对于像关先生这样高度敏感的人，乌干达很有可能将他遣返回中国，”陈闯创在听证会后的电话采访中说。

In recent days, word of Mr. Guan’s possible deportation set off a furor in the United States. An editorial in The Wall Street Journal decried his possible deportation, and Raja Krishnamoorthi, a Democratic congressman from Illinois who is a ranking member of a House select committee on the Chinese Communist Party, called for Mr. Guan’s release.

最近几天，关恒可能被驱逐的消息在美国引发轩然大波。《华尔街日报》的一篇社论对他可能被驱逐一事予以谴责，伊利诺伊州民主党议员、众议院中共问题特设委员会少数党领袖拉贾·克里希纳穆尔蒂呼吁释放关恒。

At Monday’s hearing, Judge Charles Ouslander scheduled another hearing on Mr. Guan’s removal for Jan. 12, citing among several reasons the heightened interest in the case.

在周一的听证会上，查尔斯·奥斯拉德法官就关恒的驱逐问题又安排了一场听证会，定于1月12日举行，他列举了几个原因，其中包括本案引起的高度关注。

Mr. Chen said that he would file a motion on Mr. Guan’s behalf to allow him to stay in the United States and continue with his asylum application. The Department of Homeland Security said, “More information on this case is forthcoming.”

陈闯创表示，他将代表关恒提交动议，请求允许他留在美国并继续其庇护申请程序。国土安全部表示，“关于此案的更多信息即将公布。”

Mr. Guan was detained in August by immigration officials who had been carrying out an action against his landlord in upstate New York, according to Mr. Chen. A source familiar with the case said that Mr. Guan had been arrested during a raid led by the F.B.I. and Homeland Security Investigations, but that the man had no apparent criminal history.

据陈闯创称，关恒在8月被移民官员拘留，当时官员正在针对他在纽约州北部的房东采取行动。一位熟悉此案的消息人士表示，关恒是在联邦调查局和国土安全调查局主导的一次突查中被捕的，但他看起来并没有犯罪记录。

On Monday, Mr. Guan joined the hearing through a video link wearing an orange jumpsuit from a jail in Binghamton, N.Y., where he is currently being held.

周一，关恒身着橙色囚服，通过视频连线从纽约州宾厄姆顿市监狱参与听证会，目前他被羁押于该处。

The detention centers in Xinjiang were part of a draconian campaign under the Chinese leader Xi Jinping to indoctrinate Uyghurs and root out what the Communist Party said were dangerous ideas fueling resistance and extremist violence. Hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs and members of other mostly Muslim ethnic groups — some estimates said a million or more — were rounded up and held in re-education centers, detention sites or prisons.

新疆的拘禁中心是中国领导人习近平领导下的一项严酷运动的一部分，旨在对维吾尔人进行思想灌输，并根除共产党所称的助长抵抗和极端主义暴力的危险思想。数十万维吾尔人和其他主要穆斯林少数民族成员——一些估计称超过一百万人——被围捕并关押在再教育中心、拘禁设施或监狱中。

During Mr. Trump’s first presidency, the Chinese government’s treatment of Uyghurs emerged as a major source of tension between the two sides. In 2021, on the last full day of Mr. Trump’s first term, the State Department officially declared the Chinese government’s actions in Xinjiang a “genocide.”

在特朗普的第一届总统任期内，中国政府对维吾尔人的待遇成为双方紧张关系的主要来源。2021年，在特朗普第一届任期的最后一天，美国国务院正式宣布中国政府在新疆的行为构成“种族灭绝”。

And Marco Rubio, then a Republican senator from Florida and now the secretary of state, was among the most outspoken members of Congress on the issue.

时任佛罗里达州共和党参议员、现任国务卿的马尔科·鲁比奥是国会中最积极发声的成员之一。

Recent reports show that the Chinese government has sent Uyghurs out of Xinjiang to other parts of the country on government work programs that many experts believe are forcible in nature.

最近的报告显示，中国政府将维吾尔人从新疆遣送到全国其他地区，参加政府工作项目，许多专家认为这些项目本质上是强迫性的。

The Chinese government, for its part, has rejected any accusations of genocide or human rights violations and has defended its efforts in Xinjiang as necessary to fight against terrorism. Over the years, the government has systematically quashed efforts to question that narrative. It has asserted control through the use of mass surveillance and censorship, heavy policing of the local population as well as intimidation and threats to silence Uyghurs and other critics abroad.

中国政府则否认任何种族灭绝或侵犯人权的指控，并为其在新疆的行动辩护，称这是打击恐怖主义的必要措施。多年前，政府通过大规模监视和审查、对当地人口的严密警务管控以及恐吓和威胁来系统性地压制质疑这一叙事的努力，从而确立了控制。它还恐吓和威胁海外的维吾尔人和其他批评者。

The government has also severely restricted independent media access to the region, which is what made Mr. Guan’s footage — which provided a rare, close-up look at the detention camps detailing their high walls, guard towers and barbed wire — so revelatory.

政府还严格限制独立媒体进入该地区，这使得关恒的视频具有重大的揭示意义，它们提供了对拘禁营的高墙、警卫塔和铁丝网的罕见近距离观察。

“It had a big impact for people to see that, wow, this is real stuff happening to people,” said Tahir Imin, a Uyghur activist based in Washington.

“看到这些视频，会给人带来巨大冲击感：哇，这真的是发生在人们身上的真实事情，”华盛顿的维吾尔活动人士塔希尔·伊明说。

Mr. Guan visited Xinjiang as a tourist in 2019, when the detention campaign was at its height, and was shocked by the heavy-handed security he encountered, he told Human Rights in China, a group that is seeking his release from detention.

关恒在2019年作为游客访问新疆，当时拘禁运动正处于高峰期，他告诉寻求他获释的团体“中国人权”组织，当时他对遇到的严苛安保感到震惊。

中国新疆地区和田市郊外，一处被认为是再教育营的设施附近的瞭望塔，摄于2019年。

Later, evading China’s internet censorship firewall, he read a report from Buzzfeed News about the re-education centers in Xinjiang and decided to try to document them. He figured out the likely locations of centers from the Buzzfeed report and drove from site to site across several days in 2020, using a video camera to film the centers from a distance. Mr. Guan realized that, if he released the video, he would almost surely be arrested if he stayed in China, he told Human Rights in China.

后来，他绕过中国的互联网审查墙，阅读了BuzzFeed News关于新疆再教育中心的报道，并决定尝试记录这些中心。他从BuzzFeed报道中推断出中心的可能位置，并在2020年的几天内开车从一个地点到另一个地点，使用摄像机从远处拍摄这些中心。他对“中国人权”说，他意识到，一旦发布视频，如果继续留在中国，几乎肯定会被捕。

In 2021, after China began relaxing its pandemic-related restrictions on travel, Mr. Guan traveled to Hong Kong and then flew to Ecuador, which at the time allowed visa-free entry for Chinese passport holders. From there he flew to the Bahamas and then bought a small boat to make a grueling journey to Florida. Mr. Guan then released the video footage taken in Xinjiang on the internet, attracting widespread attention.

2021年，在中国开始放松疫情相关旅行限制后，关恒前往香港，然后飞往厄瓜多尔，当时该国允许中国护照持有人免签入境。他接着从那里飞往巴哈马，然后买了一艘小船，历经艰辛抵达佛罗里达。随后，关恒在互联网上发布了他在新疆拍摄的视频，引起广泛关注。

“Those unwilling to be enslaved are also unwilling to see others enslaved,” he said in the voice-over for his 19-minute documentary.

“不愿被奴役的人也不愿看到别人被奴役，”他在19分钟纪录片的画外音中说。

Mr. Guan’s mother, Luo Yun, who has lived in Taiwan for nearly 20 years, said that their family members in China, including Mr. Guan’s father and Ms. Luo’s four sisters, had all been questioned by police officers. The officers asked them about their contacts with Mr. Guan and their knowledge of his activities, Ms. Luo said in an interview.

关恒的母亲罗云已在台湾生活近20年，她表示，他们在中国的家人，包括关恒的父亲和罗云的四个姐妹都曾被警察盘问。警察询问他们与关恒的联系以及他们对他的活动的了解，罗云在采访中说。

“He’s definitely on the Chinese Communist Party’s blacklist,” Ms. Luo said of her son. “Even our family members who had no relationship with him after he became an adult have been investigated.”

“连我们家人跟他长成一个成年人以后完全没有关系的都遭到调查。中国政府一定是密切关注了他的案子，”罗云谈到儿子时说。