The computer chip factories rising from an empty expanse of the Sonoran Desert test the concept of immensity. The complex is under construction across 1,149 acres, an area larger than New York’s Central Park. It represents an investment of $165 billion, making it one of the most expensive undertakings on Earth.

从索诺兰沙漠的一片空地上拔地而起的芯片工厂正在测试“巨大”这一概念的极限。建设中的园区占地约465公顷，比纽约中央公园还要大。它的投资额达到1650亿美元，是地球上最昂贵的工程之一。

Here on the northern edges of Phoenix stands a display of America’s reach for industrial self-sufficiency. The factories are engineered to make advanced computer chips — the brains of modern manufacturing. Those chips will power data centers that deliver artificial intelligence.

矗立在菲尼克斯城北郊的这片工厂体现了美国追求工业自给自足的雄心。这些工厂用于生产先进的计算机芯片，也就是现代制造业的大脑。它们将为提供人工智能服务的数据中心提供动力。

American political leaders celebrate the presence of the plants as insurance against geopolitical turmoil and disasters like pandemics. Whatever happens, the nation will have its own supply of computer chips.

美国政治领导人将这些工厂视为应对地缘政治动荡和大流行病等灾难的保险。无论发生什么状况，美国都不用担心计算机芯片的供应。

But the company at the center of this enterprise — one cast as vital to national security — is not American. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co., or TSMC, the global leader in the industry, has marshaled the investment, the people and the know-how to turn these plans into reality.

但在这一举措背后居于核心地位、被视为对国家安全至关重要的企业却并非一家美国公司。全球行业龙头台湾积体电路制造公司（下称台积电）调动了投资、人力与专业知识，使这些计划成为现实。

Scores of other companies, some of them American but many from East Asia, have set up their own local factories to supply TSMC with everything it needs, from chemicals and components to construction and engineering services. Collectively, they have invested an additional $40 billion in the local economy.

数十家公司——有些是美国的，但更多来自东亚——也纷纷在此建厂，从化学品、零组件到建筑与工程服务，为台积电提供所需的一切配套支持。它们总共为当地经济投入了400亿美元。

芯片产业的扩张：菲尼克斯大都市区聚集了280家半导体及供应链企业，从业人员超4万人。注：目前显示的台积电与安靠科技相关数据为预测值。来源：大菲尼克斯经济委员会、马里科帕县政府协会、亚利桑那州立大学。

This is the inescapable truth behind the transformation of Phoenix into a hub for computer chips: It could never have happened without the expertise and money brought in from across the Pacific. The last major domestic chip plant came online in 2013. So the United States lacks the experience to build one without considerable help.

这就是菲尼克斯转变为计算机芯片中心背后无法回避的事实：如果没有来自太平洋彼岸的专业技术和资金，这一切根本不可能发生。美国上一次大型本土芯片厂上线还是在2013年。因此，美国缺乏在没有大量外援的情况下自行建设此类芯片厂的经验。

And even with that assistance, the experience has been tumultuous, fraught with missteps and enormously expensive. The process that has turned a blank spot on the map into what some now call the Silicon Desert underscores a defining feature of American life: A tangle of bureaucracy often hinders ambitious visions, sowing confusion, uncertainty and delay. That tends to reinforce inertia and discourage development.

而且即便有这样的协助，建厂过程仍然状况不断、失误百出，而且代价极为高昂。从地图上的一片空白变成如今有人称为“硅漠”的地方，这一过程凸显出美国社会的一个决定性特征：繁复的官僚体系常常阻碍雄心勃勃的愿景，带来混乱、不确定性与延误。这往往会强化惰性，阻碍发展。

At home in Taiwan, TSMC is used to moving aggressively, gaining whatever resources, personnel and government approvals are required to propel its astonishing expansion. Yet in Phoenix, TSMC and its suppliers have wrestled with the intricacies of a different system.

在台湾本土，台积电惯于积极行动，获取惊人扩张所需的资源、人员和政府许可。然而在菲尼克斯，台积电及其供应商却不得不与另一种体制的种种复杂性作斗争。

They have been tripped up by a confusing process to gain permits. They have struggled to find workers with needed skills. They have contended with higher costs of doing business, succeeding through force of will and vast sums of money.

获取相关批文的过程相当混乱，他们为此屡屡受挫。具备所需技能的工人也不好找。他们承受着更高的运营成本，凭借意志力和巨额资金才得以撑下来。

台积电在本土习惯了高度精简的建厂流程，但在菲尼克斯城遭遇繁琐的监管要求。

Under pressure to build factories in the United States, TSMC has already completed one so-called fab — a plant now producing chips — while continuing construction of two more. It has outlined plans for three more factories at the Phoenix site, plus a pair of advanced packaging facilities. When these plans are completed, the company expects to make nearly one-third of its advanced chips in the United States.

在美国建厂的压力下，台积电已经完成了一座所谓的晶圆厂——目前正在生产芯片——同时还在继续建设另外两座。该公司还规划在菲尼克斯再建三座工厂，以及两座先进封装设施。当这些计划全部完成时，该公司预计其近三分之一的高级芯片将在美国制造。

President Donald Trump has vowed to spur a revival in U.S. manufacturing as a centerpiece of his economic plans. He has leaned heavily on tariffs as the way to force companies to set up factories in the United States and hire American workers. He has effectively bet that the allure of making goods inside the world’s largest consumer marketplace would be enough to overcome other challenges.

特朗普总统誓言要重振美国制造业，并在他提出的经济计划中把这一点放在了核心位置。他大力依赖关税，以此迫使企业在美国设厂、雇用美国工人。他实际上是在押注：在全球最大消费市场内部生产商品的吸引力，足以抵消其他挑战。

But the simplicity of that prescription confronts the reality that the United States lacks workers with needed skills.

然而，这一看似简单的方案却面临着这样一个现实，即美国缺乏具备必要技能的劳工。

And in Taiwan, TSMC and its suppliers build facilities in dedicated industrial zones that generally require one permit from a central authority. In Arizona, they must negotiate municipal, county, state and federal regulations, requiring thousands of approvals.

而且在台湾，台积电及其供应商通常在专门的工业园区内建厂，通常只需从中央主管机构拿到一张许可即可。在亚利桑那州，他们必须与市、县、州和联邦各层级的法规打交道，需要获得数以千计的审批。

“We ended up establishing 18,000 rules, which cost us $35 million,” said C.C. Wei, TSMC’s CEO and chair.

“我们最终制定了1.8万条规则，这花费了我们3500万美元，”台积电董事长暨总裁魏哲家说道。

Such laments stem from an extraordinary American success. Over decades, the United States has used regulation to reduce air and water pollution while enhancing workplace safety. Yet bureaucracies have grown around those rules, often in incoherent fashion.

这些抱怨源自美国一个非凡的成就：几十年来，美国利用法规减少了空气和水污染，同时提高了工作场所的安全性。然而，围绕这些法规成长出来的官僚体系往往杂乱无章。

The presence of TSMC in Phoenix reflects a reassessment of geopolitical risks. No one at its headquarters in Taiwan stared at the globe and concluded that Phoenix was the most suitable place to make chips. Rather, the company responded to its customers.

台积电在菲尼克斯建厂，体现出各方对地缘政治风险的重新评估。在台积电总部的决策者并非盯着地球仪后得出结论，认为菲尼克斯是最适合制造芯片的地方。相反，该公司是在回应客户的需求。

TSMC does not design chips. It makes them for businesses like Apple and Nvidia, the company at the center of explosive growth in artificial intelligence.

台积电并不设计芯片，它为苹果、英伟达等企业代工生产芯片，英伟达正处于人工智能爆炸式增长的核心位置。

In recent years, TSMC’s customers have grown worried about its dependence on factories in Taiwan, a self-governing island claimed by China. What if Beijing unleashes its military to seize control, disrupting the supply of chips? With such fears in mind, TSMC has begun constructing factories around the world, including in Germany and Japan.

近年来，台积电的客户越来越担心过度依赖台湾工厂——中国主张这个自治岛屿是其领土的一部分。如果北京动用武力夺取控制权，导致芯片供应受阻怎么办？出于这种担忧，台积电已经开始在全球建厂，包括德国和日本。

One of TSMC’s largest customers urged the company to set up an advanced manufacturing plant in the United States.

台积电的一位主要客户曾敦促它在美国建立一座先进制造工厂。

The Biden administration was intent on diminishing America’s reliance on faraway factories. It sought to attract computer chip manufacturers by earmarking more than $52 billion in subsidies via the CHIPS and Science Act. The funding included $6.6 billion for TSMC.

拜登政府决心减少美国对遥远工厂的依赖。它试图通过《芯片与科学法案》拨出超过520亿美元的补贴来吸引计算机芯片制造商。这笔资金包括为台积电提供的66亿美元。

The Arizona Commerce Authority, an economic development agency, courted the company, highlighting the state’s legacy as a center of semiconductor production. Motorola began making computer chips in the area in the mid-1950s. Intel opened a fab in Chandler in 1980.

亚利桑那州商务局是一家负责经济发展的机构，它向台积电积极示好，强调该州作为半导体制造中心的历史传承。早在20世纪50年代中期，摩托罗拉就在当地开始生产电脑芯片；英特尔则在1980年于钱德勒市开设了一家晶圆厂。

Arizona State University promoted its industry expertise and aggressive expansion plans. Over the last 15 years, the ranks of its engineering students have grown to 33,000, from 6,000.

亚利桑那州立大学也大力宣传自身的产业专长和积极扩张计划。过去15年间，其工程专业学生人数已从6000人增长到3.3万人。

赛·斯里尼瓦斯·塔特维克·米萨拉正在亚利桑那州立大学制造系统与网络学院学习。该校的工程类专业学生人数是15年前的五倍。

But nothing gets built in Phoenix without reckoning with water. Shortages have prompted state and local authorities to limit development.

但在菲尼克斯，任何建设项目都绕不开水的问题。水资源短缺促使州和地方政府不得不限制开发。

Chip plants require enormous amounts of water. The first three TSMC factories were expected to need a collective 16.4 million gallons per day — about as much as consumed by 200,000 homes. TSMC says its expect to draw little of that from municipal supplies. The company is building a wastewater treatment plant that it says will eventually recycle nearly all of its water.

芯片工厂需要大量的水。台积电的前三座工厂预计每天总共需要1640万加仑的水，这大致相当于20万户家庭的用水量。台积电表示，预计这些用水几乎不会来自市政供水系统。该公司正在建设一座废水处理厂，称未来水几乎可实现全部循环利用。

By the spring of 2024, TSMC had committed to build three factories in Phoenix, while investing $65 billion. Then Trump returned to office, gaining the company’s commitment to more than double its plans.

截至2024年春，台积电已承诺在菲尼克斯建造三座工厂，投资额达650亿美元。随后特朗普重返白宫，促使该公司承诺将其计划规模扩大一倍以上。

Making computer chips is an industrial magic trick. Billions of microscopic transistors are crammed onto slivers of silicon using a process something like the creation of a photographic negative. Machinery casts beams of light so slender that a human hair may be 5,000 times as thick.

制造电脑芯片是一种工业魔术。数十亿个微观晶体管被塞到薄薄的硅片上，其工序有点像制作照相底片。机器发射的光束细到令人难以想象，一根人类的头发可能比它粗5000倍。

But installing that equipment, and getting it to work properly, requires people with specialized training and experience. Two years ago, TSMC acknowledged that it was having trouble finding local people who knew how to do it. The company brought in more than 500 experienced workers from Taiwan.

但安装这些设备并使其正常运行，需要具备专业训练和经验的人员。两年前，台积电承认难以找到掌握相关技术的本地人才。为此，公司从台湾引进了500多名经验丰富的工人。

Local unions accused TSMC of breaching the spirit and rules of its federal subsidies. They urged immigration authorities to block visas for the Taiwanese workers.

当地工会指责台积电违反了联邦补贴的精神和规定，并敦促移民当局拒绝为这些台湾工人发放签证。

The company resolved the conflict by committing to show preference to American workers. But labor disputes have continued.

台积电通过承诺优先考虑美国工人解决了这一冲突。但劳资纠纷仍在持续。

A lawsuit brought by 28 former and current TSMC employees at facilities in Arizona and California accuses the company of relying on Taiwanese senior managers who sideline American workers by conducting business in Chinese while denigrating local hires.

一桩由28名亚利桑那州和加利福尼亚州台积电前任及现任员工提起的诉讼指控公司依赖台湾籍高层管理人员，这些管理人员以中文处理业务、排挤美国员工，同时贬低本地雇员。

The lawsuit depicts dangerous conditions inside the fabs. It asserts that TSMC reflexively brings in workers from Taiwan rather than investing in training local people.

诉状描绘了晶圆厂内部的危险状况，并称台积电习惯性地从台湾调人，而不是投资训练本地员工。

TSMC declined to discuss the lawsuit. In a statement, the company said it “is committed to providing a safe, welcoming and inclusive environment for our employees.”

台积电拒绝就该诉讼置评。公司在一份声明中表示，它“致力于为员工提供一个安全、友好且包容的工作环境”。

Arizona authorities required that the company survey its site as well, to ensure that it was free of desert tortoises. The city of Phoenix demanded that TSMC identify and replant protected species of desert flora.

亚利桑那州的相关部门要求台积电对厂址进行勘察，以确保场地内没有沙漠龟栖息。菲尼克斯城方面则要求台积电确认并移植受保护的沙漠植物物种。

When fire protection engineer David Amiri, 34, joined TSMC in June 2022, he assumed the company would value his knowledge of applicable safety codes. He had spent three-plus years as a Phoenix fire inspector.

34岁的消防保护工程师戴维·阿米里于2022年6月入职台积电时，以为公司会重视他对相关安全规范的了解。他曾担任菲尼克斯消防检查员三年多时间。

The company had to expand the sprinkler system, he told his supervisors. This was a substantive issue of safety, he said. But the Taiwanese manager he approached dismissed his concerns, Amiri said.

他告诉主管，公司必须扩建自动喷水灭火系统。他表示，这是一个严重的安全问题。但阿米里说，他找到的台湾籍经理没有理会他的担忧。

“They wanted to copy in the U.S. exactly how they do it in Taiwan,” he said. “They didn’t change a single bit of their design.”

“他们想在美国完全照搬他们在台湾的做法，”他说。“他们的设计一点都没改。”

An inspector for TSMC’s insurance company later noted the defect and demanded that it be remedied, Amiri said, and the cost ran “six figures.” In June 2024, he quit in frustration.

阿米里称，台积电的保险公司的检查员后来注意到了这一缺陷并要求整改，其成本高达“六位数”。2024年6月，他沮丧地辞职了。

Amkor Technology, a chip packaging company, was a missing piece to the whole puzzle. Advanced packaging takes freshly manufactured chips and fits them together for use in devices like consumer electronics.

芯片封装公司安靠科技是整个拼图中缺失的一块。先进封装技术负责将新制造出的芯片组装在一起，以便用于消费电子等设备。

安靠公司在亚利桑那州皮奥里亚的芯片封装工厂已开始动工建设。

In late 2023, Amkor announced plans to build a $2 billion plant in Peoria, a city just west of the TSMC complex. The Peoria City Council approved a development agreement with Amkor in February 2024. The plant was to be built in the middle of 320 acres slated for housing, restaurants and office space.

2023年底，安靠宣布计划在皮奥里亚（位于台积电园区西侧的城市）投资20亿美元建厂。皮奥里亚市议会在2024年2月批准了安靠的开发协议。该工厂计划建在一块约130公顷的土地中央，而该地块原计划用于建设住宅、餐厅和办公空间。

Residents cried foul. How was a factory compatible with the surroundings? City officials offered assurances. The tallest building would be no higher than 54 feet, they said.

居民对此表示强烈反对。工厂怎么能和周围环境相容？市政官员予以安抚。他们表示，最高的建筑不会超过16米。

Yet by January, the planned factory had doubled in height, while expanding across more than four times the initial square footage.

然而到了今年一月，这座规划中的工厂高度增加了一倍，占地面积也扩大到最初的四倍多。

Amkor was under pressure to add capacity to accommodate TSMC’s growing demand for AI chips. Its investment had swelled to $7 billion.

安靠科技正面临增加产能的压力，以满足台积电对人工智能芯片日益增长的需求。其投资额已激增至70亿美元。

Residents of the community jammed Peoria City Council meetings, demanding a halt to the factory and threatening legal action. Publicly, the city held firm.

社区居民挤满了皮奥里亚市议会的会议厅，要求停止工厂建设，并威胁采取法律行动。在公开场合，市政府态度坚决。

凯西·巴特尔海姆担心，安靠科技拟建的工厂会破坏她位于菲尼克斯城附近住所的安宁与僻静。

Jason Beck, the Peoria mayor, pursued a deal behind the scenes by which the city bought a larger, more remote parcel via a state land auction. The company recently broke ground at the new site.

皮奥里亚市长杰森·贝克在幕后推动了一项交易：市政府通过一次州土地拍卖，购买了一块面积更大、位置更偏远的土地。该公司最近已在新址破土动工。

“Sometimes, things get ugly,” Beck said.

“有时候，事情难免会变得棘手，”贝克说道。

Nothing about Sentio, an apartment complex in North Phoenix, gives away its connection to the future of American manufacturing. Its 325 units are arrayed around a courtyard and a swimming pool.

森蒂欧公寓园区位于北菲尼克斯，从外表完全看不出它与美国制造业的未来有什么联系。围绕庭院和游泳池排布着325套公寓。

But the compound is widely known as TSMC Village. Four miles to the north, in the middle of a desert valley, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company is building a constellation of factories to make advanced computer chips. The project has relied on an influx of skilled workers from Taiwan who have delivered an infusion of expertise to a country that had not built a major chip factory in more than a decade.

但这片社区被广泛称为“台积电村”。向北约六公里，在一片沙漠谷地中央，台积电正在建造一批先进计算机芯片工厂。这个项目依赖于大量来自台湾的熟练工人持续涌入，为这个已有十多年未新建大型芯片工厂的国家注入了关键专业技术。

TSMC Village is where many of the incoming families land.

台积电村正是许多初来乍到的家庭的落脚点。

The newcomers have faced challenges in transitioning to life in an American region defined by sprawling suburbia and summer temperatures reaching 110. They have also transformed a sleepy and remote stretch of Greater Phoenix into a fast-growing Taiwanese community.

这些新移民面临着诸多适应挑战，美国的这个地区以绵延的郊区住宅区为主，夏季气温高达约43摄氏度。但他们也将大菲尼克斯地区这片原本宁静偏远的地带改造成了一个快速发展的台湾社区。

Businesses aimed at serving the workers and their families have proliferated, from boba tea shops to law firms and insurance agencies that include Mandarin speakers.

为这些工人及其家庭服务的商家纷纷涌现，从珍珠奶茶店，到有国语服务的律师事务所和保险公司。

Sharon Lee, a former television anchor from Taipei, arrived two years ago with her husband, a TSMC quality control manager, and their twins, then still babies. She knew no one, spoke little English and could not drive. She was also suffering postpartum depression.

来自台北的前电视主播莎伦·李（音）两年前随身为台积电质量控制经理的丈夫和当时尚在襁褓的双胞胎来到这里。她在当地谁也不认识，英语水平有限，还不会开车，同时正遭受产后抑郁的困扰。

莎伦·李在家中为孩子们举办晚宴和集体游戏活动，她所在的社区有数户台积电员工家庭迁入。

Life at TSMC Village quickly supplied her with a community. She organized a group of mothers with small children, and they planned get-togethers in surrounding playgrounds.

台积电村的生活很快为她提供了归属感。她组织了一群带着幼儿的母亲，大家会在周边的游乐场策划聚会活动。

With few Chinese restaurants nearby, they took cooking classes and made wontons, hand-pulled noodles and pastries.

由于附近很少有中餐馆，她们一起参加烹饪课，学着做馄饨、手擀面和糕点。

“If you want to eat, you have to learn how to cook,” Ms. Lee said. Her group now includes 220 people.

“想吃什么，就得自己学着做，”莎伦·李说。如今她的团体已有220人。

She and her family recently moved out of their apartment, joining five other TSMC households in buying homes in the same community. Their children play together while the parents socialize.

她和家人最近搬离公寓，与另外五户台积电员工家庭在同一社区购置了房产。孩子们一起玩耍，父母们则互相交流。

Families arriving from Taiwan are typically shocked by how much house their money can buy. This has supplied Tina Lu, 31, a real estate agent, with what may be the easiest gig in the local industry.

从台湾迁来的家庭往往惊讶于当地房价的低廉。这也让31岁的房地产经纪人蒂娜·卢（音）收获了当地行业中或许最轻松的工作。

For years, housing prices in Phoenix have been soaring to such heights that even professional couples bemoan the possibility of satisfying their needs and their budgets at the same time.

多年来，菲尼克斯的房价一路飙升，即便是专业人士夫妇也抱怨难以同时满足居住需求和预算限制。

Not Ms. Lu’s clients. She specializes in finding houses for families that have recently arrived from Taiwan. Most have moved for jobs at TSMC or its suppliers. They are accustomed to paying a king’s ransom for cramped apartments in Taiwan.

但蒂娜·卢的客户们却没有这样的烦恼。她专门为刚从台湾来的家庭寻找房源，这些家庭大多是为了在台积电或其供应商处工作而搬迁。他们早已习惯在台湾花大价钱租住狭小的公寓。

She takes them to see modest bungalows beyond the urban fringes. She shows them townhouses looking out on freeways. They are charmed by the community pools, the playgrounds, the space to barbecue.

她带他们去看城市边缘以外的普通平房，或是能看到高速公路景色的联排别墅。社区游泳池、游乐场和烧烤空间，都让他们心动不已。

即使是70万美元的房子，在房地产经纪人蒂娜·卢的台湾客户眼中也显得便宜。图为她与丈夫陈霆在他的仓库中。

“They will say, ‘Oh, it’s only $700,000 for a whole house,’” Ms. Lu said. “No matter how small the houses are, they still like them and think they are cheap.”

“他们会说，‘哇，一整栋房子才70万美元’，”蒂娜·卢说，“不管房子有多小，他们都很喜欢，觉得很便宜。”

Born in Taiwan, Ms. Lu moved to Southern California to live with an aunt when she was 12. She speaks Mandarin and English.

蒂娜·卢出生于台湾，12岁时搬到南加州与一位阿姨共同生活，会说国语和英语。

She gets most of her clients from referrals via a friend whose husband works at TSMC. She introduces them to Mandarin-speaking mortgage brokers and interior decorators. She takes them shopping for paint and tiles. She shows them how to order Asian groceries online.

她的客户大多来自一位朋友的推荐，这位朋友的丈夫在台积电工作。她会把客户介绍给说国语的按揭经纪人、室内设计师，带他们去买涂料和瓷砖，还教他们如何在网上购买亚洲食材。

Her husband, Ting Chen, who grew up in Taipei, Taiwan’s capital, imports boba and distributes it to area tea shops.

她的丈夫陈霆（音）在台湾首府台北长大，从事珍珠奶茶原料进口业务，为当地的奶茶店供货。

All around them are indications of Taiwanese influence. Taroko, a popular chain of baseball batting cages and video games in Taiwan, recently opened an outlet in Mesa, east of Phoenix. Din Tai Fung, a famous purveyor of xiao long bao — Shanghai-style soup dumplings — is opening a restaurant in Scottsdale. China Airlines is launching three-times-a-week nonstop flights from Phoenix to Taipei.

在他们身边，台湾文化的影响随处可见：台湾热门棒球练习场及电子游戏连锁店“大鲁阁”最近在菲尼克斯东部的梅萨市开设了分店；以上海风味小笼包闻名的鼎泰丰即将在斯科茨代尔市开设餐厅；中华航空也将开通菲尼克斯至台北的直达航班，每周三班。

South of the TSMC factory complex, in an area known as Deer Valley, warehouses line new streets, home to Taiwanese construction, engineering and chemical companies that are supporting the building of the chip plants.

在台积电工厂园区以南的鹿谷地区，新修的街道两旁排列着仓库，这里聚集了为芯片工厂建设提供支持的台湾建筑、工程和化工企业。

鹿谷吸引了支持台积电建设芯片工厂的台湾企业。

Spouses of TSMC employees have started businesses catering to others in the community.

台积电员工的配偶们也纷纷创业，服务社区。

Iwa Ling, 39, grew up in Tainan, a city in the south of Taiwan. Her husband works for TSMC. Two years ago, they moved to Phoenix. She recently opened So Good Kitchen, which makes Taiwanese-style lunches. Every day, she delivers more than 100 of them to the TSMC factory.

39岁的伊娃·凌（音）在台湾南部城市台南长大，丈夫在台积电工作。两年前，他们搬到菲尼克斯，她最近开了一家“好味厨房”，主打台式午餐，每天要向台积电工厂配送100多份餐食。

Ms. Ling and her husband recently moved into a new house that has twice the room of his old apartment in Taipei, and for half the price.

伊娃·凌和丈夫最近搬进了一栋新房子，面积是他们在台北旧公寓的两倍，而价格却只有一半。

She misses the convenience of Taiwan — the clusters of restaurants and markets within walking distance. But she does not miss the crowds and the revving of motorbikes. She looks out her dining room window and revels in the view of mountains on the horizon.

她想念台湾的便利——步行范围内就有密集的餐馆和市场，但她并不怀念那里的拥挤和摩托车轰鸣声。如今，她望向餐厅窗外，享受远方的群山美景。

A 6-year-old boy from Queens was separated from his father and placed in federal custody in New York City as President Trump’s deportation crackdown has swept up increasing numbers of migrant families and children.

特朗普政府的驱逐打击行动波及越来越多移民家庭和儿童，在此过程中，纽约皇后区一名六岁男孩与父亲分离，被联邦政府关押在纽约市。

The boy, Yuanxin Zheng, is among the youngest migrants to be taken from a parent by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials during a routine check-in in New York City.

这名男孩名为郑元鑫（音），在移民与海关执法局在纽约市的例行登记检查中被带走，是从家长身边被带走的最年幼移民之一。

The day before Thanksgiving, Yuanxin showed up for a scheduled appointment with his father, Fei Zheng, at 26 Federal Plaza, ICE’s headquarters in the city and the epicenter for migrant arrests. After the two were arrested, Mr. Zheng was sent to an adult detention center in Orange County, N.Y., while officials prepared Yuanxin to be transferred to the Office of Refugee Resettlement, which holds unaccompanied immigrant children, according to federal documents obtained by The New York Times.

感恩节前一天，郑元鑫跟随父亲郑飞（音）前往位于纽约联邦广场26号的移民与海关执法局总部——这里也是移民逮捕行动的核心地点——参加预约报到。《纽约时报》获取的联邦文件显示，二人被捕后，郑飞被送往纽约州奥兰治县的成人拘留中心，而执法部门则准备将郑元鑫转移至负责收容无人陪伴移民儿童的难民安置办公室。

Their separation, which was first reported by The City, has drawn outrage from community leaders and elected officials, including Zohran Mamdani, the mayor-elect of New York City. In a post on X, Mr. Mamdani denounced the family’s arrest and criticized ICE officials for not telling Mr. Zheng where his son was being held.

这起分离事件最初由《纽约城市报》(The City)报道，引发社区领袖和民选官员的强烈谴责，包括纽约市候任市长佐兰·马姆达尼。他在X平台发文谴责当局逮捕该家庭的行为，并批评移民与海关执法局官员未告知郑飞其子被关押地点。

“This cruelty serves no one,” Mr. Mamdani said. “It must end.” A spokesman for Senator Chuck Schumer said that he was working with Representative Nydia M. Velázquez, a fellow Democrat from New York, and local immigration advocates to persuade federal officials to provide Mr. Zheng with his child’s location.

“这种残忍行径对任何人都没有好处，必须停止，”马姆达尼表示。参议员查克·舒默的发言人透露，舒默正与同为纽约州民主党人的众议员妮迪亚·韦拉斯克斯及当地移民权益倡导者合作，敦促联邦官员向郑飞提供儿子的下落。

The case appears to be an example of a tactic that the Trump administration has used to pressure undocumented immigrants to leave the United States by separating them from their families after they refuse to comply with deportation orders.

这一案例似乎是特朗普政府采用的施压策略的例证：当无证移民拒绝遵守驱逐令时，当局通过拆散家庭迫使其离境。

Government records show that Mr. Zheng was taken from his son because he did not comply with an order to leave the country.

政府记录显示，郑飞与儿子被强制分离的原因是他未遵守离境令。

Mr. Zheng and his son illegally entered the United States in April through Mexico, and were discovered by a U.S. Border Patrol agent in Dulzura, Calif., according to federal documents. After both were placed in custody, Mr. Zheng told federal agents that he had come to America because he was afraid of being tortured in his native China.

联邦文件显示，郑飞父子于今年4月经由墨西哥非法进入美国，在加利福尼亚州杜尔祖拉被美国边境巡逻队发现。二人被拘留后，郑飞向联邦执法人员表示，他前往美国是因为担心在祖国中国遭受酷刑。

Immigration officials determined that his fear was not credible, and an immigration judge affirmed that finding. Mr. Zheng does not have a criminal history, according to government records.

但移民官员认定他的恐惧缺乏可信度，移民法官也确认了这一结论。政府记录显示，郑飞无犯罪记录。

The family cycled in and out of detention at least twice until their arrest on Nov. 26, according to government records and Mr. Zheng’s attorney, Mike Gao.

根据政府文件及郑飞的律师迈克·高（音）的说法，11月26日被捕前，这家人至少经历过两次被拘留又释放的过程。

Mr. Gao said that his client had refused to board an ICE flight to China in September because he was fearful of facing government retribution for fleeing the country.

迈克·高表示，因担心逃亡后遭政府报复，其当事人曾在9月拒绝登上移民与海关执法局飞往中国的航班。

Government records show that ICE tried again in October to get Mr. Zheng to board a plane to China, but he refused.

政府记录显示，移民与海关执法局在10月再次试图让郑飞登机返回中国，但他仍予以拒绝。

When immigration agents arrested Mr. Zheng last month, he became aggressive with officers and hit his forehead against a wall, according to internal records. Several officers placed him in handcuffs, and Mr. Zheng told them that he wanted to die, the records show.

内部文件显示，上月移民执法人员逮捕郑飞时，他曾对官员表现出攻击性，并用额头撞击墙壁。几名官员将其戴上手铐后，郑飞表示自己想死。

“It’s a very sad story,” Mr. Gao said during a telephone interview. “I don’t know what they’re going to do.”

“这是一个非常悲惨的故事，”迈克·高在电话采访中说。“我不知道他们接下来会怎么做。”

Federal officials are attempting to deport the father and son together later this month, records show, indicating that the government plans to reunite the family for the deportation flight.

文件显示，联邦官员正试图在本月晚些时候将父子二人一同驱逐出境，这表明政府计划让这家人团聚后共同搭乘遣返航班。

In an email, Tricia McLaughlin, a spokeswoman for the Department of Homeland Security, stressed that migrant parents were given the option of leaving the country with their children.

美国国土安全部发言人特里西亚·麦克劳克林在邮件中强调，移民父母可选择与子女一同离境。

“In the cases of Fei Zheng and his son — illegal aliens from China — they were given a lawful order of removal as a family unit,” Ms. McLaughlin said.

“就来自中国的非法移民郑飞及其子而言，他们已收到以家庭为单位的合法遣返令，”麦克劳克林表示。

Sophia Ortiz, a spokeswoman for Ms. Velázquez’s office, said that migrant children were spending much longer in government custody this year than in the past. Earlier in 2025, the average stay was about a month; by August, it had grown to roughly 179 days, she said.

韦拉斯克斯办公室发言人索菲亚·奥尔蒂斯指出，今年移民儿童在政府监护下的滞留时间较以往大幅延长。2025年初，平均滞留时间约为一个月；到8月时，这一数字已增至约179天。

“That makes it even more important for us to understand what’s happening in this case,” Ms. Ortiz said.

“这让我们更有必要弄清楚这起案件的具体情况，”奥尔蒂斯说。

Andrea Flores, a former White House immigration official in the Obama and Biden administrations, said that the authorities were using atypical methods to coerce Mr. Zheng into complying with his deportation. She said the family’s case would not have been a priority under previous administrations, both Democrat and Republican.

曾在奥巴马和拜登政府担任白宫移民政策官员的安德里亚·弗洛雷斯表示，执法部门正采用非常规手段胁迫郑飞接受驱逐。她指出，无论是民主党还是共和党执政的前几届政府，都不会将这家人的这类案件列为优先处理对象。

“The punishment for this father not getting on a plane is using his child, which is completely inhumane,” Ms. Flores said. “The tactics being used are torturous.”

“对这位父亲拒绝登机的惩罚竟然是利用他的孩子，这完全不人道，”弗洛雷斯说。“这些手段简直是酷刑。”

Claire Trickler-McNulty, a former ICE official in the Biden, Trump and Obama administrations, said that the family had tried to enter the United States at a time when access to asylum was severely restricted, making it hard for them to stay.

曾在拜登、特朗普和奥巴马政府任职的前移民与海关执法局官员克莱尔·特里克勒-麦克纳尔蒂表示，这家人试图入境美国时，庇护申请渠道已受到严格限制，导致他们难以合法居留。

“What is our moral position on our values as a country?” Ms. Trickler-McNulty said. “Is the priority removing a family and creating potential trauma to a child? I think the agency is in a very hard spot on these cases. They tried a few times to not separate the family before they took this step.”

“作为一个国家，我们对自身价值观的道德立场是什么？”特里克勒-麦克纳尔蒂说。“就是优先遣返一个家庭，给孩子造成潜在创伤吗？我认为移民与海关执法局在这类案件中处于非常艰难的境地，在采取分离措施前，他们曾几次尝试避免拆散这个家庭。”

From Mr. Trump’s inauguration in January through mid-October, ICE has arrested at least 140 children younger than 18 in the New York City area, according to federal data obtained by the Deportation Data Project at the University of California, Berkeley. Nationwide, the government has arrested about 2,600 minors.

加州大学伯克利分校遣返数据项目获取的联邦数据显示，从今年1月特朗普就职至10月中旬，移民与海关执法局在纽约市地区已逮捕至少140名18岁以下儿童。在全国范围内，政府已逮捕约2600名未成年人。

Jennie Spector, a community activist who spoke with Mr. Zheng while he was in detention in Orange County on Saturday, said that Yuanxin had just been admitted to Public School 166 in Queens. The family had been looking forward to him learning English in school.

社区活动家珍妮·斯佩克特周六在奥兰治县拘留中心与郑飞会面后称，郑元鑫原本已被皇后区第166公立学校录取，全家一直期待他能在学校学习英语。

“He’s a very smart boy,” Ms. Spector said. “They do not need to be in detention. They are not criminals.”

“他是个非常聪明的男孩，”斯佩克特说。“他们根本不该被拘留，他们不是罪犯。”

Back in her days as a Taiwanese student activist, Cheng Li-wun gave fiery speeches urging the island to sever its Chinese bonds and declare independence. She lashed out at the Nationalist Party, which had ruled over Taiwan for decades after fleeing defeat in China, casting it as the latest colonizer to oppress the island.

早年身为台湾学生运动领袖时，郑丽文曾发表激情演说，呼吁台湾彻底切断与中国的联系，宣布独立。她猛烈抨击在大陆战败后逃到台湾、统治该岛数十年的国民党，把它视为压迫台湾的最新殖民者。

Now Ms. Cheng is, to the astonishment of many, the leader of the very Nationalist Party that she once despised, after winning the party’s leadership election in October. She recently bowed in respect at the grave of Chiang Kai-shek, the draconian Nationalist Party leader whom she once reviled. These days, she says that Taiwan’s people should proudly declare that they are also Chinese.

如今，令许多人震惊的是，经过10月的党魁选举，郑丽文竟然成为她曾经深恶痛绝的国民党的主席。近日她还到蒋介石墓前鞠躬致敬，也就是曾经被她痛骂的那位手段凶狠的国民党领袖。如今她说，台湾人应该自豪地宣称自己也是中国人。

Ms. Cheng’s abrupt rise to power in the Nationalist Party and her urgent calls for rapprochement with Beijing have made her the most polarizing and potentially disruptive opposition leader that Taiwan has seen in years.

郑丽文在国民党内的突然崛起，以及她急切呼吁与北京和解的立场，使她成为近年来台湾最具争议，同时可能也是最具颠覆性的反对党领袖。

Her views could also prompt disquiet in Washington, a key supporter of Taiwan’s defenses, especially as Taiwanese lawmakers prepare to debate President Lai Ching-te’s proposal to increase military spending by $40 billion over the next eight years.

她的观点也可能让华盛顿感到不安——美国是台湾防务的关键支持者，尤其在台湾立法院即将辩论赖清德总统提出的未来八年额外增加400亿美元军费预算之际。

The plan, intended largely to buy weapons from the United States, will be one of Ms. Cheng’s first major political tests. Ms. Cheng has not said outright whether she opposes the increase, but she has questioned whether Taiwan can afford it, and whether the arms orders would help secure peace or make tensions worse. She said that Mr. Lai was recklessly turning the Taiwan Strait into a “powder keg.”

这笔主要用来向美国采购武器的预算将成为郑丽文上任后的首个重大政治考验。她没有明确表示反对增支，但质疑台湾是否负担得起，以及这些军购是否真的有助于和平，还是会让局势更危险。她指责赖清德正在不负责任地把台海变成“火药桶”。

Ms. Cheng, 56, turned her back on hopes of Taiwanese independence more than 20 years ago, driven, she says, by a deepening belief that the cause was unrealistic and perilous. She now says that Taiwan must accept that it is historically part of China or risk a devastating war with Beijing, which claims the island as its lost territory.

现年56岁的郑丽文在20多年前就放弃了“台湾独立”的理想。她说，这是因为她越来越深刻地认识到，这个目标既不切实际又充满危险。她现在认为，台湾必须接受自己历史上是中国的一部分，否则就会冒与北京爆发毁灭性战争的风险——北京始终声称台湾是其失地。

“I don’t believe that time is on Taiwan’s side,” Ms. Cheng said at the Nationalist Party’s headquarters in Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, in an interview with The New York Times. “The rapid rise of mainland China means that its national strength is incomparable to what it was just four years ago, let alone 10 years ago.”

“我认为时间不再站在台湾这一边，”郑丽文在台北国民党总部接受《纽约时报》专访时说，“中国大陆的崛起速度极快，它现在的国力跟四年前相比都不可同日而语，更不用说十年前。”

For the Nationalist Party, Ms. Cheng is a bold bet. The party, officially, the Chinese Nationalist Party, has lost Taiwan’s past three presidential elections to the Democratic Progressive Party, the party of President Lai, who has argued that Taiwan is a separate country that should keep China at arm’s length.

对国民党来说，郑丽文是一次大胆的押注。正式名称为中国国民党的这个政党在过去三次台湾领导人选举中都输给了民进党——赖清德所属的政党主张台湾已是主权独立国家，应与中国大陆保持距离。

She won the Nationalist Party’s leadership after members, eager for a fighter, rallied behind her message that the party had become too timid. At events, she often delivers impassioned speeches without a script, a skill that she said she sharpened as a student politician. But some in the party worry that her embrace of China could unsettle middle-of-the-road voters. In surveys, only about a third of Taiwanese people also identity partly as Chinese.

郑丽文之所以能当选党主席，是因为党员渴望能有一位能战斗的领袖，她批评党内变得过于软弱，这得到了他们的认同。在活动中，她常常脱稿发表激情演说——这是她在学生时代练就的本领。但党内也有人担心，她的亲中立场会吓跑中间选民。民调显示，只有大约三分之一的台湾人仍部分认同自己也是中国人。

“She’s an outlier leader who’s trying to disrupt the stagnation of the party,” said Jason Hsu, a senior fellow at Hudson Institute who was formerly a Nationalist Party lawmaker in Taiwan’s legislature. “She’s ideologically coherent, rhetorically sharp, but she could be politically risky for Taiwan that faces an increasingly coercive Beijing.”

“她是一个试图打破党内僵局的异类领袖，”曾任国民党籍立法委员、现为哈德逊研究所高级研究员的许毓仁(Jason Hsu)说，“她在意识形态上自洽、口才犀利，但对于面临北京日益强势压力的台湾来说，可能在政治上具有风险。”

Taiwanese security officials have said that evidence indicates that the Chinese Communist Party gave her campaign a lift, including by promoting her on social media in apparently coordinated messages from accounts that appeared linked to China. Ms. Cheng dismissed the allegations as sour grapes. After her victory, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, sent her a congratulatory message, an indication of Beijing’s approval.

台湾安全官员表示，有证据显示中共在选举期间为她的竞选造势，包括通过疑似与中国相关的账号在社媒上协调推波助澜。郑丽文斥之为“酸葡萄心理”。她胜选后，习近平立即发来贺电，显示北京的肯定。

郑丽文在桃园蒋经国陵寝拜谒后与支持者见面。

She is now trying to prepare the Nationalists to take on the Democratic Progressives in local elections next year and a presidential contest in 2028. She may not be the party’s next presidential candidate — other politicians are favored — but she could have a powerful say in the party’s policy platform for the next election.

她现在正准备带领国民党迎战明年的地方选举和2028年的总统大选。她本人未必会是下届参选人——党内其他人更被看好——但她对该党在下一届选举的政策纲领拥有巨大的话语权。

Ms. Cheng says that if Mr. Lai were to win another term, Mr. Xi could decide that peaceful dialogue is a lost cause. China “would have no choice but to deal with the Taiwan issue through their own means,” she said, implying war.

郑丽文说，如果赖清德连任，习近平可能会认为和平对话已无可能，中国“必须透过自己的方式来处理台湾的问题”——暗指战争。

She believes that her arguments will gain ground among Taiwanese voters. She said that Taiwan needed strong ties with the United States, but she argued that President Trump’s 20 percent tariffs on Taiwan and his pressure to move semiconductor production, the crown jewel of the island’s economy, to the United States, had fueled doubts about Washington’s intentions.

她相信自己的主张会在台湾选民中逐渐获得支持。她说台湾当然需要与美国保持紧密关系，但特朗普对台湾课征20%关税、要求把半导体产能——台湾经济命脉——迁往美国，已让许多台湾人对华盛顿的意图产生怀疑。

“Could it be that the United States is treating Taiwan as a chess piece, a pawn, to strategically provoke the Chinese Communist Party at opportune times?” she said of those public views, which echo Beijing’s rhetoric portraying Washington as manipulating Taiwan to constrain China.

“是不是美方把台湾当作一个马前卒，或把台湾当作一个棋子，适时地去刺激老共？”她转述这些民间疑虑时说，这与北京指责华盛顿操弄台湾以遏制中国的论调如出一辙。

Earlier Nationalist Party leaders often spent years studying in the United States and adopted a deep reverence for it, said Lee De-wei, a Nationalist Party politician who helped in Ms. Cheng’s campaign to lead the party. Ms. Cheng, who studied there for a year, does not share that attitude, Mr. Lee said.

国民党人、曾协助郑丽文竞选党主席的李德维指出，历任国民党领袖多在美国长期深造，对美国怀有深厚崇敬之情；郑丽文虽也在美国读过一年书，却完全没有那种心态。

“In her view, America is no longer the center of the world,” Mr. Lee said.

“她不会再以美国为世界中心，”李德维说。

Even before taking up the leadership post, she was stirring controversy. She said in an October interview with DW, a German news outlet, that Vladimir V. Putin of Russia had won his latest term as president through a democratic election, despite evidence that there was no real competition.

早在当选党主席前，她就已争议不断。10月接受德国之声专访时，她声称普京最近一次当选俄罗斯总统是通过民主选举，尽管国际普遍认为那场选举并无真正意义的竞争。

Her critics said Ms. Cheng’s comments showed that she had been swayed by Beijing’s views of Russia as a victim of Western bullying. They say that she is similarly naïve about China’s intentions toward Taiwan. Wu Cheng, a spokesman for the Democratic Progressives, said she was “turning a blind eye to China’s clear aggression against Taiwan and instead blaming the victim, Taiwan.”

批评者认为，这显示她已被北京的俄罗斯“被西方霸凌”叙事影响；他们说，她对中国对台意图同样天真。民进党发言人吴峥表示，她“对于中国对台的明显威胁视而不见，反而将责任怪罪于受害者的台湾”。

Such comments show how far Ms. Cheng has traveled politically. That journey began in a very different place. She was born to a Nationalist soldier from China and a Taiwanese mother and grew up in southern Taiwan. As a law student at Taiwan National University in the 1980s, she rebelled against her background as the daughter of a soldier, throwing herself into the island’s growing movement for Taiwanese identity and self rule.

这些言论显示郑丽文的政治立场转变幅度之大。她的政治旅程起点完全不同：父亲是来自大陆的国民党军人，母亲是台湾本地人，她在台湾南部长大。1980年代就读台湾大学法律系时，她反叛了自己的军人子女背景，投身当时方兴未艾的台湾本土认同与自治运动。

“For generation after generation, these rulers have come and gone, only to squeeze and oppress the Taiwanese people more and more,” she said in a speech in 1988. “Today, the Nationalists are the most despicable rulers.”

“一代又一代换了又换了这些统治者，只有对台湾人更加的压榨，更加的压迫，”她在1988年的一场演说中说。“今天国民党就是最可恶的统治者。”

In the years that followed, Ms. Cheng joined the Democratic Progressive Party. She left in 2002 because of anger over what she saw as its problems with corruption and an intolerance of internal dissent under Chen Shui-bian, Taiwan’s first president from the party, said Yin Nai-chin, a journalist who has known Ms. Cheng for many years.

随后几年她加入民进党。据认识她多年的记者尹乃菁表示，2002年她因不满陈水扁时期党内腐败与不容异见而退党。陈水扁是第一位民进党籍的台湾总统。

Her detractors say she left the Democratic Progressive Party after she was disciplined for making unfounded criticisms of a party official.

她的批评者则说，她是因为对党内某位高层提出没有根据的指控而被处分后离开的。

连战是1949年国民党在内战中败给共产党撤退台湾后首位访问大陆的国民党领导人，摄于2005年。

In 2005, she joined the Nationalist Party, deciding that it offered the only realistic path for defusing tensions with Beijing. She accompanied the then-party chairman, Lien Chan, on an ice-breaking trip to China in 2005, the first visit there by a party leader since 1949.

2005年，她加入国民党，认为该党的政治理念是缓和与北京紧张关系的唯一现实路径。同年她随当时的党主席连战破冰访问大陆，那是1949年以来国民党领导人首次踏足大陆。

Now, as head of her party, Ms. Cheng has said she is willing to meet China’s leaders. She says that because they will not talk to Taiwan’s government, the Nationalist Party must step in as Taiwan’s channel for dialogue. It’s an argument she thinks Mr. Trump would agree with, she said.

如今身为党主席，郑丽文表示她愿意与中国领导人会面。她说，既然北京拒绝与民进党当局对话，国民党就必须站出来充当台湾与大陆的沟通管道。她认为特朗普也会同意这种做法。

He “believes everything can be best solved through negotiation,” she said.

他“认为所有的事情都应该可以透过谈判取得最好的解決之道”，她说。

When Barack Obama joined Silicon Valley’s top luminaries for dinner in California last February, each guest was asked to come with a question for the president.

去年2月 ，巴拉克·奥巴马在加州与硅谷的各位顶尖名人共进晚餐。按照这次晚宴的规矩，每位客人都得向总统提一个问题。

在中国，林丽娜（音）是PCH International的一个项目经理。该公司和苹果签有合同。"有很多工作机会，"她说。“特别是在深圳。”

But as Steven P. Jobs of Apple spoke, President Obama interrupted with an inquiry of his own: what would it take to make iPhones in the United States?

然而，轮到苹果公司的史蒂芬·P·乔布斯(Steven P. Jobs)说话的时候，奥巴马总统却用自己的问题打断了他：要在美国生产iPhone的话，需要满足什么样的条件呢？

Not long ago, Apple boasted that its products were made in America. Today, few are. Almost all of the 70 million iPhones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products Apple sold last year were manufactured overseas.

没多久之前，苹果公司还吹嘘自己的产品都是“美国制造”。今天，美国制造的苹果产品已经少之又少。苹果公司去年售出了7000万部iPhone、3000万台iPad和5900万台其他产品，这些产品几乎都是在海外制造的。

Why can’t that work come home? Mr. Obama asked.

干嘛不把这些工作拿回来做呢？奥巴马先生问道。

Mr. Jobs’s reply was unambiguous. “Those jobs aren’t coming back,” he said, according to another dinner guest.

乔布斯先生的回答毫不含糊。按照另一位在座嘉宾的说法，乔布斯的回答是：“这些工作是不会回来的。”

The president’s question touched upon a central conviction at Apple. It isn’t just that workers are cheaper abroad. Rather, Apple’s executives believe the vast scale of overseas factories as well as the flexibility, diligence and industrial skills of foreign workers have so outpaced their American counterparts that “Made in the U.S.A.” is no longer a viable option for most Apple products.

总统的问题触及了苹果公司的一个核心信念。苹果的做法不光是因为外国工人比较便宜。更重要的是，苹果公司管理层认为，外国工厂的巨大规模，以及外国工人的灵活性、勤勉精神和工业技能，全都远远地超过了美国同侪。这样一来，对于大多数的苹果产品来说，“美国制造”已经不再是一个可行的选择。

Apple has become one of the best-known, most admired and most imitated companies on earth, in part through an unrelenting mastery of global operations. Last year, it earned over $400,000 in profit per employee, more than Goldman Sachs, Exxon Mobil or Google.

苹果公司已经成为全球最知名、最受人崇敬、最多人仿效的企业之一，原因之一就是它毫不手软地实施着高水平的全球运作。去年，苹果公司员工创造的人均利润超过了40万美元，令高盛(Goldman Sachs)、埃克森美孚(Exxon Mobil)和谷歌(Google)相形见绌。

However, what has vexed Mr. Obama as well as economists and policy makers is that Apple — and many of its high-technology peers — are not nearly as avid in creating American jobs as other famous companies were in their heydays.

然而，让奥巴马先生、各位经济学家和各位决策人士着恼的是，说到为美国创造工作机会的问题，苹果公司跟它的许多高科技同行一样，远不像其他一些鼎盛时期的著名公司那么热心。

Apple employs 43,000 people in the United States and 20,000 overseas, a small fraction of the over 400,000 American workers at General Motors in the 1950s, or the hundreds of thousands at General Electric in the 1980s. Many more people work for Apple’s contractors: an additional 700,000 people engineer, build and assemble iPads, iPhones and Apple’s other products. But almost none of them work in the United States. Instead, they work for foreign companies in Asia, Europe and elsewhere, at factories that almost all electronics designers rely upon to build their wares.

苹果公司在美国有四万三千名雇员，并有两万名海外雇员。20世纪50年代的通用汽车公司(General Motors)雇用了超过40万美国工人，20世纪80年代的通用电气(General Electric)也拥有数十万美国员工，与之相比，苹果公司的员工数目只是一个零头。为苹果的外包商打工的人却要比这多得多：苹果员工之外，另有70万人在设计、制造和组装iPad、iPhone和其他苹果产品。不过，这些人的工作地点几乎都不在美国。恰恰相反，他们的雇主是亚洲、欧洲和其他地方的外国公司，几乎所有的电子产品设计商都要靠他们服务的厂家来制造产品。

“Apple’s an example of why it’s so hard to create middle-class jobs in the U.S. now,” said Jared Bernstein, who until last year was an economic adviser to the White House.“If it’s the pinnacle of capitalism, we should be worried.”

直到去年还在担任白宫经济顾问的杰瑞德·伯恩斯坦(Jared Bernstein)说，“今天的美国很难创造出适合中产阶级的工作机会，苹果公司的做法就可以说明原因何在。如果说苹果公司代表着资本主义巅峰状态的话，我们就该担惊受怕了。”

Apple executives say that going overseas, at this point, is their only option. One former executive described how the company relied upon a Chinese factory to revamp iPhone manufacturing just weeks before the device was due on shelves. Apple had redesigned the iPhone’s screen at the last minute, forcing an assembly line overhaul. New screens began arriving at the plant near midnight.

苹果管理层宣称，走向海外是他们在目前阶段的惟一选择。按照一位前苹果管理人员的讲述，离iPhone预定上架日期只有数周的时候，苹果公司靠一家中国工厂帮忙才完成了生产计划。原因在于苹果公司临时改变了iPhone屏幕的设计，不得不对装配线进行全面调整。将近午夜的时候，新的屏幕才陆续运抵装配工厂。

A foreman immediately roused 8,000 workers inside the company’s dormitories, according to the executive. Each employee was given a biscuit and a cup of tea, guided to a workstation and within half an hour started a 12-hour shift fitting glass screens into beveled frames. Within 96 hours, the plant was producing over 10,000 iPhones a day.

根据这位管理人员的说法，厂里的一名工头立刻叫醒了公司宿舍里的八千名工人，给每名工人发了一包饼干和一杯茶，吩咐他们前往车间。不到半个钟头，往倾斜放置的手机外壳上安装玻璃屏幕的12小时工作班次宣告开始。不到96个小时，那家工厂就已经在以日产一万多台的速度生产iPhone了。

“The speed and flexibility is breathtaking,” the executive said. “There’s no American plant that can match that.”

这位管理人员说，“那家工厂的速度和灵活性令人咋舌，没有哪家美国工厂能跟它相提并论。”

Similar stories could be told about almost any electronics company — and outsourcing has also become common in hundreds of industries, including accounting, legal services, banking, auto manufacturing and pharmaceuticals.

几乎所有的电子公司都讲得出类似的故事，“外包”也已经成为数百个行业的通行做法，会计、法律服务、银行、汽车制造和制药行业都是如此。

But while Apple is far from alone, it offers a window into why the success of some prominent companies has not translated into large numbers of domestic jobs. What’s more, the company’s decisions pose broader questions about what corporate America owes Americans as the global and national economies are increasingly intertwined.

苹果公司虽然远远算不上个例，但却为我们提供了一个窗口，我们可以从中窥见，一些杰出公司的成功表现为什么没有衍生大量的国内工作机会。除此之外，这家公司的种种决策还引出了一个更为深广的问题，在全球经济与国内经济日益融合的今天，美国企业对美国国民负有什么样的责任。

“Companies once felt an obligation to support American workers, even when it wasn’t the best financial choice,” said Betsey Stevenson, the chief economist at the Labor Department until last September. “That’s disappeared. Profits and efficiency have trumped generosity.”

直至去年9月还是美国劳工部首席经济学家的贝特西·史蒂文森(Betsey Stevenson)说，“美国公司曾经觉得自己有责任支持美国工人，即便这并不是财务上的最佳选择。这样的观念已然不复存在，利润和效率压倒了慷慨的情操。”

Companies and other economists say that notion is naïve. Though Americans are among the most educated workers in the world, the nation has stopped training enough people in the mid-level skills that factories need, executives say.

各家公司以及其他一些经济学家纷纷表示，前述观念实属天真幼稚。公司高管们指出，美国人虽然居于世界上教育程度最高的工人之列，但美国的培训工作已经跟不上形势，再也不能为各家工厂提供足够数量的中等技术工人了。

To thrive, companies argue they need to move work where it can generate enough profits to keep paying for innovation. Doing otherwise risks losing even more American jobs over time, as evidenced by the legions of once-proud domestic manufacturers — including G.M. and others — that have shrunk as nimble competitors have emerged.

各家公司辩称，要想兴旺发达，他们就只能把工作转移到那些利润足以维持不断创新的地方。如其不然，假以时日，美国的工作机会还有进一步减少的风险。例证便是包括通用在内的众多美国制造业巨头，它们曾经豪气干云，后来却纷纷缩水，因为市场上出现了一些身手灵活的竞争者。

Apple was provided with extensive summaries of The New York Times’s reporting for this article, but the company, which has a reputation for secrecy, declined to comment.

《纽约时报》向苹果公司提供了本篇报道的详细纲要，然而，以行事隐秘著称的苹果公司拒绝就此发表评论。

This article is based on interviews with more than three dozen current and former Apple employees and contractors — many of whom requested anonymity to protect their jobs — as well as economists, manufacturing experts, international trade specialists, technology analysts, academic researchers, employees at Apple’s suppliers, competitors and corporate partners, and government officials.

本篇报道基于大量访谈，采访对象包括近40名离职或现职苹果员工及外包商，其中多人都要求隐去姓名，怕的是丢掉工作。此外，报道的采访对象还包括一些经济学家、制造业专家、国际贸易专家、技术分析家、学术研究人员、苹果供应商员工、竞争对手、合作伙伴以及政府官员。

Privately, Apple executives say the world is now such a changed place that it is a mistake to measure a company’s contribution simply by tallying its employees — though they note that Apple employs more workers in the United States than ever before.

苹果公司的一些管理人员私下表示，鉴于世界形势已经急剧改变，仅以员工数目来衡量企业贡献是一种错误的做法。他们同时指出，苹果在美国的工人数目比以往任何时候都要多。

They say Apple’s success has benefited the economy by empowering entrepreneurs and creating jobs at companies like cellular providers and businesses shipping Apple products. And, ultimately, they say curing unemployment is not their job.

他们说，苹果的成功给创业者带来了商机，并在手机运营商以及苹果产品承运人之类的企业里催生了更多的工作机会，由此推动了美国经济。他们还说，说到底，消除失业并不是他们的事情。

“We sell iPhones in over a hundred countries,” a current Apple executive said. “We don’t have an obligation to solve America’s problems. Our only obligation is making the best product possible.”

苹果公司的一位现职管理人员说，“我们在100多个国家销售iPhone，并没有义务解决美国的问题。我们只有一个义务，那就是推出最好的产品。”

‘I Want a Glass Screen’

“我想要玻璃屏幕”

In 2007, a little over a month before the iPhone was scheduled to appear in stores, Mr. Jobs beckoned a handful of lieutenants into an office. For weeks, he had been carrying a prototype of the device in his pocket.

2007年，离iPhone预定的上架时间还有一个月出头，乔布斯先生把一小群僚属召进了一间办公室。几个星期以来，他兜里一直都揣着一部iPhone样机。

Mr. Jobs angrily held up his iPhone, angling it so everyone could see the dozens of tiny scratches marring its plastic screen, according to someone who attended the meeting. He then pulled his keys from his jeans.

据一名与会者回忆，乔布斯先生气冲冲地举起了样机，调整着样机的角度，好让大家都看到塑料屏幕上的几十条微小划痕。这之后，他把自己的钥匙从牛仔裤兜里掏了出来。

People will carry this phone in their pocket, he said. People also carry their keys in their pocket. “I won’t sell a product that gets scratched,” he said tensely. The only solution was using unscratchable glass instead. “I want a glass screen, and I want it perfect in six weeks.”

他告诉与会者，人们都会把手机揣在兜里，还会把钥匙装进去。“我不愿意出售会有划痕的产品，”他疾言厉色地说。这一来，惟一的办法便是代之以不会产生划痕的玻璃。“我想要玻璃屏幕，这件事情必须在六周之内办好。”

After one executive left that meeting, he booked a flight to Shenzhen, China. If Mr. Jobs wanted perfect, there was nowhere else to go.

与会的一名管理人员走出房间，订了一张去深圳的机票。既然乔布斯先生提出了“办好”的要求，那就只能到深圳去。

For over two years, the company had been working on a project — code-named Purple 2 — that presented the same questions at every turn: how do you completely reimagine the cellphone? And how do you design it at the highest quality — with an unscratchable screen, for instance — while also ensuring that millions can be manufactured quickly and inexpensively enough to earn a significant profit?

两年多的时间里，苹果公司一直在开发这个代号为“紫色2”(Purple 2)的项目，同样的一些问题在项目的每个阶段反复浮现：怎样才能彻底颠覆原有的“手机”概念？怎样才能设计出一款质量最上乘——比如说，带有不会划花的屏幕——的手机，同时确保公司能以足够低廉的成本迅速推出数以百万计的产品、由此赚取丰厚的利润呢？

The answers, almost every time, were found outside the United States. Though components differ between versions, all iPhones contain hundreds of parts, an estimated 90 percent of which are manufactured abroad. Advanced semiconductors have come from Germany and Taiwan, memory from Korea and Japan, display panels and circuitry from Korea and Taiwan, chipsets from Europe and rare metals from Africa and Asia. And all of it is put together in China.

几乎是在每一次讨论当中，问题的答案都出现在美国之外。iPhone的组件虽然因型号而异，所有的iPhone却都包含着数百个零件，在海外生产的零件估计占总数的90%。高科技半导体来自德国和台湾，内存来自韩国和日本，显示屏和电路板来自韩国和台湾，芯片组来自欧洲，稀有金属来自非洲和亚洲，组装的地点则是中国。

In its early days, Apple usually didn’t look beyond its own backyard for manufacturing solutions. A few years after Apple began building the Macintosh in 1983, for instance, Mr. Jobs bragged that it was “a machine that is made in America.” In 1990, while Mr. Jobs was running NeXT, which was eventually bought by Apple, the executive told a reporter that “I’m as proud of the factory as I am of the computer.” As late as 2002, top Apple executives occasionally drove two hours northeast of their headquarters to visit the company’s iMac plant in Elk Grove, Calif.

创业之初，苹果公司通常只会在自家后院里寻找代工厂。举例来说，该公司于1983年推出了个人台式电脑Macintosh，数年之后，乔布斯先生曾经吹嘘它是“真正美国制造的机器”。1990年，乔布斯先生还在打理后来被苹果收购的NeXT公司。当时他曾经告诉一名记者，“我为我们的电脑自豪，同样为我们的工厂自豪。”迟至2002年，苹果公司的高层都还会时不时地开车往总部的东北方向走上两个小时的车，到加州的埃克格鲁夫(Elk Grove)去视察公司的iMac工厂。

But by 2004, Apple had largely turned to foreign manufacturing. Guiding that decision was Apple’s operations expert, Timothy D. Cook, who replaced Mr. Jobs as chief executive last August, six weeks before Mr. Jobs’s death. Most other American electronics companies had already gone abroad, and Apple, which at the time was struggling, felt it had to grasp every advantage.

然而，进入2004年的时候，苹果公司已经把大部分的生产工作转到了国外。主导这一决策的人是苹果公司的运营专家蒂莫西·D·库克(Timothy D. Cook)。去年8月，乔布斯先生去世六周之前，他接替乔布斯先生当上了苹果的首席执行官。2004年的时候，大多数美国电子公司已然转向海外，正在挣扎求生的苹果公司由是认为，自己必须用上所有的有利条件。

In part, Asia was attractive because the semiskilled workers there were cheaper. But that wasn’t driving Apple. For technology companies, the cost of labor is minimal compared with the expense of buying parts and managing supply chains that bring together components and services from hundreds of companies.

亚洲之所以诱人，部分原因是那里的半熟练工人比较便宜。不过，吸引苹果公司的并不是这一点。对于高科技公司来说，支出的大头是零件采购和管理来自数百个公司的组件及服务供应链，与之相较，人力成本可谓微不足道。

For Mr. Cook, the focus on Asia “came down to two things,” said one former high-ranking Apple executive. Factories in Asia “can scale up and down faster” and “Asian supply chains have surpassed what’s in the U.S.” The result is that “we can’t compete at this point,” the executive said.

一名苹果公司前高管说，按照库克先生的看法，聚焦亚洲的决策“可以归结为两个原因”。亚洲的工厂“扩大或缩小规模的速度比较快”，与此同时，“亚洲的供应链也比美国强”。这名前高管说，由此而来的结果就是“在这一阶段，我们没法跟别人竞争”。

The impact of such advantages became obvious as soon as Mr. Jobs demanded glass screens in 2007.

2007年，乔布斯先生提出关于玻璃屏幕的要求之后，上述条件的优越性立刻变得一目了然。

For years, cellphone makers had avoided using glass because it required precision in cutting and grinding that was extremely difficult to achieve. Apple had already selected an American company, Corning Inc., to manufacture large panes of strengthened glass. But figuring out how to cut those panes into millions of iPhone screens required finding an empty cutting plant, hundreds of pieces of glass to use in experiments and an army of midlevel engineers. It would cost a fortune simply to prepare.

多年以来，手机生产商一直不愿意使用玻璃屏幕，因为它需要精确的切割和打磨，达到标准的难度非常之大。苹果公司已经选定美国的康宁公司(Corning Inc.)来生产大块的强化玻璃板。然而，要想把玻璃板切成数以百万计的iPhone屏幕，那就得找到一家空闲的切割工厂、数百块实验用的玻璃板以及一大帮中级技师。光是准备工作就得消耗一大笔资金。

Then a bid for the work arrived from a Chinese factory.

就在这时，一家中国工厂跑来投标，要求承揽这项工作。

When an Apple team visited, the Chinese plant’s owners were already constructing a new wing. “This is in case you give us the contract,” the manager said, according to a former Apple executive. The Chinese government had agreed to underwrite costs for numerous industries, and those subsidies had trickled down to the glass-cutting factory. It had a warehouse filled with glass samples available to Apple, free of charge. The owners made engineers available at almost no cost. They had built on-site dormitories so employees would be available 24 hours a day.

苹果的考察小组赶到那家中国工厂的时候，厂主们已经开始兴建新厂房了。一名前苹果公司管理人员回忆，厂长的解释是，“这是在提前做准备，免得你们的订单让我们措手不及”。此前中国政府已经承诺为许多产业提供成本补贴，那家玻璃切割工厂也从中分了一杯羹。他们有一间装满玻璃样品的仓库，可以向苹果公司提供免费样品。厂主们还答应提供技师，几乎不需要费用。他们已经建起了厂内宿舍，员工可以24小时随叫随到。

The Chinese plant got the job.

那家中国工厂拿到了订单。

“The entire supply chain is in China now,” said another former high-ranking Apple executive. “You need a thousand rubber gaskets? That’s the factory next door. You need a million screws? That factory is a block away. You need that screw made a little bit different? It will take three hours.”

另一名前苹果高管说，“整条供应链如今都在中国。需要1000个橡胶垫圈吗？隔壁就有这样的工厂。需要100万个螺丝钉吗？厂子就在一个街区之外。需要对螺丝钉做一点小小的改动吗？三个小时就可以办到。”

In Foxconn City

走进“富士康城”

An eight-hour drive from that glass factory is a complex, known informally as Foxconn City, where the iPhone is assembled. To Apple executives, Foxconn City was further evidence that China could deliver workers — and diligence — that outpaced their American counterparts.

距那家玻璃厂8小时车程的地方是一大片俗称“富士康城”(Foxconn City)的建筑，iPhone的装配线就在那里。在苹果管理层看来，富士康城进一步证明了一个事实：中国有能力提供比美国同行更好的工人，勤勉的态度也超过美国。

That’s because nothing like Foxconn City exists in the United States.

原因在于，美国根本找不出像富士康城这样的东西。

The facility has 230,000 employees, many working six days a week, often spending up to 12 hours a day at the plant. Over a quarter of Foxconn’s work force lives in company barracks and many workers earn less than $17 a day. When one Apple executive arrived during a shift change, his car was stuck in a river of employees streaming past. “The scale is unimaginable,” he said.

这片厂区有23万员工，其中许多人都是每周工作6天，一天的工作时间经常会达到12小时。超过四分之一的富士康员工住在公司的宿舍里，许多工人的日薪都不到17美元。一名苹果管理人员曾经在换班的时候进入工厂，他的轿车卡在了川流的员工之中。“这样的规模真是难以想象，”他说。

Foxconn employs nearly 300 guards to direct foot traffic so workers are not crushed in doorway bottlenecks. The facility’s central kitchen cooks an average of three tons of pork and 13 tons of rice a day. While factories are spotless, the air inside nearby teahouses is hazy with the smoke and stench of cigarettes.

富士康雇了将近300名保安来引导步行的人流，免得工人堵在门口的狭窄区域。厂区的主食堂平均每天消耗3吨猪肉和13吨大米。厂房虽然一尘不染，附近的茶馆里却弥漫着烟雾和臭烘烘的烟草味道。

Foxconn Technology has dozens of facilities in Asia and Eastern Europe, and in Mexico and Brazil, and it assembles an estimated 40 percent of the world’s consumer electronics for customers like Amazon, Dell, Hewlett-Packard, Motorola, Nintendo, Nokia, Samsung and Sony.

富士康科技公司(Foxconn Technology)在亚洲、东欧、墨西哥和巴西拥有数十家工厂，组装的电子消费品估计占世界总量的40%，客户都是亚马逊(Amazon)、戴尔(Dell)、惠普(Hewlett-Packard)、摩托罗拉(Motorola)、任天堂(Nintendo)、诺基亚(Nokia)、三星(Samsung)和索尼(Sony)之类的公司。

“They could hire 3,000 people overnight,” said Jennifer Rigoni, who was Apple’s worldwide supply demand manager until 2010, but declined to discuss specifics of her work. “What U.S. plant can find 3,000 people overnight and convince them to live in dorms?”

詹妮弗·瑞格尼(Jennifer Rigoni)担任苹果公司全球供需经理至2010年，但却拒绝谈论自己的工作细节。她说，“他们可以在一夜之间雇来三千人。哪家美国工厂能在一夜之间雇来三千人、说服他们住进宿舍呢？”

In mid-2007, after a month of experimentation, Apple’s engineers finally perfected a method for cutting strengthened glass so it could be used in the iPhone’s screen. The first truckloads of cut glass arrived at Foxconn City in the dead of night, according to the former Apple executive. That’s when managers woke thousands of workers, who crawled into their uniforms — white and black shirts for men, red for women — and quickly lined up to assemble, by hand, the phones. Within three months, Apple had sold one million iPhones. Since then, Foxconn has assembled over 200 million more.

2007年中期，做了一个月的实验之后，苹果公司的技师最终拿出了一个完善的办法，可以把强化玻璃板切割成适合iPhone的屏幕。据一名前苹果公司管理人员所说，夜深人静的时候，运送第一批玻璃屏幕的卡车才抵达富士康城。各位工头立刻叫醒了数千名工人，工人手忙脚乱地穿上制服——男制服是黑白衬衫，女制服则是红色——迅速排成队伍，开始手工组装手机。不到三个月，苹果公司就卖出了100万部iPhone。那之后，富士康又组装了超过2亿部iPhone。

Foxconn, in statements, declined to speak about specific clients.

富士康在声明当中拒绝对具体的客户发表意见。

“Any worker recruited by our firm is covered by a clear contract outlining terms and conditions and by Chinese government law that protects their rights,” the company wrote. Foxconn “takes our responsibility to our employees very seriously and we work hard to give our more than one million employees a safe and positive environment.”

该公司在书面声明当中宣称，“本公司招募的所有员工都签有列明各种条款及工作条件的合同，受到中国劳动法的保护。”富士康“认真履行对员工的责任，努力为百万有余的员工提供安全有益的工作环境”。

The company disputed some details of the former Apple executive’s account, and wrote that a midnight shift, such as the one described, was impossible “because we have strict regulations regarding the working hours of our employees based on their designated shifts, and every employee has computerized timecards that would bar them from working at any facility at a time outside of their approved shift.” The company said that all shifts began at either 7 a.m. or 7 p.m., and that employees receive at least 12 hours’ notice of any schedule changes.

富士康对那名前苹果管理人员讲述的一些细节提出了异议，并在书面声明当中指出，所谓的午夜班根本不可能存在，“因为我们为不同班次员工的工作时间制定了严格的规章，所有的员工都有电子计时卡，根本不可能在规定班次之外的时间进厂工作。”公司还说，所有班次要么是从早上7点开始，要么就是从晚上7 点开始，如果有所变更，公司会提前至少12个小时通知员工。

Foxconn employees, in interviews, have challenged those assertions.

接受采访的时候，富士康的员工对公司的说法提出了质疑。

Another critical advantage for Apple was that China provided engineers at a scale the United States could not match. Apple’s executives had estimated that about 8,700 industrial engineers were needed to oversee and guide the 200,000 assembly-line workers eventually involved in manufacturing iPhones. The company’s analysts had forecast it would take as long as nine months to find that many qualified engineers in the United States.

对苹果公司来说，另一个至关重要的有利条件是中国可以提供大量技师，数目令美国望尘莫及。按照苹果管理层之前的估计，生产iPhone最终要用到20万名装配线工人，需要大约8700名工业技师来承担监督和指导的职责。苹果公司的分析师预计，要想在美国找到这么多的合格技师，所需时间将会长达9个月。

In China, it took 15 days.

到了中国，这件事情只花了15天的时间。

Companies like Apple “say the challenge in setting up U.S. plants is finding a technical work force,” said Martin Schmidt, associate provost at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In particular, companies say they need engineers with more than high school, but not necessarily a bachelor’s degree. Americans at that skill level are hard to find, executives contend. “They’re good jobs, but the country doesn’t have enough to feed the demand,” Mr. Schmidt said.

麻省理工学院(Massachusetts Institute of Technology)副教务长马丁·施密特(Martin Schmidt)说，苹果之类的公司“宣称，在美国建厂的难点在于寻找技术工人”。这些公司还说，具体说来，他们需要的技师应该受过超过高中生的教育，但又不是非得拥有学士学位。管理人员们坚称，这种层次的技师在美国非常难找。施密特先生说，“这样的工作相当不错，美国却找不出足够的人来填补这些空缺。”

Some aspects of the iPhone are uniquely American. The device’s software, for instance, and its innovative marketing campaigns were largely created in the United States. Apple recently built a $500 million data center in North Carolina. Crucial semiconductors inside the iPhone 4 and 4S are manufactured in an Austin, Tex., factory by Samsung, of South Korea.

iPhone具有一些美国独有的特色，软件就是其中一例，与此同时，它新颖的营销手段也基本上源自美国。不久之前，苹果公司在北卡罗莱纳建立了一个耗资5亿美元的数据中心。用于iPhone 4和4S的关键性半导体由韩国的三星公司提供，产地则是位于德克萨斯州奥斯丁(Austin)的一家工厂。

But even those facilities are not enormous sources of jobs. Apple’s North Carolina center, for instance, has only 100 full-time employees. The Samsung plant has an estimated 2,400 workers.

但是，以上这些设施并不能提供大量的工作机会。举例来说，苹果的北卡罗莱纳中心只有100名全职员工。据估计，三星的奥斯丁工厂也只有2400名工人。

“If you scale up from selling one million phones to 30 million phones, you don’t really need more programmers,” said Jean-Louis Gassée, who oversaw product development and marketing for Apple until he left in 1990. “All these new companies — Facebook, Google, Twitter — benefit from this. They grow, but they don’t really need to hire much.”

让-路易斯·卡西(Jean-Louis Gassée)曾经负责苹果公司的产品开发和营销，于1990年去职。他说，“即便手机销量从100万部增加到了3000万部，你也用不着更多的程序员。包括Facebook、谷歌和推特(Twitter)在内，所有的新公司都尝到了这种甜头。他们不断成长，但却不需要雇用太多的人。”

It is hard to estimate how much more it would cost to build iPhones in the United States. However, various academics and manufacturing analysts estimate that because labor is such a small part of technology manufacturing, paying American wages would add up to $65 to each iPhone’s expense. Since Apple’s profits are often hundreds of dollars per phone, building domestically, in theory, would still give the company a healthy reward.

在美国生产iPhone会增加多少成本，相关的数字很难估算。不过，按照多位学者和制造业分析师的估计，由于人力成本对高科技制造业来说微不足道，支付美国标准的薪金会让每部iPhone的成本增加至多65美元。鉴于苹果公司从每部手机收获的利润往往可以达到数百美元，从理论上说，即便在美国生产手机，苹果公司依然可以得到相当不错的收益。

But such calculations are, in many respects, meaningless because building the iPhone in the United States would demand much more than hiring Americans — it would require transforming the national and global economies. Apple executives believe there simply aren’t enough American workers with the skills the company needs or factories with sufficient speed and flexibility. Other companies that work with Apple, like Corning, also say they must go abroad.

然而，这样的分析从很多方面来说都没有什么意义，原因在于，在美国生产手机的条件远不只是雇用美国人那么简单，还意味着要对美国乃至全球经济进行调整。苹果管理层认为，美国就是没有那么多符合公司需要的工人，也没有速度够快、灵活性够大的工厂。康宁公司之类的苹果合作方也宣称，他们必须走向海外。

Manufacturing glass for the iPhone revived a Corning factory in Kentucky, and today, much of the glass in iPhones is still made there. After the iPhone became a success, Corning received a flood of orders from other companies hoping to imitate Apple’s designs. Its strengthened glass sales have grown to more than $700 million a year, and it has hired or continued employing about 1,000 Americans to support the emerging market.

苹果公司的玻璃订单让康宁公司设在肯塔基州的一家工厂获得了新生，时至今日，用于iPhone的大部分玻璃仍然产于此地。iPhone大获成功之后，康宁公司从急欲模仿苹果设计的各家公司那里接到了一大堆订单。它的强化玻璃年销售额增长到了7亿美元以上。为了满足新起的市场需求，公司雇用了或说是保留了大约1千名美国员工。

But as that market has expanded, the bulk of Corning’s strengthened glass manufacturing has occurred at plants in Japan and Taiwan.

不过，随着市场的扩张，康宁公司已经把大部分的强化玻璃生产任务转到了位于日本和台湾的工厂。

“Our customers are in Taiwan, Korea, Japan and China,” said James B. Flaws, Corning’s vice chairman and chief financial officer. “We could make the glass here, and then ship it by boat, but that takes 35 days. Or, we could ship it by air, but that’s 10 times as expensive. So we build our glass factories next door to assembly factories, and those are overseas.”

康宁公司副主席兼首席财务官詹姆斯·B·弗罗斯(James B. Flaws)说，“我们的客户来自台湾、韩国、日本和中国大陆。我们固然可以在美国生产玻璃，然后再用船运过去，航程却长达35天。我们也可以改用空运，可空运的费用是海运的10倍。既然如此，我们就把玻璃厂开在了那些组装厂的隔壁，那些组装厂都在国外。”

Corning was founded in America 161 years ago and its headquarters are still in upstate New York. Theoretically, the company could manufacture all its glass domestically. But it would “require a total overhaul in how the industry is structured,” Mr. Flaws said. “The consumer electronics business has become an Asian business. As an American, I worry about that, but there’s nothing I can do to stop it. Asia has become what the U.S. was for the last 40 years.”

161年前，康宁公司在美国诞生，时至今日，它的总部依然位于纽约州北部。理论上说，公司可以把所有的玻璃生产任务放在国内。但是，弗罗斯先生说，这就“需要对整个行业的结构来一次全面调整。电子消费品行业已经变成了亚洲的独门生意。身为美国人，我对这种状况感到担心，可我没办法阻止这样的势头。亚洲已经取代了美国在过去40年当中的地位。”

Middle-Class Jobs Fade

中产阶级工作萎缩

The first time Eric Saragoza stepped into Apple’s manufacturing plant in Elk Grove, Calif., he felt as if he were entering an engineering wonderland.

第一次踏进加州埃克格鲁夫那家苹果工厂的时候，埃里克·萨拉戈萨(Eric Saragoza)恍然觉得，自己走进了一处工程技术的仙境。

It was 1995, and the facility near Sacramento employed more than 1,500 workers. It was a kaleidoscope of robotic arms, conveyor belts ferrying circuit boards and, eventually, candy-colored iMacs in various stages of assembly. Mr. Saragoza, an engineer, quickly moved up the plant’s ranks and joined an elite diagnostic team. His salary climbed to $50,000. He and his wife had three children. They bought a home with a pool.

当时是1995年，这家邻近萨克拉门托(Sacramento)的工厂雇用了超过1500名工人。厂房里面就像是一个万花筒，有各式各样的机械手，有承载着各种电路板的传送带，最后还有处于各个装配流程的花花绿绿的苹果电脑。身为技师的萨拉戈萨先生在厂里的地位迅速攀升，很快就进入了负责诊断产品问题的精英团队，薪水也增加到了5万美元。他和妻子生了三个孩子，还买了一幢带游泳池的房子。

“It felt like, finally, school was paying off,” he said. “I knew the world needed people who can build things.”

他说，“当时的感觉就是，我的学总算是没有白上。我早就知道，这个世界需要会做东西的人。”

At the same time, however, the electronics industry was changing, and Apple — with products that were declining in popularity — was struggling to remake itself. One focus was improving manufacturing. A few years after Mr. Saragoza started his job, his bosses explained how the California plant stacked up against overseas factories: the cost, excluding the materials, of building a $1,500 computer in Elk Grove was $22 a machine. In Singapore, it was $6. In Taiwan, $4.85. Wages weren’t the major reason for the disparities. Rather it was costs like inventory and how long it took workers to finish a task.

与此同时，电子产业却起了变化。由于产品销势每况愈下，苹果公司正在奋力进行自我改造。萨拉戈萨先生入职几年之后，他的老板谈起了加州工厂相对于海外工厂的劣势：刨去原材料不算，在埃克格鲁夫生产一台售价1500美元的电脑需要22美元的成本，在新加坡生产的成本是6美元，台湾则是4.85美元。造成差距的主要原因并不是工资，而是仓储之类的成本，以及工人完成活计的速度。

“We were told we would have to do 12-hour days, and come in on Saturdays,” Mr. Saragoza said. “I had a family. I wanted to see my kids play soccer.”

萨拉戈萨先生说，“老板告诉我们，我们必须每天工作12个小时，星期六也得上班。可我是个有家有口的人，还想看我的孩子们踢足球呢。”

Modernization has always caused some kinds of jobs to change or disappear. As the American economy transitioned from agriculture to manufacturing and then to other industries, farmers became steelworkers, and then salesmen and middle managers. These shifts have carried many economic benefits, and in general, with each progression, even unskilled workers received better wages and greater chances at upward mobility.

现代化的进程总是会让一些工作变化或者消失。美国经济先是从农业转型为制造业，然后又转入其他产业，在此期间，农夫变成了钢铁工人，跟着又变成了推销员或者中层管理人员。这样的转变带来了许多经济效益，总体说来，即便是没有技术的工人也可以通过每一次的转变获得更高的工资，获得更大的上升机会。

But in the last two decades, something more fundamental has changed, economists say. Midwage jobs started disappearing. Particularly among Americans without college degrees, today’s new jobs are disproportionately in service occupations — at restaurants or call centers, or as hospital attendants or temporary workers — that offer fewer opportunities for reaching the middle class.

然而，经济学家们指出，过去20年当中，某种更为根本的东西发生了改变。中等收入的工作开始消失。今天的新工作过多地集中于餐馆职员、接线员、医院护理人员和临时杂工之类的服务性岗位，这些岗位提供不了多少升入中产阶级的机会。对于没有大学学位的美国人来说，情况尤其如此。

Even Mr. Saragoza, with his college degree, was vulnerable to these trends. First, some of Elk Grove’s routine tasks were sent overseas. Mr. Saragoza didn’t mind. Then the robotics that made Apple a futuristic playground allowed executives to replace workers with machines. Some diagnostic engineering went to Singapore. Middle managers who oversaw the plant’s inventory were laid off because, suddenly, a few people with Internet connections were all that were needed.

即便是拥有大学学位的萨拉戈萨先生也抵挡不住这样的势头。刚开始，公司把埃克格鲁夫工厂的一些日常工作交到了海外，萨拉戈萨先生没有在意。接下来，人工智能设备把苹果公司变成了一个未来主义风格的游乐场，也给公司管理层提供了用机器取代工人的机会。公司把一部分的问题诊断工作交给了新加坡。管理工厂库存的中层纷纷下岗，原因在于，公司突然发现，有那么几个连着网的人就够用了。

Mr. Saragoza was too expensive for an unskilled position. He was also insufficiently credentialed for upper management. He was called into a small office in 2002 after a night shift, laid off and then escorted from the plant. He taught high school for a while, and then tried a return to technology. But Apple, which had helped anoint the region as “Silicon Valley North,” had by then converted much of the Elk Grove plant into an AppleCare call center, where new employees often earn $12 an hour.

萨拉戈萨先生身价太高，没法安排不需要技术的工作。与此同时，他又不具备担任高层管理人员的资质。2002年的一次夜班之后，上头把他叫进一间小办公室，辞退了他，然后就让人送他出厂。他教了一阵高中，跟着又尝试重返科技行业。然而，到那个时候，曾经帮助该地区赢得“北方硅谷”美名的苹果公司已经把埃克格鲁夫工厂的大部分改造成了一个售后服务电话中心，新员工的时薪通常只有12美元。

There were employment prospects in Silicon Valley, but none of them panned out. “What they really want are 30-year-olds without children,” said Mr. Saragoza, who today is 48, and whose family now includes five of his own.

硅谷倒是有工作机会，只可惜都没有变成现实。萨拉戈萨先生现年48岁，家里已经有了5个孩子。他说，“他们真正想要的是30来岁、没有孩子的人。”

After a few months of looking for work, he started feeling desperate. Even teaching jobs had dried up. So he took a position with an electronics temp agency that had been hired by Apple to check returned iPhones and iPads before they were sent back to customers. Every day, Mr. Saragoza would drive to the building where he had once worked as an engineer, and for $10 an hour with no benefits, wipe thousands of glass screens and test audio ports by plugging in headphones.

找了几个月工作之后，他产生了绝望的感觉。就连教书的工作也已经无处寻觅了。于是乎，他在一家电子行业临时工介绍所找了个工作，苹果公司雇那家介绍所来检修退回的iPhone和iPad，然后再把机器还给顾客。萨拉戈萨先生每天都要开车去他曾经担任技师的那座大楼，在那里擦洗数以千计的玻璃屏幕、插入耳机以测试音频接口，时薪10美元，没有福利。

Paydays for Apple

苹果公司的发财日子

As Apple’s overseas operations and sales have expanded, its top employees have thrived. Last fiscal year, Apple’s revenue topped $108 billion, a sum larger than the combined state budgets of Michigan, New Jersey and Massachusetts. Since 2005, when the company’s stock split, share prices have risen from about $45 to more than $427.

苹果公司的海外业务及销量膨胀之际，公司高层也大发其财。上一个财政年度，苹果公司的收入高达1080亿美元，超过密歇根、新泽西和马萨诸塞三州预算的总和。2005年拆分股份之后，苹果的股价已经从45美元左右涨到了427美元以上。

Some of that wealth has gone to shareholders. Apple is among the most widely held stocks, and the rising share price has benefited millions of individual investors, 401(k)’s and pension plans. The bounty has also enriched Apple workers. Last fiscal year, in addition to their salaries, Apple’s employees and directors received stock worth $2 billion and exercised or vested stock and options worth an added $1.4 billion.

一部分的财富落到了股东手里。苹果股票是股东最分散的股票之一，高涨的股价让数百万个人投资者、401(k)基金和养老基金从中受益，也让苹果的工人发财致富。上一个财政年度，除了工资之外，苹果的员工和经理还得到了总值超过20亿美元的股票，兑现或生效的股票及期权总值也达到了14亿美元。

The biggest rewards, however, have often gone to Apple’s top employees. Mr. Cook, Apple’s chief, last year received stock grants — which vest over a 10-year period — that, at today’s share price, would be worth $427 million, and his salary was raised to $1.4 million. In 2010, Mr. Cook’s compensation package was valued at $59 million, according to Apple’s security filings.

不过，最大的受益者通常都是苹果公司的高层管理人员。去年，苹果首席执行官库克先生获得了将在10年之内逐步生效的大量赠与股，按现在的股价计算，这些股票的价值是4.27亿美元。除此之外，他的薪水也涨到了140万美元。苹果公司的证券披露材料显示，2010年，库克先生的薪酬包总值为5900万美元。

A person close to Apple argued that the compensation received by Apple’s employees was fair, in part because the company had brought so much value to the nation and world. As the company has grown, it has expanded its domestic work force, including manufacturing jobs. Last year, Apple’s American work force grew by 8,000 people.

一名与苹果公司关联紧密的人士宣称，苹果员工的薪酬是合理的，部分是因为苹果公司为美国乃至全世界创造了如此庞大的价值。随着业务的发展，公司已经扩大了国内员工的规模，包括从事制造业的员工。去年，苹果公司在美国的雇员增加了八千人。

While other companies have sent call centers abroad, Apple has kept its centers in the United States. One source estimated that sales of Apple’s products have caused other companies to hire tens of thousands of Americans. FedEx and United Parcel Service, for instance, both say they have created American jobs because of the volume of Apple’s shipments, though neither would provide specific figures without permission from Apple, which the company declined to provide.

其他公司纷纷将电话中心迁往海外，苹果公司却把自己的电话中心留在了美国。某消息来源估计，苹果产品的销售已经促使其他公司雇用了数以万计的美国人。举例来说，联邦快递(FedEx)和UPS宣称，由于苹果产品带来的巨大运输量，他们都为美国人提供了更多的工作机会。不过，两家公司都不愿意提供具体的数字，说是需要得到苹果公司的许可，与此同时，苹果公司拒绝提供这样的许可。

“We shouldn’t be criticized for using Chinese workers,” a current Apple executive said. “The U.S. has stopped producing people with the skills we need.”

苹果公司的一名现职管理人员说，“我们雇用中国工人的做法无可指责，因为美国已经不能提供我们需要的人才了。”

What’s more, Apple sources say the company has created plenty of good American jobs inside its retail stores and among entrepreneurs selling iPhone and iPad applications.

除此之外，苹果方面的消息来源说，公司已经为美国人创造了大量的好工作，有的岗位是在苹果的零售店里，还有的是在销售iPhone和iPad应用软件的商家那里。

After two months of testing iPads, Mr. Saragoza quit. The pay was so low that he was better off, he figured, spending those hours applying for other jobs. On a recent October evening, while Mr. Saragoza sat at his MacBook and submitted another round of résumés online, halfway around the world a woman arrived at her office. The worker, Lina Lin, is a project manager in Shenzhen, China, at PCH International, which contracts with Apple and other electronics companies to coordinate production of accessories, like the cases that protect the iPad’s glass screens. She is not an Apple employee. But Mrs. Lin is integral to Apple’s ability to deliver its products.

做了两个月iPad测试工作之后，萨拉戈萨先生辞了职。按他的盘算，与其忍受这么低的薪水，还不如把时间用来寻找别的工作。不久之前的一个十月夜晚，萨拉戈萨先生坐在自己的苹果笔记本跟前，又在网上发了一轮简历。与此同时，半个地球之外，一位女士走进了自己的办公室。这位女士名叫林丽娜（音译），是PCH国际公司深圳分公司的项目经理，该公司与苹果等电子公司签有合约，负责协调配件生产，比如iPad玻璃屏幕的保护套。林女士不是苹果雇员，但却为苹果的生产能力发挥着不可或缺的作用。

Mrs. Lin earns a bit less than what Mr. Saragoza was paid by Apple. She speaks fluent English, learned from watching television and in a Chinese university. She and her husband put a quarter of their salaries in the bank every month. They live in a 1,080-square-foot apartment, which they share with their in-laws and son.

林女士的工资略少于萨拉戈萨先生受雇于苹果时的工资。通过看电视和中国一所大学的教育，她学会了一口流利的英语。每个月，她和丈夫都会把四分之一的工资存入银行。夫妻俩住在一套108平方米的公寓里，同住的还有儿子和姻亲。

“There are lots of jobs,” Mrs. Lin said. “Especially in Shenzhen.”

“工作机会多得很，”林女士说，“尤其是在深圳。”

Innovation’s Losers

创新浪潮的输家

Toward the end of Mr. Obama’s dinner last year with Mr. Jobs and other Silicon Valley executives, as everyone stood to leave, a crowd of photo seekers formed around the president. A slightly smaller scrum gathered around Mr. Jobs. Rumors had spread that his illness had worsened, and some hoped for a photograph with him, perhaps for the last time.

去年，奥巴马先生与乔布斯先生及其他硅谷高管的那场晚宴临近尾声的时候，所有人都起身准备离开。一群想要合影的人围在了总统身边，乔布斯先生身边也围起了一群规模略小的人。关于他病情恶化的流言已经传开，有些人希望跟他合个影，没准儿是最后一次了呢。

Eventually, the orbits of the men overlapped. “I’m not worried about the country’s long-term future,” Mr. Jobs told Mr. Obama, according to one observer. “This country is insanely great. What I’m worried about is that we don’t talk enough about solutions.”

到最后，两个人走到了一起。按照一名旁观者的叙述，乔布斯先生对奥巴马先生说，“我并不为国家的长远前途担心。这个国家棒极了。我只是担心，我们关于解决方案的探讨不够彻底。”

At dinner, for instance, the executives had suggested that the government should reform visa programs to help companies hire foreign engineers. Some had urged the president to give companies a “tax holiday” so they could bring back overseas profits which, they argued, would be used to create work. Mr. Jobs even suggested it might be possible, someday, to locate some of Apple’s skilled manufacturing in the United States if the government helped train more American engineers.

举例来说，晚宴过程之中，各位高管曾经建议政府修改签证政策，为各家公司雇请外国技师打开方便之门。有些人敦促总统给各家公司一个“税负假期”，好让他们把海外利润转回国内，同时还说，他们会用这些利润来创造工作机会。乔布斯先生甚至提出，如果政府愿意协助培训美国技师的话，有朝一日，苹果兴许会把一部分高技能制造业务迁回美国。

Economists debate the usefulness of those and other efforts, and note that a struggling economy is sometimes transformed by unexpected developments. The last time analysts wrung their hands about prolonged American unemployment, for instance, in the early 1980s, the Internet hardly existed. Few at the time would have guessed that a degree in graphic design was rapidly becoming a smart bet, while studying telephone repair a dead end.

经济学家们就以上及其他一些措施的效用争论不休，同时指出，有些时候，意料之外的发展会为步履艰难的经济带来转机。举例来说，分析师们上一次为美国失业率高居不下而揪心的情形出现在20世纪80年代早期，那个时候，互联网几乎还不存在。当时很少有人能够想到，平面设计学位会迅速成为一个精明的赌注，与此同时，电话修理却会变成一个没有前途的专业。

What remains unknown, however, is whether the United States will be able to leverage tomorrow’s innovations into millions of jobs.

不过，美国能不能把未来的技术革新变成千百万个工作机会，眼下还是个未知之数。

In the last decade, technological leaps in solar and wind energy, semiconductor fabrication and display technologies have created thousands of jobs. But while many of those industries started in America, much of the employment has occurred abroad. Companies have closed major facilities in the United States to reopen in China. By way of explanation, executives say they are competing with Apple for shareholders. If they cannot rival Apple’s growth and profit margins, they won’t survive.

过去10年当中，太阳能、风能、半导体制造以及显示技术方面的技术飞跃已经带来了数以千计的工作机会。这类产业有许多都是发源于美国，由此而来的大部分工作机会却落到了国外。各家公司纷纷关闭在美国的大型设施，为的是在中国重新开张。公司管理层的说辞是，他们这么做，是为了跟苹果争夺投资者。要是增长速度和利润率赶不上苹果的话，他们就无法生存。

“New middle-class jobs will eventually emerge,” said Lawrence Katz, a Harvard economist. “But will someone in his 40s have the skills for them? Or will he be bypassed for a new graduate and never find his way back into the middle class?”

哈佛大学的经济学家劳伦斯·凯茨(Lawrence Katz)说，“新的中产阶级工作机会终将出现。可是，那些40多岁的人具备赢得机会的技能吗？他们会不会被刚刚毕业的大学生抢在头里、再也无法回到中产阶级的行列呢？”

The pace of innovation, say executives from a variety of industries, has been quickened by businessmen like Mr. Jobs. G.M. went as long as half a decade between major automobile redesigns. Apple, by comparison, has released five iPhones in four years, doubling the devices’ speed and memory while dropping the price that some consumers pay.

来自多个产业的管理人员纷纷表示，乔布斯先生之类的商人加快了创新的速度。在以前，通用公司要等长达五年的时间才会对车型进行大幅度修改。反观苹果公司，它在4年之内就推出了5款iPhone，手机的速度和内存都翻了倍，针对部分用户的售价却有所降低。

Before Mr. Obama and Mr. Jobs said goodbye, the Apple executive pulled an iPhone from his pocket to show off a new application — a driving game — with incredibly detailed graphics. The device reflected the soft glow of the room’s lights. The other executives, whose combined worth exceeded $69 billion, jostled for position to glance over his shoulder. The game, everyone agreed, was wonderful.

跟奥巴马先生道别之前，乔布斯先生从兜里掏出了一部iPhone，为的是炫耀一款影像效果无比精细的应用软件——一款驾驶游戏。手机反射着房间里的柔和光线，身价总和超过690亿美元的其他高管争先恐后地隔着他的肩膀观赏游戏画面。所有的人众口一词，这款游戏妙不可言。

There wasn’t even a tiny scratch on the screen.

手机屏幕之上，不见丝毫划痕。

During a visit to Beijing on Thursday, President Emmanuel Macron of France once again pressed China’s leader, Xi Jinping, to do more to help end Russia’s war in Ukraine.

周四，法国总统马克龙在北京访问期间，再次敦促中国国家领导人习近平采取更多行动，帮助结束俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争。

And once again, Mr. Xi — who has been lobbied on that subject by Western leaders since the war began — gave little indication that he was interested in complying.

自这场战争爆发以来，西方多国领导人就此事多次游说，而习近平再次未表现出任何配合的意愿。

Mr. Macron made his appeal during a three-day visit to China, his fourth trip to the country during his presidency. Mr. Xi welcomed him with a red carpet and an honor guard.

马克龙在为期三天的访华行程中提出了这一呼吁，这也是其任内第四次到访中国。习近平主席以红毯与仪仗队接待了他。

Both leaders entered the meeting eager to push for support on geopolitical goals. As the war in Ukraine nears the four-year mark and President Trump tries to spearhead peace talks, European leaders are rushing to ensure that any settlement does not undermine Ukrainian sovereignty. They have long argued that China, with its close ties to Russia, could exert more pressure on Moscow to make concessions.

两位领导人在会谈时都急切希望在地缘政治目标上争取对方的支持。当前乌克兰战争已持续近四年，特朗普总统正试图牵头推动和平谈判，欧洲各国领导人纷纷行动，力求确保任何解决方案都不会损害乌克兰的主权。长期以来，欧洲始终认为，中国与俄罗斯关系密切，可以向俄方施加更大压力，促其做出让步。

Just days before traveling to Beijing, Mr. Macron hosted Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, in Paris. During that meeting, Mr. Macron reiterated Europe’s commitment to Ukraine and stressed that only Kyiv could make decisions about whether to cede any territory.

就在访华前夕，马克龙在巴黎会见了乌克兰总统泽连斯基。会谈中，马克龙重申了欧洲对乌克兰的承诺，并强调只有基辅有权决定是否割让领土。

China, meanwhile, is pushing countries including France to take its side in a fiery diplomatic dispute with Japan. The conflict stems from remarks by Japan’s new prime minister that suggested Japan could deploy its military if China were to attack Taiwan.

与此同时，中国正就与日本的激烈外交争端争取法国等国的支持。此次争端的起因是日本新任首相发表言论，称若中国对台湾发动攻击，日本或将出动军事力量。

But in remarks after a closed meeting, both Mr. Xi and Mr. Macron suggested that significant distance remained between their attitudes.

但在闭门会谈后的讲话中，习近平与马克龙均暗示，双方在相关问题上的立场仍存在较大分歧。

At a news conference after the meeting, Mr. Xi said of Russia’s war in Ukraine, “China will continue to play a constructive role in the political settlement of the crisis, while resolutely opposing any irresponsible actions of shifting blame or smearing.”

会谈后的记者会上，习近平就俄罗斯在乌克兰发动的战争表示：“中方将继续为危机政治解决发挥建设性作用，同时坚决反对任何不负责任的甩锅、抹黑行为。”

Mr. Macron said that the two leaders had discussed Russia’s invasion “at length.” He said he hoped that Mr. Xi would join efforts to achieve, “at the very least,” a halt in attacks on critical infrastructure, including energy infrastructure for civilians. That was especially urgent as winter approached, he said.

马克龙则称，两国领导人围绕俄罗斯入侵乌克兰展开了“长时间”的探讨。他表示，希望习近平能共同努力，“至少”推动停止对民用能源设施等关键基础设施的袭击。他强调，随着冬季临近，这一诉求显得尤为迫切。

He added, “I believe we both have the measure of the gravity of the situation.”

他还说：“我认为我们双方都清楚当前局势的严重性。”

But he also later said: “Nothing is simple. The current imbalances, such as geopolitical crises, could ultimately put our countries at risk of taking separate paths.”

不过马克龙随后也说：“一切都不简单。当前地缘政治危机等诸多失衡问题，最终可能导致中法两国走向不同的发展方向。”

乌克兰士兵于10月在乌克兰东部扎波罗热地区向俄罗斯目标开火。习近平和马克龙在讲话中均暗示，双方对这场战争的态度仍存在显著分歧。

The lack of progress on Ukraine was not a surprise, said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, associate senior researcher at the Asia Center in Paris. Mr. Macron is in a relatively weak negotiating position, given the fragile economy and political turmoil at home, Mr. Cabestan said. Threats by China to impose tariffs on French agricultural products have raised alarms in Paris.

巴黎亚洲中心高级研究员高敬文(Jean-Pierre Cabestan)表示，此次乌克兰问题未能取得进展并不令人意外。他指出，鉴于法国国内经济形势脆弱且政治局势动荡，马克龙的谈判处境相对薄弱。此外，中国此前威胁要对法国农产品加征关税，这也让法国政府深感担忧。

“He goes to China with a rather weak hand and a number of demands which are clearly aimed at improving the French economy,” Mr. Cabestan said.

高敬文评价：“他此次访华时手握的筹码相当有限，诸多诉求显然是为了改善法国经济状况。”

There was also little sign that Chinese officials had secured the support from France that they had been seeking on Taiwan, the self-governing democracy that China claims. On Wednesday, the Chinese and French foreign ministers, Wang Yi and Jean-Noël Barrot, met over dinner, where, according to the Chinese foreign ministry’s official summary, Mr. Wang explained what he called the “serious harm” of Japan’s stance on Taiwan. “He expressed hope and belief that France will continue to understand and support China’s legitimate position,” the summary said.

另一方面，几乎没有迹象表明中方官员在台湾问题上获得了法国的支持。周三，中国外长王毅与法国外长让-诺埃尔·巴罗共进晚餐。根据中国外交部发布的会谈纪要，王毅部长阐述了日本在台湾问题上的立场可能造成的“严重危害”，表示“希望并相信法国将继续理解并支持中方正当立场”。

The French official summary of that meeting, by contrast, did not specifically mention Taiwan or Japan, referring only to Ukraine and “international crises” generally.

相比之下，法国发布的官方会谈纪要中并未具体提及台湾和日本，仅笼统提到了乌克兰问题及“各类国际危机”。

Neither Mr. Xi nor Mr. Macron mentioned Taiwan or Japan during their public remarks on Thursday.

周四，习近平与马克龙在公开发言中均未提及台湾和日本相关议题。

But Mr. Xi did repeatedly call for France to make its own decisions in the face of a volatile international environment. China has tried to drive a wedge between the United States and its allies in recent years, amid worries that they could form a bloc to try to contain China.

但习近平多次呼吁法国在动荡的国际环境中坚持自主决策。近年来，中国担忧美国与其盟友结成阵营遏制它的发展，因此一直试图在美国与其盟友之间制造分化。

Mr. Xi said that previous leaders of their respective countries “broke through the shadow of the Cold War” to establish ties. “Currently, the world is undergoing rapid changes, and humanity once again stands at a crossroads,” he said.

习近平表示，两国老一辈领导人“突破冷战阴云”建立双边关系。“当前，百年变局加速演进，人类又一次站在何去何从的十字路口，”他说。

Mr. Macron and Mr. Xi seemed to find more common ground on economic issues, which have also become a point of conflict as China restricts the export of rare-earth elements and Europe levies tariffs to try to slow an influx of inexpensive Chinese goods that threaten European businesses. In response, China has threatened tariffs on French pork and dairy.

马克龙与习近平在经济议题上似乎找到更多共识，但该领域亦存在分歧。中国限制稀土出口，欧洲则通过加征关税的方式试图遏制价格低廉的中国商品大量涌入欧洲市场对本土企业构成的威胁。作为回应，中国威胁要对法国的猪肉和乳制品加征关税。

On Thursday, representatives of both governments signed agreements relating to nuclear energy, agriculture and food, education and the environment.

周四，中法两国政府代表签署了涵盖核能、农牧食品、教育及环保等领域的多项合作协议。

Mr. Xi said that China was willing to import more “high-quality French products” and that he hoped that France would provide a “fair environment” for Chinese companies.

习近平表示，中方愿意进口更多“法国优质商品”，同时也希望法国能为中国企业营造“公平环境”。

Mr. Macron may be able to claim at least one other victory. Two giant pandas that China lent to France recently returned to China. But Mr. Xi said that the countries had agreed to a new round of cooperation on panda protection — suggesting that more pandas would be in France soon.

马克龙或许还能收获另一项成果。此前中国租借给法国的两只大熊猫已返回中国，而习近平透露，中法两国已达成新一轮大熊猫保护合作共识，这意味着不久后或将有新的大熊猫前往法国。

The envelope, please: After a full year spent reading hundreds of books and meeting regularly to bicker — er, converse — about their merits and flaws, the editors of the Book Review have chosen the 10 Best Books of 2025.

快点揭晓吧：历时一整年，编辑部成员阅读了数百本书籍，定期聚会争论——呃，应该说是探讨——每本书的优劣。如今，书评编辑部正式公布2025年度十佳好书榜单。

In novels that transport us from the battlefields of World War I to contemporary Swedish dance clubs to the halls of a convent in rural Australia, and from Nazi movie studios to New York art galleries where immigrants look for a sense of connection, our fiction picks offer sweeping stories about timely and timeless topics with a sense of verve and style.

入选的虚构类作品题材广泛，带领读者穿梭于第一次世界大战的战场、当代瑞典的舞厅、澳大利亚乡村的修道院回廊，还涉足纳粹时期的电影制片厂与移民寻求归属感的纽约艺术画廊。这些小说以精湛的文笔和独特的风格，讲述了兼具时效性与永恒的各种故事。

In nonfiction, we chose immersive journalistic accounts of the housing crisis and a historic Black church, along with a riveting biography of a misunderstood painter, a fraught mother-daughter memoir and an enthralling shipwreck story that is as much a meditation on marriage as it is a seafaring adventure.

非虚构类作品中，我们精选了聚焦住房危机与一座具有历史意义的黑人教堂的深入报道、一位被误解画家的引人入胜传记、一部情感纠结的母女回忆录，以及一个扣人心弦的海难故事，它既是惊心动魄的航海冒险记，也是对婚姻关系的深刻思索。

You can hear our editors discuss these books, and others they loved, on the latest episode of the Book Review podcast, and you can check out our larger list of 100 Notable Books of 2025 here. And for the longer view, here’s a list of all of our Best Books picks since 2000.

你可以在书评播客最新一期节目中，聆听编辑们畅谈这些入选好书及其他心头挚爱之作；并在此查阅我们2025年度百部佳作完整榜单。若想回顾历年精选，这里汇总了自2000年以来我们评选出的所有年度好书名单。

Fiction

虚构类

Angel Down

《坠落天使》(Angel Down)

by Daniel Kraus

作者：丹尼尔·克劳斯

On paper, “Angel Down” sounds like a book that shouldn’t work: It’s a stream-of-consciousness World War I novel, told in one sprawling, 285-page-long sentence, about a failed draft dodger who finds, of all things, an angel on the battlefield. And yet, Kraus brings all of these elements together to craft a triumphant, unforgettable book filled with bravura writing, indelible set pieces and an urgent message. Read our review.

单看简介，《坠落的天使》似乎很难出彩：这是一部以第一次世界大战为背景的意识流小说，通篇用一个长达285页的长句写成，讲述的是一名逃避兵役失败的男子竟在战场上偶遇一位天使的故事。然而，克劳斯巧妙地融合了所有这些元素，成就了一部震撼人心、令人难忘的佳作。书中既有精湛的文笔、令人印象深刻的经典场景，更传递出迫切的信息。点击查看书评。

The Director

《导演）(The Director)

by Daniel Kehlmann

作者：丹尼尔·凯尔曼

How nerve-racking to be G.W. Pabst, the 20th-century Austrian filmmaker at the center of Kehlmann’s wondrous novel. He’s an auteur stuck in Europe under Nazi rule, forced to make propaganda and benign duds for the Reich while compromising every creative principle he once stood for. “The important thing is to make art under the circumstances one finds oneself in,” Pabst murmurs at one point, winning over exactly no one. Still, Kehlmann’s complex portrait, brightened by caustic humor and memorable historical cameos (and fluidly translated from the German by Ross Benjamin), presents an intriguing test of integrity in a fracturing world. The timing couldn’t have been better. Read our review.

身为G·W·帕布斯特何其煎熬——在凯尔曼这部奇妙小说里居于核心位置的正是这位20世纪的奥地利电影人。他是一位作者导演，被困在纳粹统治下的欧洲，被迫为帝国拍摄宣传片和各种平庸之作，逐一背弃曾坚守的创作原则。“重要的是在自己所处的环境下去创作艺术，”帕布斯特曾喃喃自语道，但未能说服任何人。然而，凯尔曼以犀利的幽默与令人难忘的历史人物点缀其间（罗斯·本杰明流畅的德英翻译功不可没），在一个正处于分崩离析中的世界里呈现出一场耐人寻味的诚信考验。这部作品的问世恰逢其时。点击查看书评。

The Loneliness of Sonia and Sunny

《索妮娅与桑尼的孤独》(The Loneliness of Sonia and Sunny)

by Kiran Desai

作者：基兰·德赛

Like the richest 19th-century fiction, this nearly 700-page family saga had our critic Alexandra Jacobs swooning: “Crowded but never claustrophobic,” she wrote, and “better company than real-life people.” A tentative romance between the title characters, immigrants from India caught between obligation and self-expression, is the throughline. Skittering between nations and generations from the late 1990s to just after 9/11, Desai stirs in scheming heirs, coveted recipes, a missing amulet and the art monster from hell. Read our review.

如同最为醇厚的十九世纪小说，这部近700页的家族史诗令我们的书评人亚历山德拉·雅各布斯为之倾倒：“人物繁多却无窒息感，”她写道，“比现实世界中的人更值得相伴。”书名中的两位主人公之间犹疑的爱情是全书的主线，他们是来自印度的移民，在责任与自我表达间挣扎。故事跨越国家与世代，从20世纪90年代后期直至9·11事件后，德赛在其中搅入了暗中谋算的继承人、人人渴求的食谱、遗失的护身符，还有一个来自地狱的艺术怪物。点击查看书评。

And read our critic A.O. Scott on a scene he loves from this novel here.

 另请点击这里，阅读我们的评论员A·O·斯科特对小说中他挚爱的一个场景的解读。

The Sisters

《姐妹们》(The Sisters)

by Jonas Hassen Khemiri

作者：乔纳斯·哈桑·克米里

“There was something about the Mikkola sisters that made me feel less alone,” says Jonas, the narrator of this spry and sprawling novel, and a playfully neurotic stand-in for the author himself. Up close and from afar, at drunken parties and at pickup basketball games, he follows the fortunes of Ina (stolid), Evelyn (magnetic) and Anastasia (unfettered) for more than three decades. He, like them, is half Swedish and half Tunisian; he, like them, hungers to break away and blossom. Though hardly a quick read, “The Sisters” zooms forward, powered by hurtling prose and a literary magic trick: Khemiri tells the story in increments of time that grow increasingly briefer, ending on one minute in the future that offers long-awaited grace. Read our review.

 “米科拉三姐妹身上有种让我不再孤单的东西，”这部轻快又恢宏的小说的叙述者乔纳斯如此说道，这个顽皮又神经质的角色正是作者本人的化身。三十余年间，他在喝到东倒西歪的派对上以及街头篮球赛中，或近或远地追随着伊娜（沉稳）、伊芙琳（迷人）与安娜斯塔西娅（不羁）的命运轨迹。和她们一样，他有着瑞典与突尼斯的双重血统；和她们一样，他渴望挣脱束缚、绽放自我。《姐妹们》虽非易读之作，却在奔腾的文字与文学魔术的推动下疾驰向前：克米里以不断缩短的时间刻度讲述故事，最终停驻在未来某一分钟——那里藏着期盼已久的恩典。点击查看书评。

Stone Yard Devotional

《石院灵修》(Stone Yard Devotional)

by Charlotte Wood

作者：夏洛特·伍德

In the remote plains of New South Wales, Australia, a woman arrives at a convent in desperate need of solitude and retreat. It’s a curious choice: She left behind a full life in Sydney, and is an atheist who abhors the “savagery” of the Catholic Church. Yet she is lulled into contentment, falling into a comforting rhythm of work and contemplation.

在澳大利亚新南威尔士州偏远的平原上，一位女子来到一座修道院，迫切寻求独处与静修。这是个奇怪的选择：她在悉尼有完整的生活，而且是个厌恶天主教会“野蛮行径”的无神论者。然而，她逐渐沉浸在舒心的满足中，进入了劳作与沉思组成的安宁节奏。

Three arrivals upset this harmony: A mouse infestation of biblical proportions horrifies the nuns, who resolutely set about stamping out the vermin. The bones of a sister who died abroad are returned to the convent, and are accompanied by a woman from the narrator’s past. True to its title, this exquisite novel traces the interior path of a woman grappling with how to live without causing harm. In the process, Wood shows that our attention is one of the most sacred gifts we have to offer. Read our review.

这份和谐被三件外来之事打破：一场圣经浩劫规模的鼠患令修女们惊恐不已，她们决意铲除这些害虫；一位客死异乡的修女的遗骸被送回修道院，与之同行的还有一位叙述者过去相识的女子。正如书名所示，这部精致的小说勾勒出一位女性在“如何活着不给他人带来伤害”的挣扎中探寻内心的轨迹。伍德在此过程中揭示出我们的关注力，是我们所能给予的最神圣的馈赠之一。点击查看书评。

Nonfiction

非虚构类

A Marriage at Sea

《海上婚姻》(A Marriage at Sea)

by Sophie Elmhirst

作者：索菲·埃尔姆赫斯特

In 1972, a young married couple, Maurice and Maralyn Bailey, decided to give up their lives in England and sail to New Zealand on their boat, the Auralyn. But after nine months, the Auralyn was destroyed by a breaching whale, leaving the Baileys stranded for 118 days in the Pacific aboard a makeshift raft.

1972年，年轻的已婚夫妇莫里斯和玛拉琳·贝利决定放弃他们在英格兰的生活，驾驶自己的船“奥拉琳号”驶向新西兰。但九个月后，一头跃起的鲸鱼将“奥拉琳号”撞得粉碎，夫妇俩靠一个简陋的木筏在太平洋上漂流了118天。

The story of their survival is miraculous enough — Elmhirst masterfully recreates the daily fears, tediums and triumphs of a life in which every moment could be your last. But what really elevates this beautifully constructed narrative is the sensitive characterization of two very different people — a misanthrope and an optimist. It’s a story that, while remarkable, will leave everyone asking essential questions about loneliness, about character and about partnership. Read our review.

他们的求生故事本身已是奇迹——埃尔姆赫斯特巧妙重现了那种生命随时可能终结的日子里每日的恐惧、乏味与胜利。但真正让这部结构精巧的叙事更上一层楼的，是她对这两位性格截然不同的主人公细腻的刻画——一位是厌世者，一位是乐天派。在令人称奇之余，这也是一个会让每一位读者叩问关于孤独、性格和伴侣关系等根本性问题的故事。点击查看书评。

Mother Emanuel

《以马内利圣母堂》(Mother Emanuel)

by Kevin Sack

作者：凯文·萨克

When a white supremacist intent on fomenting a race war shot and killed nine members of a Bible study class at Charleston’s Emanuel A.M.E. Church in 2015, he struck at the heart of the oldest African American Episcopal congregation in the South, in a city that had been the center of the country’s slave trade and the place where the Civil War began.

2015年，一名意图挑起种族战争的白人至上主义者闯入查尔斯顿以马内利非裔卫理公会教堂的一个查经班，枪杀了九名教友——他击中了美国南部历史最悠久的非裔卫理公会堂区的心脏，这座城市曾是全美奴隶贸易的中心，也是南北战争打响第一枪的地方。

Assigned to cover the aftermath of the massacre for The New York Times, Sack understood that the story carried far-reaching symbolic weight. His resulting book, nearly 10 years in the making, is a timely feat of research and reporting, a vivid chronicle of the Black church’s essential role in America’s story, and a surpassingly eloquent testament to resistance, resilience and faith. Read our review.

萨克受《纽约时报》指派报道这场屠杀的后续。他深知这个事件承载着深远的象征意义。历时近十年完成的这部作品，是恰逢其时、扎实缜密的调查报道，它生动记录了黑人教会在美国历史中的核心角色，更是一份对抗争、韧性与信仰的绝佳证词。点击查看书评。

Mother Mary Comes to Me

《母亲向我走来》(Mother Mary Comes to Me)

by Arundhati Roy

作者：阿兰达蒂·洛伊

In this unsparing yet darkly funny memoir, the prizewinning novelist captures the fierce, asthmatic, impossible, inspirational woman who shaped her as a writer and an activist — and left her emotionally bruised for a lifetime. Roy doesn’t let herself off too easily, however. Fleeing from an insular Indian community to the cosmopolitan Delhi and then the global stage, she — like her mother — is imperious, impatient and unforgettable. Read our review.

在这本毫不留情却充满黑色幽默的回忆录中，这位获奖小说家描绘了那位塑造了她——一个作家和行动主义者——的女性，她强悍、身患哮喘、难以相处却充满感召力，而她也在洛伊心中留下了终生难愈的情感创伤。不过，洛伊对自己也未手下留情。从封闭的印度村落逃往国际化的德里，再到走上全球舞台，她如同其母亲一般，展现出了专断、急躁、令人难忘的特质。点击查看书评。

There Is No Place for Us

《无处容身》(There Is No Place for Us)

by Brian Goldstone

作者：布莱恩·戈德斯通

With uncommon precision, tenacity and grace, Goldstone, an anthropologist turned journalist, casts a shocking spotlight on the “working homeless,” a term that should be an oxymoron but which in America defines hundreds of thousands of people. Following five Atlanta families for whom home is a car, a relative’s couch or a squalid room in an extended stay hotel — often some rotating combination of all three — his book gives intimate human shape to a population uncounted by the government and largely invisible to the public, one that, owing to soaring rents, paltry wages and misguided urban policy, is barely surviving even with a paycheck. Read our review.

曾是人类学家的戈德斯通以记者身份，以罕见的精准、执着与优雅笔触将刺目的聚光灯投向了“有工作的无家可归者”——这是一个自相矛盾的词，却是数十万美国人的真实写照。通过追踪亚特兰大五个家庭的生存轨迹（对他们而言，家就是汽车、亲戚的沙发，或长租旅馆里肮脏的房间，而且往往是在三者间辗转），本书给这个不在政府的统计数字中、也不在公众视野里的群体，赋予了具体鲜活的面貌。在房租飞涨、工资微薄与城市政策失当的夹击下，即便有薪水，他们也只能在生存边缘挣扎。点击查看书评。

Wild Thing

《狂野之徒》(Wild Thing)

by Sue Prideaux

作者：苏·普里多

In the annals of art history, bad boy artists are legion, and the 19th-century French painter Gauguin often figures near the top of the list — denounced as a colonizer who seduced underage Tahitian girls and spread syphilis in the South Seas. Prideaux’s enthralling biography, studded with keen close readings of her subject’s innovative art, chips away at this caricature, fashioning in its stead a slyly witty portrait of an original and contradictory man who experienced extreme wealth and abject poverty, who abandoned his wife, children and country in pursuit of his singular artistic vision, and who fought for the interests of his Polynesian neighbors against the colonial authorities even as he took in several of their daughters as child brides. Read our review.

在艺术史的长卷中，“坏小子”艺术家比比皆是，而19世纪法国画家高更常居此类榜单前列——他被斥为诱骗塔希提未成年少女、在南太平洋传播梅毒的殖民者。普里多这部传记引人入胜，以对传主创新艺术的敏锐细读为经纬，层层剥除这种脸谱化印象，重塑出一幅狡黠而鲜活的肖像：一个兼具独创性与矛盾性的灵魂，历尽巨富与赤贫，为追寻独树一帜的艺术愿景抛妻弃子、远走他乡；他一方面为波利尼西亚邻人的权益与殖民当局抗争，一方面又将他们的数名幼女纳为未成年的新娘。点击查看书评。

World War II narratives, up for grabs

二战叙事，尚待争夺。

In September, China held a military parade to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. Cannon fire, fighter jets, missiles and goose-stepping troops filled Tiananmen Square in a display of military might and expanding global influence.

今年9月，中国举行了纪念第二次世界大战结束80周年阅兵仪式。礼袍鸣响，战机、导弹和踏着正步的军队在天安门广场亮相，彰显着军事力量和不断扩大的全球影响力。

Also on display was a particular narrative of the war, one that assigns China a central role in the victory against Nazi Germany and imperial Japan. In this version, as China’s president, Xi Jinping, put it at the time, Beijing and Moscow were the “main victors.”

同时传递的还有一种关于二战的具体叙事，将中国塑造成战胜纳粹德国和日本帝国的核心力量。在这个版本中，如中国国家主席习近平当时所言，北京与莫斯科是“主要战胜国”。

Since then, China has repeatedly invoked World War II — in Xi’s phone call with Trump, but also in interactions with European officials. The language always centers on defeating fascism and protecting the outcomes of the war. But the implicit message is that Japan, which recently made clear that it would intervene militarily if Taiwan were attacked, is a historic aggressor that should be regarded warily.

此后中国屡次援引二战历史，不仅出现在习近平与特朗普的通话中，也出现在与欧洲官员的互动里。其论述总是以打败法西斯主义和保护战争成果为中心。但其中隐含的信息是，日本是历史上的侵略者，应该被警惕对待——日本最近明确表示，如果台湾受到攻击，它将进行军事干预。

Every country has its own story of the Second World War. But it is largely Western stories about the war — who won, what it was about and what its lessons are — that have shaped the postwar order.

每个国家都有自己的二战叙事。但塑造战后秩序的主要是西方对这场战争的叙事——谁获胜了，为什么而战，以及教训是什么。

Today, that order is breaking down. And countries like China, as they gain prominence and power, are using some of that power to put forward their versions of this history — with potential implications for whatever world order emerges next.

如今，这种秩序正在瓦解。随着中国等国家地位和实力的增强，它们正在利用部分力量来提出自己的历史版本——这可能影响未来世界秩序的走向。

‘A war like no other’

“无与伦比的战争”

Why do narratives about World War II still have so much power? As the historian Antony Beevor put it to me, “the Second World War was a war like no other,” and yet for many people, paradoxically, it’s “the definition of war itself.”

为什么关于第二次世界大战的叙事至今仍然有这么大的影响力？正如历史学家安东尼·比弗对我说的那样，“第二次世界大战是一场无与伦比的战争”，但对许多人来说，矛盾的是，它成了“战争本身的定义”。

Countries around the world all experienced the same event. But they did not experience it the same way. All these individual narratives have never really been reconciled into one, Beevor said. Now that the balance of power in the world is shifting, we’re seeing more competition about whose story takes prominence.

世界各国都经历了同样的事件。但方式各不相同。比弗说，所有这些各自的叙述从未真正融合为一体。如今随着世界力量格局变迁，我们看到争夺历史话语主导权的竞争愈发激烈。

For the countries that defeated Nazi Germany and its allies, including Japan, the war was an epic battle of good against evil. These countries liberally evoke that history in regular commemorations and in school curriculums to rally people to the flag.

对于那些打败纳粹德国及其盟友（包括日本）的国家来说，这场战争是一场史诗般的正义与邪恶之战。这些国家在定期纪念活动和学校课程中大量讲起这段历史，将人们团结在国旗之下。

The countries defeated in the war have more complicated relationships to that history, but it still defines them. Germany’s postwar identity has been largely about atonement. In Japan, questions of whether the country has apologized enough and should formally abandon the pacifist stance it was forced to adopt after the war are live subjects in contemporary politics.

战败国与那段历史有着更为复杂的关系，但也仍然定义着这些国家。德国战后的身份认同在很大程度上与赎罪有关。在日本，国家是否已充分道歉、是否应该正式放弃战后被迫采取的和平主义立场仍是当代政治中的热点议题。

Germany and Japan have still been an integral part of the West’s prevailing story about World War II, because they became integral to America’s postwar system of alliances. By contrast, the Soviet Union, which lost some 24 million lives in World War II, and China, where about 20 million died, have not always featured as prominently in many Western accounts.

德国和日本仍然是西方关于第二次世界大战的主流故事中不可或缺的一部分，因为它们成为美国战后联盟体系的组成部分。相比之下，在二战中失去约2400万人的苏联和约2000万人的中国在许多西方报道中并不总是占据突出地位。

Russia has long made the case that it deserves more credit for its sacrifices on Hitler’s eastern front. China’s latest push to have its role in the war upgraded is reminiscent of this effort, although many historians believe Chinese nationalists, who eventually retreated to Taiwan, played a bigger role in World War II than the communists.

俄罗斯长期以来一直认为，它在希特勒的东线战场上做出的牺牲更值得赞扬。中国近期推动提升其在战争中的历史地位，与俄方诉求相呼应——尽管许多史学家认为，最终退守台湾的中国国民党在二战中发挥的作用大于共产党。

This isn’t just an intellectual exercise. Battles about history are always about shaping the present.

这不仅仅是纯粹的学术讨论。关于历史的争论总是关于如何塑造现在。

New story, new order

新故事，新秩序

Western countries have often used World War II references that suited them: The Bush administration compared Sept. 11 to Pearl Harbor, and likened Saddam Hussein to Hitler. One pro-Brexit campaigner likened leaving the European Union to evacuating British soldiers from Dunkirk, France.

西方国家经常使用适合自己的二战典故：布什政府把9·11事件比作珍珠港事件，把萨达姆·侯赛因比作希特勒。一位支持英国脱欧的活动人士将离开欧盟比作英国士兵从法国敦刻尔克撤离。

China is invoking World War II with Western leaders because it’s trying to shift their understanding of Japan to something that looks more like China’s: Japan as a country with a history of aggression that’s a potential threat to its neighbors.

中国对西方领导人援引第二次世界大战，是在试图让他们对日本的认知向中国版本靠拢：日本是一个有侵略历史的国家，对邻国构成潜在威胁。

It’s part of a broader push to eventually reclaim Taiwan, justified, in part, by Chinese ideas about what it’s owed for its sacrifices during the war. Russia, which refers to World War II as the Great Patriotic War, deliberately invokes the war when it talks about “denazifying” Ukraine.

这属于更宏大的战略布局，旨在最终收复台湾。在某种程度上，中国认为自己在战争中做出了牺牲，理应得到回报。俄罗斯将第二次世界大战称为卫国战争，在谈到乌克兰“去纳粹化”时，也特意援引了那场战争。

The story underpinning the American-led postwar world order, Beevor told me, was one in which America liberated Europe from fascism and gave it liberal democracy and free market capitalism. From that sprang international institutions (and military interventions) that purported to promote democracy and free trade.

比弗告诉我，支撑美国领导的战后世界秩序的叙事是，美国将欧洲从法西斯主义手中解放出来，并赋予欧洲自由民主和自由市场资本主义。由此产生了旨在促进民主和自由贸易的国际机构（以及军事干预）。

But China sees World War II as part of a longer struggle against Japanese imperialism that would end with the reunification of mainland China and Taiwan — a promise that, from China’s perspective, has yet to be fulfilled. From this story springs a whole different set of assumptions about what the world should look like, he said, from what “sovereignty” means to how other countries should respond to a Japan that is rearming.

但中国将第二次世界大战视为对抗日本帝国主义的长期斗争的一部分，最终应以中国大陆和台湾的统一而告终——从中国的角度来看，这一承诺尚未实现。他说，从这个叙事中，衍生出一套截然不同的世界观假设，从“主权”的定义到其他国家应该如何应对日本的重新武装。

The stories around World War II are shifting. But 80 years on, the war itself remains central to many national identities. We’re now heading into the post-postwar era. Our arguments about World War II are coming with us.

关于第二次世界大战的故事正在转变。但80年过去了，这场战争本身仍然是许多国家认同的核心。我们正在进入战后时代，而关于第二次世界大战的争论一直伴随着我们。

Related: In an interview at the DealBook Summit, Taiwan’s president warned that China was stepping up its campaign of intimidation against the island.

相关报道：在DealBook峰会的访谈中，台湾总统警告称中国正加剧对该岛的威慑行动。

Residents of Hong Kong had a perfectly natural response after a devastating fire in an apartment complex killed at least 159 people last week: They mourned the tragedy, which left thousands homeless, and tried to make sense of what had happened. They demanded an independent investigation and official accountability.

上周，香港一栋公寓楼发生毁灭性火灾，造成至少159人死亡，香港居民的反应非常自然：他们哀悼这场导致数千人无家可归的悲剧，并试图弄清楚事故原因。他们要求进行独立调查并对官员问责。

What they got from their leaders were smears and intimidation.

他们从领导层那里得到的是污蔑和恐吓。

In Hong Kong, a city that prided itself on civic engagement and the rule of law, public grief and anger have become politically dangerous. The authorities are now determined to ensure that the fire does not result in anything resembling collective action.

在香港这个以公民参与和法治为荣的城市，公众的悲痛和愤怒已变成了政治上的危险。当局现在决心确保火灾不会引发任何类似集体行动的事件。

The police detained and then released a university student who handed out fliers calling for an independent inquiry, according to local news reports. And a news conference planned by lawyers, social workers and policy experts was canceled after an organizer was summoned by the police.

据当地媒体报道，一名分发呼吁独立调查传单的大学生遭警方拘留后获释。一场由律师、社会工作者和政策专家筹划的新闻发布会在组织者被警方传唤后被取消。

A national security official toured the charred Wang Fuk Court apartment complex, where, as a government-affiliated newspaper claimed, in a clear reference to 2019 anti-government protests in Hong Kong, “black-clad rioters” and pro-democracy supporters attempted to “hijack” relief efforts for anti-government purposes. Separately, Beijing’s national security branch in the city warned against “using the disaster to cause chaos in Hong Kong.”

一名国家安全官员视察了烧焦的宏福苑，一家有政府背景的报纸报道称（该报道明显影射2019年的香港反政府示威），“黑衣暴徒“和民主派支持者企图将那里的救援行动“挟持“成反政府用途。另有报道称，中国国家安全局在香港的机构警告“不得借灾难之机制造香港混乱”。

It was an extraordinary message to send the public when the city was still in shock, when dozens of bodies were yet to be identified. Yet the logic behind it is familiar.

当这座城市还处于震惊之中、数十具遗体尚未辨认时，向公众发出这样的信息是不寻常的。但其背后的逻辑是熟悉的。

Beijing imposed a national security system on Hong Kong after the protests in 2019. It has effectively criminalized anything that officials consider counter to the interests of China or Hong Kong. As shown in the past week, the authorities in Hong Kong have internalized a crisis-management playbook that the Chinese Communist Party has relied on since the Tiananmen massacre in 1989.

2019年抗议活动后，北京在香港建起了一个国家安全体制。该体制实质上将官员认为有损中国或香港利益的任何行为都定为犯罪。正如过去一周所示，香港当局已将中共自1989年天安门屠杀以来沿用的危机管理规范内化为自己的行动准则。

That playbook is built on the assumption that gatherings triggered by a tragedy might mutate into collective action. Not coincidentally, the democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen began with public mourning.

这种规范建立在这样的假设之上：由悲剧引发的集会可能演变成集体行动。并非巧合的是，天安门的民主示威正是始于公众哀悼。

这场席卷香港住宅大楼的火灾是该市自1948年以来最致命的火灾，造成至少159人丧生。

For more than three decades, the party has treated spontaneous civic activity after disasters as a potential political threat. It has poured tremendous resources into constructing a vast stability-maintenance apparatus designed around a consistent sequence: Tightly control the narrative, strike early at anyone who speaks out and choose overreaction over caution. For Beijing, disaster is never merely disaster. It’s a potential crisis, a spark that must be extinguished before it becomes a firestorm.

30多年来，中共一直把灾后自发的公民活动视为潜在的政治威胁。它投入了巨大的资源，构建了一个庞大的维稳机制，其运作遵循固定模式：严格控制叙事，及早打击任何发声的人，宁可过度反应也不愿谨慎行事。对北京来说，灾难绝不仅仅是灾难，而是潜在的危机，必须在火苗蔓延成燎原之势前将其扑灭。

After the 2008 Sichuan earthquake killed thousands of schoolchildren, parents and activists who questioned why school buildings had collapsed while government offices remained intact were detained, surveilled or silenced. Independent investigations by lawyers, volunteers and intellectuals such as the artist Ai Weiwei were suppressed.

2008年四川地震造成数千名学生死亡后，质疑校舍倒塌而政府办公楼完好无损的家长和活动人士被拘留、监视或噤声。律师、志愿者及艺术家艾未未等知识分子发起的独立调查均遭压制。

The message was clear: Private grief was allowed; organized grief was not.

这透露出的态度很明确：允许个人哀悼，有组织的哀悼则不然。

Chinese officials have flashed that reflex time and again: a high-speed rail crash in 2022, the sinking of a cruise ship in 2015, a port explosion in Tianjin that killed 173 people. In 2022, the government censored outpourings of grief online after the crash of a bus full of people being transferred to a Covid-19 quarantine facility, and again after a deadly fire in an apartment during a lockdown. In each case, attempts by families, citizens or journalists to seek truth, mourn publicly or demand accountability were treated as political dangers. Journalists were threatened, relatives were pressured to stay silent and activists were jailed.

中国官员一次又一次地展现这种条件反射：2022年的高铁事故、2015年的邮轮沉没、导致173人死亡的天津港口爆炸。2022年，一辆满载新冠隔离人员的大巴车祸后，政府审查了网上表达哀悼的言论，在封锁期间，一所公寓发生致命火灾后，政府又审查了网上表达悲伤的言论。每一次，家属、公民或记者寻求真相、公开哀悼或要求问责的企图都被视为政治危险。记者受到威胁，亲属被迫保持沉默，活动人士被关进监狱。

“The lesson the party drew from Tiananmen is: You cannot wait for events to escalate,” said Minxin Pei, a political scientist at Claremont McKenna College. “Problems must be crushed at the earliest stage.”

克莱蒙特·麦肯纳学院政治学家裴敏欣指出：“中共从天安门事件汲取的教训是：绝不能坐视事态升级，必须在萌芽阶段就予以扼杀。”

Disasters, he explained, pose a unique threat to authoritarian governments because they solve the two classic obstacles to collective action: motivation and coordination. People are already angry, and they know where to gather. That is why the party focuses so intensely on the first 48 to 72 hours after a tragedy, when emotions are raw and solidarity is easiest to form. The goal is not simply to respond to the crisis but to pre-empt the possibility of collective expression.

他解释说，灾难对威权政府构成了独特的威胁，因为它们消除了集体行动的两个典型障碍：动机和协调。民众本就很愤怒，而且知道去哪里聚集。正因如此，党格外重视悲剧发生后的48至72小时，当时情绪最激动，团结最容易形成。目标不仅仅是对危机作出反应，而是要先发制人，防止出现集体表达的可能性。

The Hong Kong government’s response to the fire has followed this script with precision. The detention of the university student, the official “warning” visit to the site and the ominous national security statement happened shortly after the fire was put out. The student’s detention can be interpreted as striking at anyone who stands out.

香港政府对火灾的反应精确地遵循了这一脚本。在火灾被扑灭后不久被拘留的那名大学生、那名官员前往现场进行的“警告”，以及那份不祥的国家安全声明。拘留学生之举可被解读为任何人只要冒头就会遭到打击。

The fire was the first major disaster in Hong Kong since the National Security Law was introduced in 2020. The tragedy acted as a stress test. How much civic life remained? How would the public respond? How aggressively would the government clamp down?

这场火灾是自2020年“国家安全法”实施以来香港发生的第一起重大灾难。这场悲剧起到了压力测试的作用。公民生活还保留了多少？公众会作何反应？政府的镇压力度会有多大？

The fire exposed two Hong Kongs that are uneasily coexisting: an official Hong Kong that has fully absorbed Beijing’s discipline, and a determined but quieter Hong Kong that still thinks and acts like a civic community.

这场大火暴露了两个在不安中共存的香港：一个是完全接受北京纪律的官方香港，另一个是坚定但更安静的香港，它仍然像一个公民社区那样思考和行动。

志愿者们在大埔整理捐赠的衣物和食物。

Five years under the National Security Law have transformed the territory in ways that the tragedy made impossible to ignore. Some residents believe the catastrophe might have been prevented under the more open and independent system that existed before. Today, even those who speak strictly in their professional capacity do so under the shadow of political risk. People measure their words, anxious about crossing an invisible red line.

在“国安法”实施的五年里，这片土地发生了翻天覆地的变化，而这场悲剧让这种变化无法被忽视。一些居民认为，若维持此前更开放独立的制度，这场灾难本可避免。今天，即使是那些严格在职业范畴内发言的人士也被笼罩在政治风险的阴影下。人们衡量自己的用词，担心越过一条看不见的红线。

The Hong Kong public demonstrated that despite years of sweeping arrests, the dismantling of civil groups and the transformation of the city’s political institutions, the city’s civic instinct has not been stamped out. People recognize one another as members of a community, capable of empathy, self-organization and insistence on basic accountability.

香港公众证明，尽管多年来经历了大规模逮捕、民间团体被解散、政治体制被改造，但香港的公民本能并没有被扑灭。人们彼此视为一个共同体的成员，有同理心、自我组织和坚持基本问责的能力。

Thousands of people queued for hours to lay flowers at the complex. Volunteers delivered supplies, raised funds and assembled resources for the displaced. Journalists and citizens documented not only human stories but also the government’s response. Experts offered assessments of possible causes, gaps in oversight and policy failures.

成千上万的人排队数小时在大楼前献花。志愿者为流离失所者运送物资、筹集资金和集结资源。记者和公民不仅记录人的故事，也记录政府的反应。专家们对可能的原因、监管漏洞和政策失败进行评估。

None of this resembled the “anti-China, anti-Hong Kong” conspiracy that the authorities claimed was lurking in the shadows. It looked instead like a community doing what communities everywhere do in moments of crisis: grieve, help out and insist that the dead be honored and the living protected.

这一切都与当局所说的潜伏在暗处的“反中乱港”阴谋毫不相关。相反，它看起来像一个社区在危机时刻的本能反应：哀悼、互助，坚持让死者得到尊重，让活着的人得到保护。

The Chinese and Hong Kong governments are “terrified of anything that can generate a sense of collective identity or bring people together around the idea that this is our city, our loss, our grief,” said Chung Ching Kwong, a Hong Kong activist and senior analyst at the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, an international alliance of parliamentarians.

香港活动人士、国际医院联盟对中政策跨国议会联盟高级分析师邝颂晴说，中国政府和香港政府“害怕任何可能产生集体认同感的事情，或者让人们围绕着这是我们的城市、我们的损失、我们的悲伤的想法走到一起”。

“This shows Hong Kong people have not been tamed,” she said. “We still care about Hong Kong. We still care about politics. We know there are things we cannot say or do because of safety, but when there is space and when there is a need, we will still stand up and make our own decisions, even at personal risks.”

“这表明香港人没有被驯服，”她说。“我们仍然关心香港。我们仍然关心政治。我们知道，出于安全考虑，有些事情我们不能说或不能做，但是一旦有了空间和需要，我们仍然会站起来，做出自己的决定，即使冒着个人风险。”

Lai Ching-te, the president of Taiwan, said Wednesday that China was accelerating its military intimidation campaign toward the island.

台湾总统赖清德周三表示，中国正加速对台湾实施军事恐吓行动。

“We can see that China’s military drills targeted at Taiwan are becoming increasingly frequent and intense,” Mr. Lai said in a recorded video interview that was broadcast at the DealBook Summit in New York. “At the same time, China’s united-front influence campaigns against Taiwan are also becoming more serious.”

赖清德在纽约DealBook峰会上播放的一段事先录制的视频访谈中称：“中国对台湾的军演越来越频繁，强度也越来越强。另外，中国对台湾的统战渗透也越来越厉害。”

Xi Jinping, China’s leader, has said he intends to bring the democratic island of Taiwan under the rule of the Communist Party of China. Mr. Xi has ordered China’s military to make itself capable of taking Taiwan by 2027, according to some American commanders and officials.

中国领导人习近平曾表示有意将民主台湾纳入中国共产党的统治。据美国军方将领及官员透露，习近平已下令中国军队确保在2027年前具备夺取台湾的能力。

Last week, Mr. Lai announced a $40 billion military spending goal to deter China from an invasion of Taiwan. The move is politically important for Mr. Lai, who has come under pressure from President Trump to increase Taiwan’s military spending to at least 5 percent of its gross domestic product. Mr. Lai has promised to reach that goal by 2030 — its current level is about 2.45 percent.

上周，赖清德宣布400亿美元军事支出目标以遏制中国入侵台湾。此举对赖清德具有重大政治意义——他正承受特朗普总统要求台湾军费支出至少达到国内生产总值5%的压力。赖清德承诺将在2030年前实现该目标，当前军费占比约为2.45%。

As China and the United States have navigated sensitive trade negotiations, Mr. Xi has pressed Mr. Trump on America’s relationship with Taiwan, alarming some Taiwanese officials. Mr. Lai appeared to play down that anxiety on Wednesday, reiterating his view that Taiwan’s relationship with the United States is “rock solid.”

中美在敏感的贸易谈判中艰难前行之际，习近平就美台关系向特朗普施压，令部分台湾官员感到不安。赖清德周三似乎淡化了这种忧虑，重申他认为台美关系“坚若磐石”。

In a separate interview at the DealBook summit, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the relationship between the United States and Taiwan remained “unchanged.”

在DealBook峰会的另一个采访中，美国财长斯科特·贝森特说，美国和台湾之间的关系保持“不变”。

Mr. Lai deflected a question about how confident he was that the United States would come to its defense if China were to invade Taiwan, but said that “since President Trump took office, cooperation with Taiwan has not only continued, but even expanded.” While former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. vowed in four separate statements during his term that the American military would defend Taiwan against any Chinese invasion, Mr. Trump has been more guarded and has not said what he would do if China invaded Taiwan.

赖清德回避了关于他有多大把握相信美国会在中国入侵台湾时相助的问题，但表示“川普（特朗普）总统上任之后，他对台湾的各项合作并没有中断，甚至有增加的趋势”。尽管前总统拜登在其任期内曾先后四次公开承诺美军将抵御中国对台入侵，但特朗普态度更为谨慎，始终未明确表态若中国入侵台湾将采取何种行动。

Mr. Lai’s government is also navigating trade talks with the Trump administration, which has put a 20 percent tariff on the island’s exports. A semiconductor powerhouse, Taiwan has sought to use its chip expertise as leverage in those negotiations.

赖清德政府也在与特朗普政府进行贸易谈判，后者对台湾出口商品征收20%关税。作为半导体强国，台湾试图利用芯片技术优势作为谈判筹码。

The Trump administration has said that the United States aims to manufacture 40 to 50 percent of all semiconductors globally in the next couple of years. That’s an ambition that Mr. Lai said he was happy to support if it meant strengthening economic cooperation between the two sides. “President Trump wants the U.S. to become the world center for A.I., and we are willing to assist in this,” Mr. Lai said.

特朗普政府表示，美国的目标是在未来几年内生产全球40%至50%的半导体。赖清德说，如果这意味着加强双方的经济合作，他很乐意支持这一雄心。“川普总统希望美国能够成为人工智慧的世界中心，我们也很乐意协助，”赖清德说。

Hong Kong’s deadliest fire in decades had barely been extinguished when the city’s authorities began working to contain something else: public anger at the government.

香港数十年来死伤最严重的火灾甫一扑灭，香港当局便开始着手应对另一件事：公众对政府的愤怒。

National security police have arrested at least two people for demanding more government accountability in the blaze at the Wang Fuk Court housing estate that engulfed seven apartment towers and killed at least 156 people. One of them was Kenneth Cheung, a former elected district official who posted criticism of the authorities’ response to the fire on Facebook and was accused of inciting hatred against the government online. The other was Miles Kwan, a 24-year-old university student who handed out fliers near the fire site calling for an independent probe into the disaster. The police declined to comment on their arrests.

至少两人因为要求政府在宏福苑大火中承担更多责任被香港警方国安处逮捕。这场火灾吞噬了七幢住宅楼，造成至少156人死亡。两人中一人是曾经当选区议员的张锦雄，他在Facebook上批评当局对火灾的应对，被指控在网上煽动对政府的仇恨。另一人是24岁的大学生关靖丰，他在火灾现场附近派发传单，呼吁对这场灾难进行独立调查。警方拒绝就他们的被捕置评。

Over the weekend, Beijing’s national security office in Hong Kong issued a statement warning of consequences for “anti-China elements” who are looking to use the fire, which started last Wednesday and lasted more than 24 hours, “to cause trouble.”

上周末，北京驻港国安公署发表声明，警告那些“反中乱港分子”不要“以灾乱港”。这场大火始于上周三，持续了超过24小时。

“They have lost their humanity, disregarded facts, spread false information, maliciously attacked” the Hong Kong government’s efforts, the statement said.

“他们泯灭人性、罔顾事实，散播虚假信息，恶意攻击特区政府救援工作，”声明称。

救援人员在大埔宏福苑火灾现场寻找伤亡者。

The authorities’ swift crackdown on expression suggested that they were acutely aware of the risk that last week’s disaster could fuel a fresh political reckoning in a city that was engulfed with antigovernment protests in 2019. The scale of the disaster has already laid bare likely failures in oversight and preparedness that allowed substandard and flammable materials to be used in construction, and for alarm systems to fail.

当局对言论的迅速打压表明，他们敏锐地意识到上周的灾难可能会在这个城市引发新一轮的政治清算，2019年，香港曾经爆发大规模反政府抗议活动。这场灾难的规模已经暴露出监督和应急准备工作中可能存在的疏漏，使得劣质和易燃材料用于施工，以及警报系统失灵。

Hong Kong’s chief executive, John Lee, did not deny reports of the arrests when asked about them by a journalist at a news briefing on Tuesday. “Criminals who commit offenses must be taken to justice,” he said. “I will not tolerate any crimes, particularly crimes that exploit the tragedy that we are facing now.”

香港特区行政长官李家超在周二的新闻发布会上被记者问及逮捕报道时，并未做出否认。他说：“我们必须将犯罪分子绳之以法。我绝不容忍任何犯罪行为，尤其是利用目前的悲剧进行的犯罪活动。”

He reiterated Beijing’s warning that the authorities would not tolerate any attempt to “sabotage” social unity.

他重申了北京的警告，称当局不会容忍任何“破坏”社会团结的企图。

The government’s strict response reflects fears of a resurgence of the social discontent that fueled the 2019 demonstrations, analysts say. That uprising was the biggest challenge to Beijing’s rule in decades.

分析人士表示，政府的强硬回应反映了其对重新燃起2019年示威浪潮背后社会不满的担忧。当年的反抗活动是数十年来对北京统治的最大挑战。

In the days after the fire, the area around the charred Wang Fuk Court complex in the northern suburb of Tai Po evoked echoes of those demonstrations: volunteers organizing themselves to distribute aid; mourners in black clothing; public walls covered in sticky notes expressing grief and offering words of support.

火灾发生后的几天里，位于香港北部郊区大埔已经烧焦的宏福苑周围，呈现出了让人想起那些示威活动的场景：自发组织起来的志愿者分发援助物资；哀悼者身着黑衣；公共区域的墙上贴满了表达悲痛和加油打气的便利贴。

志愿者在大埔宏福苑整理捐赠的衣物和食物。

Even Mr. Kwan, the university student who was arrested, presented his grievances toward the government as a list of “four demands” — echoing the “five demands, not one less” slogan that was a rallying cry for the 2019 protesters.

就连被捕的大学生关靖丰也将他对政府的不满列为“四大诉求”——呼应了2019年抗议者的口号“五大诉求，缺一不可”。

It was the kind of independent, community-driven mobilization that once defined Hong Kong’s civic life, before Beijing’s sweeping crackdown sharply narrowed the space for public expression and organization.

这是香港公民社会曾经的标志性特征——一种独立的、由社区驱动的动员方式，但在北京的全面打压之下，公共表达与组织的空间已大为缩小。

China imposed a national security law on Hong Kong in 2020 to crush the protests and stamp out political dissent. Its invocation after the fire in Tai Po shows how elastic the law is, analysts say, shifting from a tool used by the authorities to target democracy activists to one that can now be wielded to mute calls by ordinary people for officials to be held accountable for public tragedies.

2020年，中国在香港实施国安法以平息抗议活动并压制政治异见。分析人士指出，大埔火灾后援引该法显示出这部法律的弹性之大——从当局针对民主活动人士的工具，转变为可用于压制普通民众要求官员对公共悲剧负责的呼声。

“This is the biggest political crisis that the government has faced since the 2019 protests and the 2020 national security law crackdown,” said Thomas E. Kellogg, the executive director of the Georgetown Center for Asian Law. “There’s no doubt that the government will use the national security apparatus to maintain political control and to ensure that the crisis won’t be used as a platform for political and social mobilization to demand transparency and accountability.”

乔治城大学亚洲法律中心执行主任托马斯·E·凯洛格表示：“这是自2019年的抗议活动和2020年国安法镇压以来，政府面临的最大政治危机。毫无疑问，政府将动用国家安全机制来维持政治控制，并确保危机不会被用作要求透明和问责的政治和社会动员平台。"

So far, no government officials have been held responsible for the fire. All 15 of the people who have been arrested on suspicion of manslaughter are from construction companies, the police said. Mr. Lee, the city’s leader, did not provide an answer when he was pressed by a reporter on Tuesday to justify why he should keep his job following the disaster.

迄今为止，还没有政府官员因这场大火被追责。警方表示，所有涉嫌误杀被逮捕的15人全部来自建筑公司。周二，当一名记者追问李家超，为何在灾难发生后他仍可以继续担任特首职务时，他未给出答案。

Mr. Lee said the government would establish an independent committee, chaired by a judge, to investigate the causes of the blaze. Experts welcomed the move, but said that key details — such as whether the committee would have statutory powers or if the judge would be appointed by the judiciary rather than the government — would determine whether the inquiry is seen as credible.

李家超说，政府将成立一个独立的调查委员会调查火灾的原因，并由一名法官担任主席。专家们对这项举措表示欢迎，但也指出，关键细节将决定调查是否具备公信力，比如该委员会是否拥有法定权力，以及法官是由司法机关任命还是由政府任命。

香港特首李家超在周二的新闻发布会上发言。

“If the committee is seen to not be independent, that will only further disillusion people who are currently dissatisfied,” said Stuart Hargreaves, an associate professor of law at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

“如果这个委员会被认为没有独立性，只会让那些对目前心存不满的人进一步感到失望，”香港中文大学法学副教授斯图尔特·哈格里夫斯说。

The national security law has already effectively muted many voices who would have otherwise pressed the government more forcefully to take responsibility for lapses that allowed the fire to happen. Opposition politicians had once been a vocal presence in the legislature, questioning government officials and holding protests to draw attention to issues. They quit en masse in 2020 in protest; later, many were either jailed or fled into exile.

要求政府为监管失职导致火灾发生而承担责任的声音，原本会更强烈，但受到国安法的有效压制。反对派政治人物曾在立法会中直言不讳地对政府官员提出质疑，并通过抗议来引起对议题的关注。但他们在2020年集体辞职以示抗议；后来，许多人要么入狱，要么流亡海外。

The law has also made it risky for local journalists to conduct investigative reporting, for lawyers to analyze the government’s legal liability, and for activists to organize street demonstrations demanding transparency.

国安法也导致本地记者进行调查报道、律师分析政府的法律责任，以及活动人士组织街头示威活动要求透明度的做法变得危险起来。

“Tragedies like these happen even in fully open and democratic societies,” Prof. Kellogg said. “But the core elements of an open society can help guard against tragedies like these, and can play a vital role in shaping the response so that needed reforms are made to guard against something like this happening again. That won’t happen in Hong Kong in the national security law era.”

“即便在完全开放和民主的社会中，这类悲剧也会发生，”凯洛格说。“但开放社会的核心要素有助于防范此类悲剧，并且可以在塑造应对方面发挥至关重要的作用，从而促成必要的改革，以避免类似事件再次发生。在国安法时代的香港，这些都不会发生。”

Despite the absence of public protests, the grief and anger over a tragedy that many believe could have been avoided with better oversight will threaten to undermine faith in the government, said Willy Lam, an analyst of Chinese politics at the Jamestown Foundation in Washington.

华盛顿詹姆斯敦基金会的中国政治分析师林和立表示，尽管没有公开抗议活动，但这场悲剧带来的悲痛和愤怒将会威胁到人们对政府的信任，许多人认为，如果监管得当，这场悲剧本可以避免。

“A deep scar will be etched onto the collective memory of everybody because the fire started not as a political event, unlike the 2019 protests, and almost all mourners are not politically motivated,” Mr. Lam said. “Most mourners just want the government to do the right thing.”

“这场火灾不像2019年的抗议那样始于政治事件，而几乎所有前来悼念的人都非出于政治动机，因此，它将在每个人的集体记忆中留下深深的伤痕，”林和立说。“大多数悼念者只是希望政府做正确的事。”

How does The New York Times cover the fire hose of news from the Trump administration? What journalistic principles drive that coverage? Why does The Times publish work that challenges our audience’s assumptions at a time when many people want their views validated? Where do we wish we had more reporters based? And who makes these decisions?

《纽约时报》是如何应对特朗普政府喷涌而出的新闻洪流的？驱动我们报道的新闻原则是什么？在许多人只想让自己的观点得到验证的时代，为什么《纽约时报》还要发表挑战读者既有假设的内容？我们希望在哪些地方派驻更多记者？这些决定到底由谁来做？

The “who” is Joe Kahn, the executive editor of The Times since June 2022, who leads our newsroom of more than 2,000 journalists. Joe has run our coverage of the turbulent American economy, the war in Ukraine, the Oct. 7 attacks, the Israel-Hamas war, President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s exit and now a second Trump administration that is challenging the rule of law, free speech and alliances — while becoming the most consequential presidency since Ronald Reagan’s.

那个“谁”就是周看(Joe Kahn)，他自2022年6月起担任《纽约时报》总编辑，领导着超过2000名记者的新闻编辑部。在他的领导下，我们报道了美国经济动荡、乌克兰战争、10月7日袭击、以色列-哈马斯战争、拜登总统退选，以及现在这个正在挑战法治、言论自由和盟友关系的第二届特朗普政府——正在成为里根以来历史影响最大的一个总统任期。

We recently asked readers for questions about Joe’s work and our coverage. I’ve synthesized them and added a few of my own, including about Joe’s observations from his recent trip to China, where he was a foreign correspondent in the mid-1990s and again in the early 2000s.

我们最近向读者征集了关于周看的工作和我们的报道的问题。我把它们归纳整理，并补充了一些我自己的问题，包括他最近中国之行的一些观察——他曾在1990年代中期和2000年代初两次担任《纽约时报》驻华记者。

Reporting on President Trump

对特朗普总统的报道

Joe, most of our reader questions were about President Trump. Some on the left like our investigative stories digging into Trump’s business dealings and want more of them. Some on the right like our stories about Trump’s effectiveness and impact in office and want more of them. Some readers want us to call the president a fascist; others want us to portray him as a patriot. There’s a desire out there for us to referee the news. How do you navigate all of that?

大多数读者提问都围绕特朗普总统。左翼读者喜欢我们深挖特朗普商业交易的调查报道，希望看到更多；右翼读者喜欢我们报道特朗普执政的有效性和影响力，也希望看到更多。有些读者希望我们直接称总统为法西斯；另一些读者希望我们把他描绘成爱国者。大家都希望我们来当“新闻裁判”。你如何应对这些相互冲突的期待？

Readers already have access to a vast amount of opinion and commentary on the internet that can validate their worldviews. That’s not our role.

读者在互联网上已经能轻易获得海量的观点和评论来验证他们的世界观。那不是我们的角色。

Our approach is to report deeply and thoroughly, surface facts and a range of perspectives on the news, help people understand the world and deliver accountability journalism on issues of public concern. Sometimes that means presenting people with information and ideas that challenge their own preconceptions and beliefs. We regularly scrutinize Trump’s questionable assertions of power and his disregard for democratic or legal norms.

我们的做法是深入、彻底地报道，挖掘事实、呈现各种视角，帮助人们理解世界，并对公共关切事项进行问责式新闻报道。有时候这意味着要给读者呈现挑战他们既有成见和信念的信息与观点。我们会反复审视特朗普对权力的可疑主张，以及他对民主规范和法律规范的漠视。

That kind of reporting is a more important service than applying labels.

这种报道比简单贴标签更有价值。

Cynthia Lewis of Arlington, Va., asked how we make decisions about covering Trump’s behavior — specifically, how much prominence to give to his “coarse treatment of perceived enemies (the other half of the country) and the vulgar, immature use of A.I.?” Other readers mentioned his attacks labeling Democrats as “seditious” and calling a reporter “piggy.”

弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿的辛西娅·刘易斯问，我们如何决定报道特朗普的行为——具体来说，用多少篇幅去报道他“对他眼中的敌人（也就是另一半美国人）的粗暴对待和对AI粗俗而幼稚的运用”？还有读者提到他给民主党人打上“叛国”的标签，称呼一位记者是“小猪”。

Trump’s manner often is the story, or a big part of the story. For example, using artificial intelligence to depict himself as a fighter pilot dropping sewage on protesters became a story about the White House’s use of A.I. and vulgar imagery. We have broken multiple major stories on his campaign of retribution against perceived enemies and his upending of norms in the judicial system.

特朗普的言行风格常常本身就是新闻，或者是新闻的重要组成部分。例如，他用人工智能把自己描绘成战斗机飞行员，向抗议者倾倒污水，这成了一篇关于白宫使用AI和低俗图像的报道。我们已经多次率先揭露他对“敌人”的报复行动，以及他对司法规范的颠覆。

I see it as our responsibility to cover the newsworthy things he says and does, put them in context, examine if he has the legal authority to pursue them and then investigate the impact and consequences of his actions.

我认为我们的责任在于报道他那些具有新闻价值的言行，将其置于具体背景下，审视他是否具备推动这些事项的法定权限，进而深入调查其行为的影响与后果。

Loraine McVey from San Anselmo, Calif., wrote: “Is The Times giving more news coverage to President Trump than any other president ever? It sure feels like it.” How do you think about our dial-setting on Trump?

来自加州圣安塞尔莫的洛兰·麦克维写道：“《纽约时报》对特朗普总统的新闻报道是否比以往任何一位总统都要多？感觉确实如此。”您如何看待我们对特朗普的报道尺度把握？

No president in my lifetime compares with him in terms of the volume of initiatives he has pursued in the first 10 months of his second term.

在我有生之年，没有哪位总统在自己的第二个任期前10个月里发起了如此之多的行动。

Yet we aim to showcase a wide array of coverage that has nothing to do with Trump. That includes areas like the economy, education, religion, social affairs, health and wellness, science and culture, and to feature reporting from across the country and the world that has no link to the president’s agenda. Our digital and print report is constructed every day with that breadth of coverage in mind.

然而，我们的目标是呈现与特朗普无关的广泛报道领域。这包括经济、教育、宗教、社会事务、健康与养生、科学及文化等方面，并重点展示来自全美乃至全球、与总统议程无关的报道。我们每日构建数字版与纸质版报道时，都会考虑到这样的报道广度。

Elizabeth Garreau of Chicago asked a related question: “How do you keep up with the volume, and how do you find time to care for yourself when so many journalists and subscribers depend so much on your work for accurate information?”

芝加哥的伊丽莎白·加罗提出了一个相关问题：“你们如何跟上这样的报道量？当这么多记者和订阅者如此依赖你们的工作来获取准确信息时，你们又如何找到时间照顾自己？”

I appreciate that question. We’re lucky to have significant reporting resources that enable us to respond well to major news events, even relentless ones like wars or the upending of the federal government by Trump. We have, for example, a larger team covering the White House than ever before.

谢谢你的这个问题。我们很幸运拥有强大的报道资源，使我们能够很好应对重大新闻事件，即便是像战争或特朗普颠覆联邦政府这样具有持续性的新闻。例如，我们派驻白宫的团队规模就是前所未有的。

But a huge story like the first 10 months of Trump’s second term always puts heavy pressure on a small number of critical beat reporters and staff editors, who not only scramble on breaking news but also seek to explain and contextualize big developments, lead investigative reporting and help narrate the biggest events in video and audio as well as text.

但是，像特朗普第二任期前10个月这样的重磅新闻，总是会给少数关键的对口记者和责编带来巨大压力。他们不仅要争分夺秒地报道突发新闻，还要力求解释重大进展并提供背景信息，主导调查性报道，并帮助以视频、音频和文字等多种形式来讲述这些最重大的事件。

Rapid change in China

中国的快速变化

Joe, I want to turn to your recent visit to China. What stood out to you there?

我想让你谈谈最近的中国之行。那里让你印象最深的是什么？

When I lived in China, one theme we often reported on was its attempts to catch up with other East Asian countries and the West. Today, it’s obvious China has taken the lead. It has built the world’s best road and high-speed-rail system. It makes plush and sophisticated electric vehicles. It has an (over) abundance of modern housing and new parks and walkways in its orderly and largely safe cities. America seems relatively stagnant by comparison.

当年在中国的时候，我们经常报道的一个主题是它试图追赶其他东亚国家和西方。如今，很明显中国已处于领先地位。它建成了世界上最好的公路和高铁系统。它制造豪华而精良的电动汽车。它井然有序且总体安全的城市里有（过度）充足的现代化住房以及新建的公园和步道。相比之下，美国则显得相对停滞。

We see Trump trying to change that, but our reporting shows that the United States is more behind than many Americans may realize.

我们看到特朗普正试图改变这一点，但我们的报道表明，美国落后的程度可能超乎许多美国人的认知。

China dominates manufacturing in too many industries to count. It has a stranglehold on the production of some critical materials, like rare earth minerals, that gives it the clout to fight against U.S. trade restrictions. A number of Chinese we met seemed unbothered by Trump’s threats and increasingly confident they could live without open access to the American market if they had to.

中国在数不胜数的制造业领域占据主导地位，它对一些关键材料（如稀土矿物）的生产拥有扼制性的控制力，这使其有底气对抗美国的贸易限制。我们遇到的不少中国人似乎并不为特朗普的威胁所扰，反而愈发自信地认为，即使失去美国市场也能生存下去。

Several readers asked how you ensure that The Times’s coverage — especially on politically charged topics like U.S.-China relations — prioritizes “objective, fact-based reporting” over a political slant, as a reader from Pittsburgh, Jeff Anderson, put it.

一些读者问，你们如何确保《纽约时报》的报道——尤其是在美中关系这类政治敏感话题上，做到正如来自匹兹堡的读者杰夫·安德森所言，将“客观、基于事实的报道”置于政治倾向之上。

Much of what the outside world knows about China’s complicated economic and political reality, and its intensifying rivalry with the United States, comes from a small but dedicated core of international correspondents. We also ask ourselves regularly if we’re exploring all the major angles and perspectives and telling the full story. My one concern is that we don’t have as many reporters allowed to live in China as we once did, largely because of U.S.-China diplomatic tensions and restrictions on visas and residency permits.

外部世界对中国复杂的经济和政治现实、与美国日益激烈的竞争的了解很大程度上都是来自于一小群敬业的国际记者核心团队。我们也会定期反思，是否探究了所有主要的角度和观点，是否讲述了完整的故事。我比较担心的一点是，我们获准驻华记者的数量不如从前那么多了，这主要源于美中外交关系的紧张以及签证和居留许可方面的限制。

Part of your trip was to celebrate the 100th anniversary of The Times’s first office there, in Shanghai. The Times itself is turning 175 years old next year. How does the long arc of Times history influence how you do your job?

此次中国之行的目的之一，是庆祝《纽约时报》在上海的首个办事处设立100周年。明年，《纽约时报》还将迎来创刊175周年。这份悠久的历史积淀如何影响你如今的工作？

That anniversary reminded me that The Times has been sending adventurous correspondents to cover the world for most of its history. The journalists my predecessors sent to China in the 1920s landed in the middle of one civil conflict, the struggle of the Nationalists to consolidate power after the fall of the Qing dynasty, and then were quickly caught up in another, the Japanese invasion of China at the outset of World War II.

这个百年纪念提醒我，《纽约时报》在其大部分历史中，始终派遣勇于冒险的驻外记者报道全球动态。上世纪20年代，我的前辈们派往中国的记者初到之时，恰逢一场内战——清朝覆灭后国民党为巩固权力而展开的斗争，不久后他们又卷入另一场战乱，也就是二战初期日本对中国的侵略。

Then, as now, we put a premium on on-the-ground reporting by people who travel to places to bear witness to events themselves. Our emphasis on original reporting produced by reporters who go to the story is a proud part of our history that we still prioritize today.

无论是过去还是现在，我们始终高度重视记者亲赴现场、亲历事件的实地报道。这种强调记者亲临现场进行原创报道的传统，是我们引以为傲的历史传承，至今仍是我们工作的优先事项。

Reporting without a personal point of view

不带个人观点的报道

As you said, you’d like to have more Times reporters living in China. I know you’d like to have more journalists reporting in Russia and Gaza, too. We face various restrictions in those places. Why does having reporters on the ground in a place matter? What can it capture that viral videos or telephone reporting cannot?

正如你之前所说，你希望派驻更多《纽约时报》记者常驻中国。我知道你也希望增加在俄罗斯和加沙地带的报道力量。我们在这些地区面临各种限制。为什么在当地派驻驻站记者如此重要？实地报道能捕捉到哪些社交媒体热转视频或电话采访无法呈现的内容？

There is no substitute for reporters who immerse themselves in the stories they cover by living in the places where events happen. It’s easier to get people to open up if they see you face to face. Reporters pick up nuances they would otherwise miss. We have more than 2,000 journalists on staff for a reason: We believe in having reporters, photographers and videographers who have a wide range of expertise and who live and report close to the stories they’re covering. That helps us produce richer, deeper, more accurate journalism.

唯有扎根新闻发生地，全身心沉浸报道，记者才能传递出无可替代的真实信息。面对面交流时，人们更容易敞开心扉；记者也能捕捉到那些远程采访中极易遗漏的细微细节。我们之所以拥有超过2000名记者，原因就在于此：我们坚信，具备多元专业能力的文字记者、摄影记者和摄像记者，让他们亲临现场报道，才能产出更丰富、更深刻、更准确的新闻报道。

Some readers feel that our coverage is biased toward Israel. Others see it as pro-Palestinian. Some critics say we’re mouthpieces for Hamas. Some say if a journalist is Jewish or has a tie to Israel, that person can’t be neutral. Others appreciate our reporting. How do you think about those conflicting reactions?

部分读者认为我们的报道偏向以色列，另一些则觉得我们偏袒巴勒斯坦；有批评者称我们是哈马斯的喉舌，还有人提出犹太裔记者或与以色列有渊源的记者无法保持中立。当然，也有不少读者认可我们的报道。对于这些截然不同的反馈，你怎么看？

The core principles of our journalists in the region, like any other, are reporting widely, covering the news, putting events in context and doing in-depth investigative work for a broad and diverse global audience. Good news reporting isn’t aimed at either pleasing or displeasing partisans. Our focus is on producing journalism that matters to understanding a divisive, complicated story more fully, regardless of a reader’s personal point of view.

与本报派驻其他地区的记者一样，驻该地区的采编团队坚守的核心原则是：广泛采访、报道新闻事件，把事件放在大背景中呈现，为全球广泛且多元的读者群体进行深度调查。优秀的新闻报道绝非为了取悦某一派别或得罪另一派，我们的核心目标是，无论读者秉持何种个人立场，都能通过我们的报道，更全面地理解这一充满争议且错综复杂的事件。

We do come under intense scrutiny and often are accused of having a bias in favor of one side or another in that conflict. Some critics tend to assume that if we’re not clearly on their side, we must be on the other side. But when passions run high, producing an authoritative account of the facts, relevant to the broadest possible audience, has even greater value.

在有关这场冲突的报道中，我们确实面临着严格的审视，经常被指责偏向冲突中的某一方。部分批评者倾向于认为，如果我们没有明确站在他们那边，就一定是倒向了对立阵营。但在公众情绪高涨之时，为最广泛的读者群体提供权威的事实报道，反而更具价值。

A.I. is another big topic for our readers. They wonder how the A.I. revolution is affecting us. Here’s a question from Sarah Wood in Cincinnati: “How will you and will you not be utilizing A.I. in reporting?”

人工智能是读者关注的另一大热点，他们想知道人工智能革命对我们的影响。来自辛辛那提的萨拉·伍德提出了这样一个问题：“在新闻报道中，你们会如何运用人工智能？又有哪些领域绝对不会使用人工智能？”

We have found A.I. tools immensely useful in gathering news and analyzing large databases. For example, we produced this informative and fun piece that used A.I. to help us track the conversion of tennis courts to pickleball courts around the United States. A.I. has also allowed us to quickly scale text to audio, so we can offer a vast array of what we produce each day for people to listen to as well as read or watch. That makes us more accessible to more readers.

我们发现，人工智能工具在新闻搜集和大型数据库分析方面极具价值。例如，我们曾借助人工智能追踪全美国网球场改建匹克球场地的趋势，推出了一篇兼具信息量与趣味性的报道。此外，人工智能还能帮助我们快速将文本内容转化为音频，让读者除了阅读和观看之外，还能收听我们每日产出的大量内容，这也让我们的报道触达了更广泛的受众。

A.I. will not, however, replace human judgment in our newsroom. Every piece of journalism in our report has multiple human beings — reporters, producers, editors — involved in its creation. Our commitment to that won’t change, even as A.I. becomes more capable.

但在编辑部，人工智能永远无法取代人类的判断力。我们每一篇新闻报道的诞生都离不开记者、制作人和编辑等多名工作人员的共同参与。即便未来人工智能的能力不断提升，我们对这一原则的坚守也绝不会改变。

Joe, we got a good question about resiliency. It’s from Barbara Torre Veltri from Lecce, Italy. She writes:

我们收到了一个关于复原力的好问题，来自意大利莱切的芭芭拉·托雷·韦尔特里。她写道：

“First of all, thank you to Joe for not being an A.I.-generated executive editor. Here in Puglia, Italy (where I lived since March, required for my dual citizenship received in July), Italians and other Europeans wonder: How is Trump getting away with strong-arm ‘diplomacy’? From tariffs, to ICE raids, shutting down the government, inviting Putin to Alaska, playing favorites when he threatens everyone else and lying with malice? I want to know how your reporters manage to keep doing what they do without getting PTSD?”

 “首先，非常感谢乔不是人工智能生成的总编辑。在意大利普利亚大区（我自3月起在此居住，这是我在7月获得的双重国籍所需要满足的要求）。这里的意大利人和其他欧洲人都很疑惑：特朗普为何能肆意推行强硬‘外交’手段？无论是关税、海关执法局突袭行动、关闭政府机构，还是邀请普京到访阿拉斯加，还有一边威胁他人一边偏袒特定对象，甚至恶意撒谎——而且总能脱身？我想知道，贵报记者是如何坚持开展工作，而不患上创伤后应激障碍的？”

Covering major news is why many of us become journalists. We’re most interested in big events and developments that surprise people, need fuller examination and explanation, and upend assumptions about the way the world works. Good journalists want to get as close to the action as possible and figure out the causes and implications of major news. If you are a creature of habit, don’t like surprises and like to know exactly how your days will unfold ahead of time, journalism is probably not the best profession for you.

报道重大新闻事件正是我们许多人投身新闻行业的初衷。我们最关注那些令人意外、需要深入剖析、且能颠覆人们对世界运作方式固有认知的重大事件与发展动态。优秀的记者总是渴望尽可能贴近新闻现场，探究重大事件背后的原因及其深远影响。如果你是一个循规蹈矩、不喜欢意外、希望每天的生活都按部就班的人，那么新闻行业或许并不适合你。

That said, reporters, photographers and videographers do witness traumatic events. We’re attuned to both the physical and mental toll on our staff. We have policies in place to make sure we rotate staff exposed to the most dangerous or disturbing developments, like violent conflict, and we have robust support resources for people who need it.

话虽如此，记者、摄影记者和摄像记者确实会亲眼目睹许多创伤性事件。我们高度关注员工的身心压力，为此制定了相应政策：对于那些暴露在暴力冲突等极度危险或令人不安的新闻现场的员工，我们会确保他们进行轮岗休整；同时，我们也为有需要的员工提供完善的支持资源。

WHAT’S ON KAHN’S MIND THE MOST

周看当前最关注的事

I’d like to wind down with a few big-picture questions. What’s something about our coverage that you worry we are getting wrong, or need to adjust or think harder about?

最后，我们来聊聊几个宏观层面的问题。在你看来，我们的报道中存在哪些可能出错、需要调整或深入思考的地方？

As a 24/7 news operation, we’re used to making constant updates and adjustments. Just for a kind of obvious example, our coverage of a tragic accident might change from minute to minute as more reliable information becomes available. The fact that our stories and headlines change in such cases does not make them wrong. Each version represents our best take on events as they unfold. They get better and more complete as we learn more.

作为一家全天候24小时运转的新闻机构，我们早已习惯了对报道进行持续更新与调整。举个显而易见的例子，当我们报道一起悲惨事故时，随着更可靠的信息不断涌现，报道内容可能每分钟都会发生变化。这种情况下，报道内容和标题的变动并不意味着最初的报道有误——每一个版本都是我们对事件发展过程的最佳解读。随着信息的不断完善，我们的报道也会变得精进完善。

There isn’t a day that goes by when I and my colleagues feel we have gotten everything just right and have no more questions about how best to cover the biggest stories. We’re always pushing for a fuller or more complete account, or for an angle the initial coverage may have inadvertently missed or downplayed.

我和同事们从没有一天觉得已经完美无缺地报道了重大新闻，也从未停止对报道方式的自我质疑。我们始终在追求更全面的叙事，或发掘初始报道中可能无意遗漏或淡化处理的视角。

And yes, there are times we get things wrong that we should have gotten right in the first place. We have a transparent process for addressing errors, correcting facts and issuing editors’ notes about mistakes in our coverage.

当然，确实有一些本应在首次报道中就准确呈现的内容，我们却出现了失误。我们有一套透明的程序，用来处理错误、修正事实，并在报道中发布编辑注释说明疏漏之处。

More generally, though, we’re still striving for a more complete, more nuanced, fuller account even after doing our best to describe and understand the news the first time around. As my onetime boss and longtime friend Dean Baquet often says, the best answer to big questions about our journalism is more journalism. Keep reporting.

但是，更广泛地说，即便我们已经竭尽全力在首次报道中去描述和解读新闻事件，我们仍在追求更完整、更细致、更全面的呈现。正如我曾经的上司、多年的挚友迪恩·巴奎常说的那样：对于新闻报道中那些重大问题，最好的答案就是更多的新闻报道。坚持报道。

What’s the hardest part of your job right now, Joe? What keeps you up at night?

目前你工作中最棘手的部分是什么？有哪些事让你夜不能寐？

The most challenging part of the job is producing an independent news report when some readers really want a more partisan one. We’re committed to independent journalism, unencumbered by ties to political parties, government, corporations or private interests, at a time when partisanship seems more intense than ever. Our readers of course have their own beliefs and loyalties, and some want to see more coverage that aligns with their views. To practice independent journalism, you need a thick skin.

当前工作中最大的挑战在于，当部分读者迫切希望看到更有党派倾向的报道时，仍要制作出独立的新闻报道。在党派对立比以往任何时候都更加尖锐的当下，我们始终致力于不受政党、政府、企业或私人利益束缚的独立新闻报道。当然，我们的读者都有自己的信仰和立场，其中一部分人希望看到更多与自己观点一致的内容。要践行独立新闻理念，你必须拥有强大的抵御能力。

I believe most readers appreciate the need for independent journalism in a democracy. Democracies rely on a common base of facts and understanding of the news, and they need news sources respected by rival sides. But that’s not always the message we’re hearing from the loudest critics.

我相信，大多数读者都明白独立新闻报道在民主社会中的重要性。民主的运转离不开共同的事实基础和新闻认知，也需要那些能被对立双方都认可的新闻来源。但那些声音最响亮的批评者传递的往往并不是这样的信息。

Lastly, what’s the best part of the job?

最后一个问题，这份工作最让你感到满足的地方是什么？

I like waking up each morning not knowing quite what the day will bring, but having full confidence that the most capable staff of journalists ever assembled will scramble to make sense of the biggest news. And hoping we can enlighten, surprise and delight people along the way.

我喜欢每天清晨醒来时，虽然不确定这一天会发生什么，却可以坚信我们有史以来最优秀的新闻团队会全力以赴，去解读当天的重大新闻。同时，我也期待着，我们能在这个过程中启迪人心、带来惊喜、传递欢乐。

China’s diplomatic full-court press against Japan over its support for Taiwan has targeted President Trump, the United Nations and, now, two of Tokyo’s closest European partners.

中国针对日本支持台湾问题展开全方位外交攻势，将目标指向特朗普总统、联合国，如今更延伸至东京在欧洲的两大亲密伙伴。

In separate talks with senior British and French officials last week, Beijing’s top diplomat, Wang Yi, alluded to their nations’ victories over Imperial Japan during World War II, urging them to side with China again in its deepening rift with Tokyo.

上周，在分别与英法两国高级官员举行会谈中，中国最高外交官王毅提到了两国在二战期间战胜日本帝国的胜利，敦促两国在中国与东京裂痕日益加深时再次站在中国一边。

His remarks were China’s latest bid to rally support in a dispute that has raged for weeks, since Japan’s new prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, suggested that her country could intervene militarily if China were to attack Taiwan.

他的话是中国在持续数周的争端中争取支持的最新努力。此前，日本新任首相高市早苗表示，如果中国攻击台湾，日本可能会进行军事干预。

Ms. Takaichi told Japan’s Parliament on Nov. 7 that any attempt by China to blockade or seize Taiwan could constitute a “survival-threatening situation” for Japan, implying a potential military response. Her comments reflected a long-held Japanese policy, but one that has rarely been verbalized.

11月7日，高市早苗告诉日本国会，中国封锁或占领台湾的任何企图都可能对日本构成“存亡危机事态”，这意味着日本可能会采取军事行动。她的言论反映了日本一项长期政策，尽管它很少公开言明。

Beijing, which asserts that self-governed Taiwan is part of Chinese territory, has responded furiously. It accused Ms. Takaichi of crossing a “red line” and demanded a retraction. It has urged millions of Chinese tourists to avoid Japan, canceled hundreds of flights and banned imports of Japanese seafood. Even Japanese entertainers have seen their performances in China abruptly canceled — one of them, in Shanghai last week, in the middle of a song.

北京声称自治的台湾是中国领土的一部分，对此作出了激烈回应。它指责高市早苗越过了“红线”，并要求她收回这一言论，同时敦促数百万中国游客避免前往日本旅游，取消了数百个航班，并禁止进口日本海产品。就连日本艺人在中国的演出也突然被取消——上周上海某场演出甚至在演唱中途被叫停。

China sent a letter last month to António Guterres, the United Nations secretary general, that accused Ms. Takaichi of violating international law, adding that the letter would be circulated to member states. Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, called President Trump and implied that their two countries, having fought “shoulder to shoulder against fascism and militarism” in World War II, should push back against Japan together.

中国上月致函联合国秘书长古特雷斯，指责高市早苗违反国际法，并表示该信函将散发给各成员国。中国最高领导人习近平致电特朗普总统，暗示两国曾在二战中“并肩抗击法西斯和军国主义”，应共同抵制日本。

Well before Ms. Takaichi made her remark, Mr. Xi had been ramping up pressure on Taiwan and its president, Lai Ching-te, whom Beijing describes as a dangerous separatist.

早在高市早苗这番言论之前，习近平就已加大对台湾及其总统赖清德的施压力度，北京方面称后者是危险的分裂分子。

“China wants to isolate Japan and make sure that other key members of the international community will not move further from its cherished ‘one-China principle,’” said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a China expert at the Asia Center in Paris, referring to Beijing’s official position that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory.

“中国希望孤立日本，并确保国际社会的其他主要成员不会进一步偏离其奉为圭臬的‘一个中国原则’，”巴黎亚洲中心的中国问题专家高敬文(Jean-Pierre Cabestan)说。他指的是北京的官方立场，即台湾是中国领土不可分割的一部分。

Some analysts say Mr. Xi may feel emboldened because Mr. Trump has done less than his predecessors, militarily or economically, to reassure Taiwan or neighboring U.S. allies in the face of China’s rise. Mr. Trump “has sent conflicting messages to Taiwan which have not helped and worried America’s allies in the region,” Mr. Cabestan added.

一些分析人士表示，面对中国的崛起，特朗普政府在军事或经济上为安抚台湾及台湾周边的美国盟友所采取的行动，均不及往届政府，这可能使习近平更加大胆。高敬文还说，特朗普“向台湾发出了相互矛盾的信息，这非但没有帮助，反而让美国在该地区的盟友感到担忧”。

王毅在分别与英法两国高级官员的谈话中，敦促他们在中国与东京裂痕日益加深之际支持中方立场。

During Mr. Wang’s meeting with Jonathan Powell, Britain’s foreign security adviser, in Beijing on Thursday and his call on Friday with Emmanuel Bonne, the French presidential foreign policy adviser, he called on both European countries to continue to abide by the one-China principle.

在上周四与英国外交安全顾问乔纳森·鲍威尔在北京的会晤以及上周五与法国总统外交政策顾问埃马纽埃尔·波恩的通话中，王毅呼吁两个欧洲国家继续遵守一个中国原则。

In doing so, Mr. Wang sidestepped the more nuanced position that Britain and France maintain on China and Taiwan. Both nations recognize Beijing diplomatically, not Taipei, but they also support the status quo and oppose any effort by China to use force in the Taiwan Strait or threaten to do so.

在这么做的过程中，王毅回避了英法在中国和台湾问题上更为微妙的立场。两国在外交上承认北京而非台北，但同时支持现状，反对中国在台湾海峡动用武力或威胁动武。

As Mr. Xi did with Mr. Trump, Mr. Wang tried to appeal to their nations’ shared history fighting Japan, calling on them to “safeguard the outcomes” of World War II.

正如习近平对特朗普所做的那样，王毅试图唤起两国与日本作战的共同历史记忆，呼吁“捍卫二战胜利成果”。

“Provocative remarks on Taiwan by the incumbent Japanese leader are blatantly turning back the wheel of history and infringe on China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” Mr. Wang told Mr. Bonne during the call, which came as both sides were preparing for a three-day visit to China this week by President Emmanuel Macron of France.

王毅在电话中向博纳表示：“日本现职领导人发表涉台挑衅言论，公然开历史倒车，侵害中国主权和领土完整。”此次通话正值双方为法国总统马克龙本周对中国为期三天的访问做准备之际。

Beijing has been frustrated by what it sees as continued European support of Taiwan, said Noah Barkin, an expert on European-Chinese relations at Rhodium Group, a research firm.

研究公司荣鼎咨询的欧中关系专家诺亚·巴尔金说，北京对欧洲继续支持台湾感到沮丧。

In October, Germany’s foreign minister, Johann Wadephul, canceled a trip to Beijing because of tensions raised after he criticized China’s “aggressive behavior” in the Taiwan Strait. Last month, Taiwan’s vice president, Hsiao Bi-khim, spoke to the European Parliament in Brussels, and its former president Tsai Ing-wen gave a speech at a conference in Berlin.

10月，德国外长瓦德富尔因批评中国在台湾海峡的“侵略性行为”引发紧张局势，取消了访华行程。上月，台湾副总统萧美琴在布鲁塞尔欧洲议会发表演讲，前总统蔡英文则在柏林的一个会议上发表讲话。

“There is growing concern in Beijing about an increase in European engagement with Taiwan and a determination to nip it in the bud,” Mr. Barkin said.

“北京越来越担心欧洲与台湾往来日益密切，决心将其扼杀在萌芽状态，”巴尔金说。

“Raising the Japan dispute with European capitals is part of this campaign,” he said. “The message is, ‘Don’t cross our red lines like Japan has, or we will respond.’”

“向欧洲各国提出与日本的争端是该行动的一部分，”他说。“其传达的信息是，‘不要像日本那样越过我们的红线，否则我们会做出回应。’”

That campaign is unlikely to be persuasive, analysts say. European countries are still smarting from China’s decision to impose new export controls on rare earth minerals, and they remain frustrated with Beijing’s support for Russia’s war in Ukraine.

分析人士说，此类行动恐难奏效。欧洲各国至今仍因中国对稀土矿产实施新出口管制而耿耿于怀，并对北京在俄乌战争中对俄罗斯的支持深感不满。

Shen Dingli, a Shanghai-based foreign policy expert, said China risked overreaching in its brazen efforts to rein in Japan. He said it would be against American and European interests for Taiwan to fall under Chinese control, and therefore, urging the West to take China’s side would be “foolish.”

上海外交政策专家沈丁立指出，中国在遏制日本方面采取的大胆举动可能存在事与愿违的可能。他指出，台湾落入中国的掌控会损害欧美利益，因此敦促西方国家支持中国实属“不智”。

“Taiwan is an internal Chinese matter,” Mr. Shen said. “How can an internal issue be internationalized?”

“台湾是中国内政，”沈丁立表示。“内政问题怎么能国际化呢？”

The year 1925 was a turning point for China.

1925年是中国的一个转折点。

The economy was booming, with factories opening along the Yangtze River. Chinese artists like Liu Jipiao played a key role at the 1925 Paris Exposition in starting the Art Deco movement, with Shanghai later rivaling New York City and Miami Beach in exemplifying the new fashion.

当时经济蓬勃发展，长江两岸纷纷建起工厂。刘既漂等中国艺术家在1925年的巴黎博览会扮演了关键角色，开启了装饰艺术运动，上海后来在展现这种新时尚方面足以与纽约和迈阿密海滩媲美。

But in politics, the year brought tragedy. Sun Yat-sen, the man widely credited with overthrowing several millenniums of imperial rule in 1911, died on March 12, 1925. Eleven weeks later, Shanghai was rocked by a huge labor protest that was suppressed with deadly force by the city’s British-led police, sparking protests around the world.

但在政治上，这一年带来了悲剧。1925年3月12日，被广泛认为在1911年推翻了几千年帝制的孙中山去世。11个星期后，上海爆发大规模的工人运动，结果遭到该市由英国领导的警察部队的致命武力镇压，引发了世界各地的抗议浪潮。

Those two events prompted The New York Times to establish in Shanghai the newspaper’s first bureau in China. The Times has covered China up close ever since, and marked the bureau’s centennial this autumn.

这两个事件促使《纽约时报》在上海建立了第一个驻华分社。自那以后，时报一直近距离报道中国，并在今年秋季迎来了上海分社的百年纪念。

During World War I, The Times greatly expanded its network of bureaus in Europe, but was slower to do so in Asia. Starting in the latter half of the 19th century, the newspaper’s Asia coverage relied mostly on dispatches from traders, missionaries, sailors, soldiers and other travelers. In the early 1900s, The Times began publishing articles from news agencies like The Associated Press, which supplied the initial report published by The Times of Sun’s death.

第一次世界大战期间，时报极大地扩展了在欧洲的分社网络，但在亚洲的行动则相对迟缓。从19世纪下半叶开始，时报亚洲报道主要依赖商人、传教士、水手、士兵和其他旅行者发回的通讯。20世纪初，时报开始刊登来自美联社等通讯社的稿件，当时发表的关于孙中山去世的最初报道正是由美联社提供的。

By coincidence, Nicholas Roosevelt, a prominent commentator and correspondent on foreign affairs for The New York Times in the mid-1920s, was on a trip to China and other East Asian nations when Sun died.

巧合的是，在孙中山去世时，20世纪20年代中期《纽约时报》著名的评论员和外交事务记者尼古拉斯·罗斯福正在中国等东亚国家旅行。

Mr. Roosevelt was uniquely positioned to assess the importance of Sun’s death.

在评价孙中山去世这件事的重要性上，罗斯福具有得天独厚的优势。

1923年的孙中山。

He was the son of President Teddy Roosevelt’s first cousin, and was trained by the president since boyhood for a diplomatic career. He assisted President Woodrow Wilson at the Versailles conference following World War I and spent most of the next several decades alternating between roles at The Times and as a senior diplomat. (During World War II, a more distant cousin, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, named him as America’s deputy director of war information.)

他是泰迪·罗斯福总统的远亲，从小就接受总统外交事务培训。一战后，他在凡尔赛会议上协助伍德罗·威尔逊总统，随后几十年的大部分时间里，他时而在时报任职，时而出任高级外交官。（二战期间，他的另一位远亲富兰克林·D·罗斯福总统任命他为美国战争信息办公室副主任。）

In the 1920s, Sun was widely perceived in the United States as the person who could hold China’s fractious provinces together. His death provoked overwrought predictions that China would dissolve into a civil war that might draw in foreign powers.

20世纪20年代，孙中山在美国被广泛认为是能够凝聚中国四分五裂政局的关键人物。他的去世引发了过度预测，认为中国将瓦解并陷入内战，甚至可能会有外国势力卷入。

Nicholas Roosevelt sent a cable to Adolph Ochs, the publisher of The Times, and urged the newspaper to establish a bureau in China. The Times was still mulling the recommendation when violence erupted in Shanghai at the end of May.

尼古拉斯·罗斯福给时报出版人阿道夫·奥克斯发了一封电报，敦促报纸在中国设立分社。当5月底上海爆发暴力事件时，时报仍在考虑这一建议。

The Times quickly hired Thomas F. Millard, a well-known American journalist working in Shanghai, as the newspaper’s first correspondent in China.

时报迅速聘请了在上海工作的知名美国记者托马斯·F·米勒德作为报社在中国的第一位记者。

Mr. Millard left The Times in early 1927. Another correspondent, Frederick Moore, was sent to Peking, now called Beijing. But after a few months he and his wife sailed home, declaring the schools inadequate for their children. Before he left, he hired Hallett Abend, who covered China for The Times until 1941.

米勒德于1927年初离开时报。另一位记者弗雷德里克·摩尔被派往北京。但在几个月后，他和妻子就坐船回国了，称那里的学校不适合他们的孩子。在他离开之前，他雇佣了哈雷特·阿班，后者一直为时报报道中国直到1941年。

For his first two years, Mr. Abend was based in Peking, where he rented a 12,000-square-foot house for $12 a month, or $223 in today’s dollars after allowing for inflation. (Such bargains are no longer available.) He moved to Shanghai in 1929 after Nationalist leaders tried to deport him for writing articles accurately warning that they had not brought regional warlords under control. He then lived in Shanghai as chief China correspondent for 12 years.

在最初的两年里，阿班常驻北京，他以每月12美元的价格租了一栋1.2万平方英尺（约合1100平方米）的房子，算上通货膨胀约合今天的223美元（约合1600元人民币，如今已经不可能捡到这样的便宜了）。他在1929年转驻上海，因为国民党领导人试图驱逐他，此前他撰写文章准确地警告说他们尚未有效控制地方军阀。随后他作为首席驻华记者在上海生活了12年。

1947年，《纽约时报》上海分社的一个房间。

In articles about Japan’s rapid military advances in China from 1931 onward, Mr. Abend warned that war in the Pacific was increasingly likely between Japan and the United States.

在关于1931年后日本在中国军事推进的文章中，阿班警告说，日本和美国在太平洋爆发战争的可能性越来越大。

During the 1930s, he assembled in Shanghai a team of journalists to cover China for The Times. One of them, Tillman Durdin, was among the first eyewitnesses in 1937 to tell the world of mass killings by Japanese forces of civilians in Nanjing. He then covered World War II from Chongqing, China’s wartime capital.

20世纪30年代，他在上海组建了一个记者团队为时报报道中国。其中有位蒂尔曼·德丁，是1937年首批向世界讲述日军在南京大规模屠杀平民的目击者之一。随后他在中国战时首都重庆对二战进行报道。

Based after the war in Shanghai and Nanjing, China’s postwar capital, Mr. Durdin and a team covered the civil war between Communists and Nationalists. The Shanghai bureau even had a well-equipped darkroom for developing photos.

战后常驻上海和战后首都南京的德丁和一个团队报道了共产党和国民党之间的内战。上海分社甚至配备了一个设备齐全的暗房用于冲洗照片。

After Mao Zedong came to power in 1949, The Times covered China mainly from Hong Kong. As China reopened to trade and investment in 1979, The Times reopened its bureau in Beijing that June, and then reopened in Shanghai in January 1995. Both bureaus continued operating through the Covid-19 pandemic, although with a staff much depleted by U.S.-China tensions, and both remain open today.

1949年毛泽东掌权后，时报主要从香港报道中国。随着1979年中国重新向贸易和投资开放，时报于当年6月重开北京分社，随后于1995年1月重开上海分社。这两个分社一直到新冠疫情期间都还在继续运作，至今没有关闭，尽管受美中紧张关系影响人员大大减少。

The Times marked the centennial of its Shanghai bureau this autumn on the city’s famous Bund, with a reception in the Roosevelt Room, which has portraits at either end of Nicholas Roosevelt’s two presidential cousins.

今年秋季，时报在上海著名的外滩纪念了上海分社成立一百周年，并在罗斯福厅举行了招待会，包间内两端挂有尼古拉斯·罗斯福的两位总统亲戚的肖像。

The sweeping crackdown President Trump declared last week after an Afghan national was accused of shooting two National Guard members is poised to radically curtail immigrants from legally entering and living in the United States, putting up roadblocks unparalleled in recent history.

一名阿富汗籍男子被控枪击两名国民警卫队员后，特朗普总统于上周宣布展开大规模移民打击行动。此举或将极大限制移民合法入境及在美国居留，设置了美国近年罕见的移民准入障碍。

Within a matter of days, the administration rolled out a series of far-reaching policy changes: pausing all asylum decisions for migrants currently in the United States; reviewing the green cards that allow people from 19 countries, mostly from the Middle East or Africa, to live and work permanently in the United States; reassessing the asylum approvals issued during the Biden administration; indefinitely halting immigration applications filed by Afghan nationals; and barring Afghans from entering the country.

短短数日内，政府推出一系列影响深远的政策调整：暂停处理美国境内所有待审庇护申请；重新审查来自19个国家（大多为中东或非洲国家）人员在美国永久居留和工作所需的绿卡；复核拜登政府时期获批的庇护案例；无限期暂停阿富汗国民提交的移民申请；同时全面禁止阿富汗人入境美国。

The new rules are poised to potentially upend the status of as many as 1.5 million migrants with pending asylum cases in the country, the more than 50,000 who gained asylum from the Department of Homeland Security under the Biden administration and untold more who had been hoping to seek refuge in the United States.

新规可能影响多达150万境内庇护申请待审的移民、5万余名拜登政府时期获美国国土安全部批准庇护的人员，以及无数原本希望赴美寻求庇护的民众，他们的身份状态或将彻底改变。

And Mr. Trump has hinted that further action could come as a result of the attack, floating the possibility of denaturalization, or stripping people of citizenship.

特朗普还暗示，此次枪击事件可能促使政府采取进一步行动，甚至带来推行取消国籍的可能性，即剥夺部分人的美国公民身份。

Taken together, the moves represent some of the most significant changes to immigration policy since he regained office on a platform of substantially curbing the number of people entering the United States and deporting record numbers of migrants.

综合来看，这些举措是特朗普重返白宫以来在移民政策上做出的最重大调整之一，而他此次竞选的核心纲领便是大幅缩减入境移民数量，并创下移民驱逐纪录。

It remains to be seen how the administration will conduct such large-scale reviews of people already living legally in the country, and the federal government cannot easily strip people of their status. But the threat that people could see their cases reopened provoked alarm in a wide array of migrant communities now grappling with the fallout.

目前尚不清楚政府将如何对已合法居留美国的大量人员展开大规模审查，且联邦政府也难以轻易剥夺这些人的合法身份。但案件可能被重新审理的威胁，已在众多移民社群中引发恐慌，他们正艰难应对政策变动带来的连锁反应。

“The U.S. government has never halted such a broad slice of the immigration system or devoted this level of resources to rechecking its own work,” said Sarah Pierce, a former Department of Homeland Security official who is now director of social policy at the center-left think tank Third Way.

“美国政府从未如此大范围冻结移民体系运转，也从未投入如此多资源去复核自身此前的审批工作，”前美国国土安全部官员萨拉·皮尔斯表示。她目前担任中左翼智库“第三条路”的社会政策主任。

While security reviews are responsible, Ms. Pierce said, “this isn’t a calibrated security response — it’s a sweeping disruption of the legal immigration system at a moment when the administration is looking for someone to blame.”

皮尔斯指出，安全审查固然要承担责任，“但此番举措并非精准的安全应对——而是政府在急于寻找追责对象之际，对合法移民体系造成的全面冲击。”

Amanda Baran, a former senior official at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services during the Biden administration, said she had never heard of the agency pausing asylum requests wholesale in the way the president had ordered.

拜登政府时期曾任美国公民与移民服务局高级官员的阿曼达·巴兰称，她从未听说过该机构像此次这样按总统命令全面暂停庇护申请的先例。

“This is blunt force in a way that I have not seen before,” she said.

“这种强硬手段是我前所未见的，”她说。

Administration officials said the measures were necessary in the wake of Wednesday’s shooting, pointing to the fact that the 29-year-old suspect, Rahmanullah Lakanwal, entered the United States in 2021 under a program established by the Biden administration to give quick access to Afghan allies after the Taliban retook their country.

政府官员表示，这些措施是周三枪击事件后的必要之举，并指出29岁的嫌疑人拉赫曼乌拉·拉坎瓦尔于2021年入境美国。当时塔利班重新掌控阿富汗后，拜登政府推出专项计划，为阿富汗盟友提供快速入境通道，拉坎瓦尔正是通过该计划赴美。

2021年8月，阿富汗喀布尔机场，逃离塔利班统治的阿富汗难民正登上美军运输机。

“The protection of this country and of the American people remains paramount, and the American people will not bear the cost of the prior administration’s reckless resettlement policies,” said Joe Edlow, the head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, in a message posted on social media. “American safety is non negotiable.”

“保护国家和美国民众的安全始终是首要任务，美国民众不应为前政府鲁莽的安置政策付出代价，”美国公民与移民服务局局长乔·埃德罗在社交媒体发文称。“美国的安全不容妥协。”

Hundreds of thousands of immigrants from the Middle East and Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America had already been on alert for months as federal officials slashed refugee numbers, rolled back temporary humanitarian programs and narrowed the path to asylum in immigration courts, immigration advocates and lawyers said.

移民权益倡导者和律师透露，数月来，联邦政府已大幅削减难民接收数量、撤销临时性人道主义项目，并收紧移民法庭的庇护审批通道，数十万来自中东、非洲、加勒比地区和拉丁美洲的移民早已忧心忡忡。

Even before the National Guard shooting, migrants from the 19 countries subject to the president’s travel ban had been preparing for more stringent reviews of their green card applications after the Trump administration announced it planned to make it harder for them to get that form of approval and other kinds of immigration relief.

甚至在国民警卫队枪击事件发生前，受总统旅行禁令影响的19个国家的移民，就已为绿卡申请面临更严格审查做好准备——特朗普政府宣布将加大此类移民获得绿卡及其他移民救济的难度。

In Southern California, Ara Torosian, an evangelical pastor and Iranian refugee with U.S. citizenship, said he was worried about members of his congregation, including some who had already been detained after reporting to their asylum case check-ins in recent months.

在南加州，拥有美国国籍的伊朗难民、福音派牧师阿拉·托罗西安表示，自己十分担忧教会成员的处境——近几个月来，已有部分信徒在按要求前往庇护案件复核时遭到拘留。

“We don’t know what we should do, especially now,” said Mr. Torosian, who preaches at the Cornerstone Church in West Los Angeles. “So many people have become threats because of the actions of one person.”

“我们不知道该怎么办，尤其是现在，”托罗西安牧师在洛杉矶西部的基石教堂布道时说。“就因为一个人的行为，这么多人都成了‘威胁’。”

Mr. Trump has said the pause on asylum requests will continue for a long period of time.

特朗普称，庇护申请暂停政策将持续很长一段时间。

“We don’t want those people,” he told reporters on Sunday about those seeking asylum.

“我们不想要这些人，”周日，他在接受记者采访时谈及寻求庇护者时称。

In a social media post last week, the president also threatened to strip citizenship from naturalized U.S. citizens “who undermine domestic tranquillity.”

上周，总统还在社交媒体上威胁，将剥夺那些“破坏国内安定”的归化美国公民的国籍。

Some immigration lawyers and advocates have cautioned against panic over the potential for sizable rollbacks for those who already have legal status, noting that green card holders, asylum grantees and other long-term legal residents have already had to undergo heavy vetting and meet high legal burdens to obtain forms of relief.

部分移民律师和权益倡导者提醒，已获得合法身份的民众不必过度恐慌政策大幅倒退。他们指出，绿卡持有者、庇护获批者及其他长期合法居留者，在申请相关移民福利时，本就经过了严格审查，且满足了极高的法律要求。

“Fortunately, this is a nation of laws, and the more status people have, the more rights people have,” said Ryan Costello, the policy director at the National Iranian American Council, which lobbies on behalf of Iranian Americans. “But it is certainly a time of a lot of uncertainty and concern in the community.”

“幸运的是，这里是一个法治国家。民众的身份越稳固，享有的权利就越有保障，”代表伊朗裔美国人游说的全国伊朗裔美国人理事会政策主任瑞安·科斯特洛表示。“但当前移民社群无疑正处于充满不确定性和担忧的时期。”

Ahilan T. Arulanantham, a law professor with the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at the U.C.L.A. School of Law, said the administration would have to meet significant legal burdens for the review to result in people losing their green cards or citizenship, including winning rulings for each individual case in court hearings.

加州大学洛杉矶分校法学院移民法律与政策中心法学教授阿希兰·阿鲁拉南丹指出，政府若想通过审查剥夺民众的绿卡或公民身份，必须承担极大法律负担，包括在法庭听证中逐案胜诉。

The pause on asylum requests filed inside the country, known as affirmative asylum applications, could affect as many of 1.5 million people who had pending applications with U.S.C.I.S. as of June, according to government data.

政府数据显示，截至6月，美国公民与移民服务局积压的境内主动庇护申请案件涉及约150万人，此次全面暂停庇护申请的举措将对这些人产生直接影响。

It’s unclear how U.S.C.I.S. will conduct a review of so many cases. In recent years, the agency has struggled to lower its backlog of cases, according to the D.H.S. inspector general. Agency employees have already been tasked with carrying out other mandates issued by the administration, including processing in refugees from South Africa and considering new factors, like purported anti-Americanism, when considering people’s immigration requests.

目前尚不清楚该机构将如何处理如此庞大的案件复核工作。国土安全部监察长透露，近年来该机构一直难以清理积压的案件。此外，工作人员还需执行政府下达的其他任务，包括接收南非难民，以及在移民申请审核中纳入所谓反美倾向等新的考量因素。

The last major government crackdown on a specific group of migrants in the wake of a violent incident came after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

上一次美国政府因暴力事件对特定移民群体展开大规模打击，是在9·11恐怖袭击之后。

At the time, the Bush administration created a program known as the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System that asked for new registration requirements for immigrants from mostly Middle Eastern countries. The program, which was widely criticized by immigrant advocacy and civil rights groups for being ineffective and unfairly targeting Muslims, was later disbanded during the Obama administration.

当时，布什政府推出“国家安全出入境登记系统”，针对大多数中东国家的移民制定了新的登记要求。该计划因效率低下且不公正地针对穆斯林，遭到移民权益组织和民权团体的广泛批评，最终在奥巴马政府时期被废止。

Concern over the new measures announced by the Trump administration are now reverberating in Afghan immigrant communities and beyond.

如今，特朗普政府新政策引发的担忧，已在阿富汗移民社群及更广泛的群体中蔓延开来。

Nooristani Bahramuddin, 35, who previously worked as a security guard and interpreter at the U.S. embassy in Kabul, said he was finally approved last year for a special visa program for Afghans that worked with the U.S. government. He and his family arrived in Chicago last August and were issued green cards a few months later. His son has severe autism, and they’ve since relocated and found a school in Richmond, Va., that can support him. Now they fear that the little stability they’ve created will be upended.

35岁的努里斯坦尼·巴赫拉姆丁曾在喀布尔的美国大使馆担任安保人员和翻译。去年，他终于通过为美国政府工作的阿富汗人专项签证计划获批入境。去年8月，他携家人抵达芝加哥，数月后获得了绿卡。他的儿子患有严重自闭症，一家人随后搬到弗吉尼亚州里士满，找到了一所能为儿子提供特殊支持的学校。而现在，他们担心自己好不容易建立起来的稳定生活即将被打破。

“We are feeling so nervous, hearing that they are reprocessing and reinvestigating those who were issued green cards,” Mr. Bahramuddin said. “I am just trying to be a good person here, and to teach my children the same.”

“听到政府要重新审核、调查已发放的绿卡，我们非常焦虑，”巴赫拉姆丁说。“我只想在这里做个好人，并以此教育我的孩子们。”

One woman who fled to Virginia from her native Gambia while pregnant last summer said she sought to escape before her daughter was born and forced to undergo female genital mutilation. With their asylum petition now on hold, she said she worried the obstacles to gaining legal status were becoming only harder, particularly for Black immigrants.

一名去年夏天怀着身孕从冈比亚逃到弗吉尼亚州的女性表示，她之所以逃离祖国，是为了避免女儿出生后被迫接受女性割礼。如今她的庇护申请被暂停，她担忧获得合法身份的难度越来越大，对非洲裔移民来说尤其如此。

“The odds are against us,” the woman said, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear that sharing her name could negatively affect her immigration case.

“我们处处碰壁，”这位女性说。由于担心透露姓名会对自己的移民案件产生负面影响，她要求匿名。

Larilem Rodriguez, 52, a criminal defense lawyer and human rights advocate, and her husband, Rafael Rojas, a former business administrator, said they fled Venezuela nine years ago after they were targeted over their human rights and political work and their home was ransacked. They entered the United States legally and now live in Texas, where they have been awaiting decisions in their asylum petitions. Now, they have no idea how long it will take.

52岁的拉里勒姆·罗德里格斯是一名刑事辩护律师兼人权倡导者，她的丈夫拉斐尔·罗哈斯曾是企业管理者。九年前，两人因从事人权和政治活动遭到迫害，被抄家，无奈从委内瑞拉逃离。他们合法进入美国后定居在得克萨斯州，一直等待庇护申请的审批结果。而现在，他们完全不知道要等多久。

“We completely understand that the U.S. has a duty to secure its people and do security vetting,” Ms. Rodriguez said. “But at the same time, this pause leaves people like us in a deeper limbo.”

“我们完全理解，美国有责任保护本国公民安全并开展安全审查，”罗德里格斯说。“但与此同时，这次庇护申请暂停让我们这样的人陷入了更深的困境。”

Three cyclones happened simultaneously across South and Southeast Asia this week, the latest of several huge storms that have battered the region, killing at least 1,200 people, with hundreds more still missing and millions displaced.

本周，南亚和东南亚同时出现了三场气旋风暴，这是今年以来肆虐该地区的又一轮大型风暴，目前已造成至少1200人死亡，数百人失联，数百万人流离失所。

Since the start of this year, there have been at least 16 cyclones and dozens of depressions in the Pacific and Indian oceans. Even moderate cyclones now produce extreme rainfall and can cause widespread flooding, said Roxy Mathew Koll, a climate scientist at the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology.

今年以来，太平洋和印度洋已生成至少16个气旋，以及数十个低气压系统。印度热带气象研究所气候科学家罗克西·马修·科尔表示，如今即便是强度中等的气旋，也会带来强降雨，可能引发大范围洪涝灾害。

“It is the rainfall and the cascading impacts — landslides and flash floods — that stand out this year, not necessarily the number of storms,” Dr. Koll said.

“今年最显著的灾害特征并非风暴数量，而是暴雨及其引发的山体滑坡、山洪暴发等连锁反应，”科尔博士说。

Cyclone Ditwah hit Sri Lanka and is expected to move toward India. Cyclone Senyar reached Indonesia and is now headed toward Malaysia.

迪特瓦气旋袭击了斯里兰卡，预计将向印度移动；森亚尔气旋已登陆印度尼西亚，目前正向马来西亚推进。

In Sri Lanka, the president said on Monday that the island nation was facing the “largest and most challenging natural disaster in our history,” affecting every part of the country, exceeding the scope of the devastating 2004 tsunami, which hit coastal areas.

斯里兰卡总统周一表示，这个岛国正遭遇“历史上规模最大、挑战最严峻的自然灾害”，全国所有地区均受波及，受灾范围超过了2004年重创沿海地区的毁灭性海啸。

Here’s what to know about this year’s devastating monsoon season.

以下是关于今年这场灾难性季风季的关键信息：

Which countries are affected?

哪些国家受到影响？

Flooding and landslides in Sri Lanka have affected more than a million people, and more than 15,000 homes have been destroyed. The death toll in Sri Lanka rose to at least 355 on Monday, with hundreds more still missing.

斯里兰卡的洪涝和山体滑坡已影响100多万人，逾1.5万所房屋被毁。截至周一，该国死亡人数已升至至少355人，仍有数百人失联。

Officials in Indonesia said the flooding had affected 1.5 million people and displaced about 570,000. Nearly 300,000 people in Indonesia had been evacuated from their homes as of Saturday. Indonesia’s official death toll has reached 604, and 464 others were still missing.

印度尼西亚官员称，洪涝灾害影响了150万人，约57万人流离失所。截至周六，该国已有近30万人撤离家园。官方公布的死亡人数达604人，另有464人失踪。

Vietnam has been hit by 14 typhoons this year, with the 15th major storm forming off the country’s south central coast. More than 90 people in the nation were killed in November from flooding and landslides.

越南今年已遭遇14场台风侵袭，第15场强风暴已在该国中南部沿海地区形成。11月，该国已有超90人因洪涝和山体滑坡丧生。

At least 160 people have died in Thailand, where flooding has displaced more than two million residents. Last week, Thailand’s military sent troops, helicopters and boats to rescue people stranded by flooding in its southern provinces.

泰国洪灾至少导致160人遇难，超200万居民流离失所。上周，泰国军方派遣军队、直升机和船只，营救南部府因洪水受困的民众。

In early November, the Philippines was hit by two typhoons in the span of one week. Troops mobilized alongside emergency workers to prepare for Super Typhoon Fung-wong on Nov. 9, less than a week after another storm left more than 200 people dead.

11月初，菲律宾一周内接连遭遇两场台风袭击。11月9日，军方与应急人员紧急动员起来，为超强台风“凤凰”做准备，此时距离一场已造成200多人死亡的台风过去不到一周时间。

周一，斯里兰卡首都科伦坡郊区的韦兰皮蒂亚遭遇暴雨袭击后，居民们扛着行李涉水穿越被洪水淹没的区域。

What is unusual about this year?

今年的灾害有何不同寻常之处？

This year’s monsoon season has been unusually intense, partly because of La Niña — a weather phenomenon in which strong winds push warm water across the Pacific toward East Asia, creating conditions for storms to form. The words hurricane, typhoon and cyclone all refer to the same type of storm, but different terms are used for such storms in different parts of the world.

今年的季风季强度异常，部分原因是拉尼娜现象——在这种气候现象影响下，强风将太平洋暖水推向东亚，为风暴形成创造了有利条件。飓风、台风和气旋本质上是同一类风暴，只是在世界不同地区叫法不同。

While monsoon rains happen every year, cyclones are rare in regions near the Equator. Tropical cyclones spin because of a force caused by the planet’s rotation. It is unusual for storms to form near the Earth’s Equator, where this force is weakest. But Typhoon Senyar formed about 5 degrees above the Equator in an ocean strait between Indonesia and Malaysia.

季风降雨虽每年都会发生，但赤道附近地区极少出现气旋。热带气旋的旋转源于地球自转产生的作用力，在赤道地区力量最弱，因此很少形成风暴。然而台风森亚尔却在赤道以北约五度的海域形成，位于印度尼西亚与马来西亚之间的海峡上空。

周一，在印度尼西亚西苏门答腊省塔纳达塔尔地区，工作人员正在转移一名洪水遇难者的遗体。

How is climate change affecting these storms?

气候变化如何影响这些风暴？

For over a century, greenhouse gases emitted by human activity have trapped heat inside the planet’s atmosphere. Last year was the hottest year since reliable record-keeping began. The oceans have also heated significantly, and warmer water helps tropical cyclones form and strengthen more rapidly.

一个多世纪以来，人类活动排放的温室气体在地球大气层中积聚热量。去年是有可靠气象记录以来最热的一年，海洋温度也大幅上升，而温暖的海水会助力热带气旋更快形成并增强其威力。

In the Bay of Bengal, the body of water between India and Myanmar, the proportion of storms that become extreme has increased over the last 50 years.

在印度和缅甸之间的孟加拉湾，过去50年来，达到极端强度的风暴比例持续上升。

The hotter climate is also weakening vertical wind shear, the winds that often help break up developing storms, in some places around the world. A 2024 study suggested that warming of the Tibetan Plateau may have reduced wind shear over the Pacific Ocean surrounding Southeast and East Asia, while others show that wind shear over the Arabian Sea has also weakened since the 1990s, allowing stronger cyclones.

全球变暖还导致全球部分地区的垂直风切变减弱——这种风通常会瓦解正在形成的风暴。2024年的一项研究表明，青藏高原升温可能降低了东南亚和东亚周边太平洋海域的垂直风切变；另有研究显示，自上世纪90年代以来，阿拉伯海的垂直风切变也在减弱，使得气旋强度不断增强。

This year’s storms occurred alongside extreme regional rains. In Southeast Asia, late-season typhoons often coincide with monsoon rains in November and December, though this overlap is unusual in South Asia.

今年的风暴还伴随区域性极端降雨。在东南亚，季末台风通常会在11月和12月与季风降雨叠加，但这种现象在南亚并不常见。

Because warmer air can hold more moisture, rising global temperatures increase the potential amount of rainfall, making the monsoon season more variable, intense and unpredictable.

由于暖空气能容纳更多水汽，全球气温上升增加了降雨潜力，导致季风季变得更加多变、猛烈且难以预测。

印度尼西亚北苏门答腊省周日发生山洪暴发和山体滑坡后，流离失所的居民在避难所休息。

How are governments responding?

各国政府如何应对？

The countries affected by this year’s storms have uneven climate adaptation plans and are already struggling to adapt to environmental pressures. Many of these governments are also facing complex economic and political challenges, along with public pressure to respond to disasters quickly and effectively.

今年受风暴影响的国家，气候适应计划参差不齐，且已经在竭力应对环境压力。这些国家的政府大多还面临复杂的经济和政治挑战，同时承受着民众要求快速有效应对灾害的压力。

Sri Lanka’s recovery from a man-made economic crash in 2022 is still fragile. Dr. Vinya Ariyaratne, the president of one of Sri Lanka’s largest community-based development organizations, said that all the country’s 25 districts have been affected.

斯里兰卡在2022年人为导致的经济崩溃后，复苏进程仍脆弱不堪。斯里兰卡最大的社区发展组织之一负责人维尼娅·阿里亚拉特纳博士表示，该国25个行政区全部受灾。

“The whole country is a disaster zone, except for a few places,” he said. “That’s the difference between the tsunami and this one — the tsunami was only coastal areas.”

“除少数地区外，整个国家都沦为灾区。这就是此次灾害与海啸的不同之处——海啸仅影响沿海地区，”他说。

In Indonesia, the world’s fourth most populous nation, thousands of people came to the streets in September to protest the yawning wealth gap. Youth unemployment has exceeded 16 percent, and the capital, Jakarta, is sinking into the Java Sea, its groundwater sucked dry and rivers overrun by its millions of residents.

印度尼西亚是全球第四人口大国，今年9月，数以千计的民众走上街头抗议贫富差距悬殊问题。该国青年失业率已超16%，首都雅加达因地下水过度开采、河流不堪千万人口的重负，正逐渐沉入爪哇海。

Some in Vietnam have begun to criticize the government’s lack of preparedness and slow response. Natural disasters have caused more than $2 billion in damage between January and October, according to the national statistics office.

越南已有民众开始批评政府防灾准备不足、救灾响应迟缓。该国国家统计局数据显示，今年1月至10月，自然灾害造成的经济损失已超20亿美元。

In September, thousands of Filipinos filled the streets of Manila to protest the government, which they accuse of misappropriating billions of dollars that were designated for flood relief projects. Greenpeace, an environmental group, estimated that about a trillion Philippine pesos, or $17.6 billion, that was supposed to help the country confront chronic and deadly flooding had been embezzled.

今年9月，数以千计菲律宾民众聚集在马尼拉街头抗议政府，指控其挪用了数十亿美元的防洪救灾专项资金。环保组织绿色和平估计，约1万亿菲律宾比索（约合176亿美元）的防洪救灾资金遭贪污——这些资金本应用于应对频发的致命洪涝灾害。

斯里兰卡首都科伦坡郊区的韦兰皮蒂亚地区周日发生洪水。

Hong Kong officials said on Monday that contractors at the ill-fated housing estate where a fire killed more than 150 people had blanketed buildings with substandard scaffolding netting, and then tried to conceal the unsafe material.

香港官员周一表示，在发生严重火灾导致逾150人死亡的宏福苑，承包商给大楼包覆了未达标准的棚架防护网，并试图掩盖这种不安全的材料。

The Independent Commission Against Corruption said that after a summer typhoon, some of the scaffolding netting used at the Wang Fuk Court housing estate in northern Hong Kong was replaced with cheaper material that did not meet fire-safety standards.

香港廉政公署表示，在夏季经历了一场台风后，位于香港北部的屋苑宏福苑的一些棚网被更换为不符合防火标准的廉价材料。

To fool inspectors, netting that met the standards was installed at the base of the scaffolding, where samples are usually taken. Netting is used to protect people below from materials that may fall from bamboo scaffolding, which workers in Hong Kong use when repairing building exteriors.

为了应付检查，他们将符合标准的棚网安装在棚脚，也就是通常取样的位置。香港建筑外墙维修时通常使用竹棚，棚网被用于保护下方行人免受竹棚上方坠物的伤害。

The findings emerged as the death toll from Wednesday’s blaze rose to 151, with the police still combing the towers for bodies and evidence of identification. More than 40 people were still missing. The work of locating and identifying remains would take another three weeks, officials said.

这一调查结果于周三公布之际，火灾遇难人数已升至151人。警方仍在楼内搜寻遗体和可用于身份识别的物品。仍有40余人失踪。官员表示，搜索与确认遗骸身份的工作还需三周时间。

In a sign of how intensely the fires had raged, the police said that some bodies were so severely burned that they had been reduced to ashes, and they acknowledged that they might not be able to recover the remains of all the missing people.

警方表示，部分遗体已严重烧毁，只剩灰烬，由此可见火势之猛烈。他们承认，可能无法找到所有失踪者的遗体。

The latest findings about what contributed to Hong Kong’s worst fire in decades have raised sharp questions about the city’s construction industry and the government’s ability to police it. The probe has exposed gaps in oversight that allowed unsafe material to be installed across multiple buildings — not just the substandard netting, but also flammable polystyrene foam boards that officials said caused the fire to spread rapidly.

对这起香港数十年来最严重火灾原因的最新调查结果引发了对当地建筑业以及政府监管能力的尖锐质疑。调查揭露了监管漏洞，导致不安全的材料得以被安装在多栋建筑上——不仅是不达标的棚网，还有可燃性聚苯乙烯发泡胶板，官员称正是这些发泡胶板导致火势迅速蔓延。

The revelations could further stoke public anger over the disaster, especially because residents had tried for more than a year to warn officials about hazards at the site, including the netting.

调查结果可能进一步激起公众对灾难的愤怒，尤其是居民们在一年多前就试图向官员警告施工现场的各种隐患，包括棚网问题。

The authorities had said last week that the protective netting at Wang Fuk Court met fire-safety standards, citing preliminary testing. The security secretary, Chris Tang, said on Monday that earlier samples had been taken from the ground floor of a building that had been unaffected by the fire. He acknowledged that the results of their tests differed widely from “the observations of our colleagues on-site and from numerous experts and citizens afterward.”

当局上周曾引用初步检测结果，称宏福苑的棚网符合消防安全标准。保安局局长邓炳强周一表示，早期的样本来自一栋未受火灾波及的建筑物的地面楼层。他承认，这些检查结果与“我们在现场救火同事的观察，及专家、市民大众事后的观察”存在很大差异。

The police and anticorruption agency said that 14 people so far have been arrested, including engineering consultants, contractors and scaffolding subcontractors. They also described in the greatest detail yet how contractors acquired and installed unsafe netting.

警方和廉政公署表示，目前已有14人被捕，包括工程顾问、承包商和棚架工程分包商。官方还自事发以来最详尽地描述了承包商如何获取并安装了不符合安全标准的棚网。

Danny Woo Ying-ming, commissioner of the anti-corruption agency, said that after a typhoon damaged the Wang Fuk Court scaffolding in July, individuals whom he did not name bought 2,300 rolls of netting from a local supplier at 54 Hong Kong dollars, or about $7, per roll. That material did not meet fire-safety standards.

廉政专员胡英明表示，7月的台风破坏了宏福苑的棚网，未具名的相关人士此后从当地供应商以每卷54港币的价格购入了2300卷棚网。这些材料不符合阻燃标准。

宏福苑大楼外残留的棚网和竹棚。

But, in October, after a separate fire involving scaffolding netting in the Central district set off official scrutiny, those individuals grew worried that the unsafe netting would be found in random inspections, Mr. Woo said.

胡英明说，但在10月中环发生一起涉及棚网的火灾并引发官方关注后，这些人开始担心不达标的棚网会在随机抽检中暴露。

They then bought 115 rolls of netting that complied with the standards and installed it at the base of each building’s scaffolding in what investigators believe was an attempt to disguise the inferior material above. This netting was 100 Hong Kong dollars, or $13, nearly twice as expensive as the noncompliant netting.

随后，他们购买了115卷符合规范的防护网，并安装在每栋楼的脚手架底部。调查人员认为此举是为了掩饰上方的劣质材料。这种合规防护网的售价为每卷100港元，几乎是不合规材料价格的两倍。

Seven of the 20 samples that officials took from Wang Fuk Court failed to meet fire-safety standards, said Mr. Tang, the security secretary. These 20 samples were taken from areas near windows, from less-accessible spots, “even requiring firefighters to climb out to obtain samples,” he said.

保安局局长邓炳强表示，调查人员从宏福苑采集的20个样本中有七个不符合阻燃标准。这些样本采自靠近窗户的位置、以及难以取到的区域，“甚至消防员需要爬出去才能取到样本”。

Hong Kong’s Buildings Department last week ordered all contractors to review the safety of scaffolding protective netting and other materials at their sites and submit their reports, along with quality certificates and test results, within seven days. On Monday, the department said it had inspected 359 buildings undergoing external maintenance and has taken samples of netting for tests.

香港屋宇署上周已要求所有承建商检查工地上的棚架防护网及其他材料的安全性，并在七天内提交报告及质量证明与检测结果。屋宇署周一表示，他们已检查359栋正在进行外墙维修的建筑，并取走棚网样本进行检测。

周一，警方展示被烧毁公寓的照片。

In recent days, as inspections ramped up, some contractors appeared to be moving quickly to remove netting used at sites. “You can see the mesh being removed in Hong Kong because they are avoiding punishment,” said Jason Poon Chuk-hung, a civil engineer-turned-activist who lobbied the government to address fire safety of scaffolding netting for more than a year.

最近几天，随着检查的力度加大，一些承建商似乎正在迅速移除施工现场使用的棚网。“你能看到香港各处正在拆除棚网，因为他们在逃避处罚，”前土木工程师、现活动人士潘焯鸿说，他呼吁政府关注脚手架防护网消防安全已超过一年。

“If you remove it,” he added, “you can escape from the requirements.”

“如果把它拆掉，”他补充说，“你就能逃避相关要求。”

Even as the authorities sought to show that they were doing their utmost to recover bodies and investigate the disaster, they were also cracking down on expression, in a sign of how anxious officials are about the potential political fallout of this disaster.

在当局竭力展示他们正全力找寻遇难者遗体并调查这场灾难的同时，他们也在打击相关言论，显示出官员们对这场灾难潜在政治后果的担忧。

Over the weekend, officials invoked a new national security law to warn citizens not to use the tragedy to fuel discontent. The Office for Safeguarding National Security in Hong Kong issued a statement to warn that it would take action against “those with ulterior motives” who tried to use the tragedy to destabilize national security.

周末，当局援引新的国安法警告市民不要利用这场悲剧煽动不满。香港维护国家安全公署发表声明，警告将针对那些企图利用悲剧“危害国家安全”的“别有用心者”采取行动。

The South China Morning Post reported that the authorities had arrested a man who had called for the establishment of an independent inquiry on the blaze and holding government officials responsible. The police did not respond to requests for comment.

据《南华早报》报道，当局逮捕了一名呼吁成立独立调查委员会并追究政府官员责任的男子。警方未回应置评请求。

It was notable that the government has focused on suppressing critical views rather than on trying to reassure the population that a disaster like this would not happen in other high-rises in the city, said Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute in London.

伦敦大学亚非学院中国研究院主任曾锐生指出，值得注意的是，政府把重点放在压制批评上，而不是试图安抚市民、保证类似灾难不会在香港其他高楼发生。

“It shows the lack of credibility that the government has with the local population,” he said.

“这表明政府在当地民众中缺乏公信力，”他说。

Over the past few months, Jennifer Lawrence, World Series fans and right-wing influencers have all confessed to it. And now, the people behind the Oxford English Dictionary are getting into the act.

过去几个月里，詹妮弗·劳伦斯、职棒“世界大赛”的球迷和右翼网红都承认做过这样的事。现在，《牛津英语词典》的编纂者们也参与了进来。

Oxford University Press has chosen “rage bait” — defined as “online content deliberately designed to elicit anger or outrage by being frustrating, provocative or offensive” — as its 2025 Word of the Year.

牛津大学出版社将“引战”(rage bait)选为其2025年的年度词汇，它指的是“故意通过令人沮丧、挑衅或冒犯的方式引发愤怒或愤慨的网络内容”。

“Rage bait,” which triumphed over the more upbeat “biohack” and “aura farming,” goes back at least to 2002, when it appeared in a post on a Usenet discussion group to describe a particular kind of driver reaction to being flashed by another driver seeking to pass. Since then, it has become an increasingly common slang term for an attention-seeking form of online behavior.

“引战”打败了更乐观的“健康整活”(biohack)和“培养人设”(aura farming)，这个词至少可以追溯到2002年，当时它出现在Usenet的一个讨论组中，用来描述某类司机对超车者闪灯示意时的反应。从那时起，它成了一个越来越普遍的俚语，用于指代一种寻求关注的网络行为。

Over the past year, according to Oxford’s data, frequency of use spiked by a factor of three. The two-syllable open-compound word lands with blunt force. It also sparks an immediate “aha.”

根据牛津大学的数据，在过去的一年里，这个词的使用频率飙升了三倍。这个双音节开放式复合词具有强烈的冲击力，能让人瞬间恍然大悟。

“Even if people have never heard it before, they instantly know what it means,” Casper Grathwohl, the president of Oxford Languages, said in an interview. “And they want to talk about it.”

“即使以前从未听说过这个词，也能立刻知道它的意思，”牛津语言协会主席卡斯珀·格拉斯沃在接受采访时说。“大家都想讨论这个词。”

Oxford’s Word of the Year, which began in 2004, is based on usage evidence drawn from its continually updated corpus of some 30 billion words, which is compiled from news sources across the English-speaking world. The idea is to identify new or emerging words with social and cultural significance, backed by data.

《牛津词典》的年度词汇评选始于2004年，其依据是从其不断更新的约300亿词语料库中提取的用法证据，这些语料库汇集了英语世界新闻来源的语言数据，旨在通过数据来识别具有社会和文化意义的新词或新兴词汇。

As in the past few years, Oxford’s experts chose a short list, and then invited the public to weigh in. This year, there was a new twist: The entries were turned into personified candidates, who sold themselves in on-trend vertical videos by the creative studio Uncommon. (Sample pitch: “What rage bait lacks in empathy, nuance or class they make up for in absolutely nothing.”)

和过去几年一样，牛津大学的专家们筛选出候选词短名单，然后邀请公众参与。今年有了一个小变化：入围词被变成了拟人化的候选人，由创意工作室Uncommon制作成时髦的竖屏视频为自己拉票。（举个例子：“‘引战’确实没同理心、没分寸、没格调，但它好在别的地方也一无是处。”）

The winner was chosen by Oxford’s committee, based on the vote (more than 30,000 people weighed in), public conversation and data analysis.

获奖年度词汇由牛津大学委员会根据投票（超过3万人参与）、公众讨论和数据分析选出。

“The point of the Word of the Year is to encourage people to reflect on where we are as a culture, who we are at the moment, through the lens of words we use,” Grathwohl said. “The whole point is to create conversation.”

格拉斯沃说：“评选年度词汇的目的是鼓励人们通过我们使用的词汇来反思当下文化图景与自我定位，其核心价值在于激发社会对话。”

Over the years, winners have included “selfie” (2013), “post-truth” (2016), “toxic” (2018) and “vax” (2021). In the past few years, they have tended to have a distinctly Gen Z, very-online cast.

历年获奖词汇包括“自拍”（selfie，2013年）、“后真相”（post-truth，2016年）、“有毒”（toxic，2018年）和“疫苗”（vax，2021年）。近几年的词汇往往带有鲜明的Z世代特征，极具网络属性。

Some winners, like 2023’s “rizz” (short for “charisma”) give a zingy new name to a familiar thing. “It’s sometimes about the intangible pleasure of saying and speaking a word,” Grathwohl said.

一些获奖词汇，比如2023年的“rizz”（charisma的简写，即魅力。——译注）给一个熟悉的事物起了一个活泼的新名字。格拉斯沃解释说：“有时纯粹是出于说出某个词语时那种难以言喻的愉悦感。”

Others, like the 2024 winner, “brain rot” (the supposed deterioration of mental capacity brought on by overconsumption of trivial online content), describe a new experience that many are feeling without knowing what to call it. And whether or not “brain rot” is real, the word is still going strong, with usage continuing to surge.

还有一些词，比如2024年的获奖词“脑腐”（brain rot，指过度浏览琐碎的网络内容导致的智力退化），描述了一种很多人都不知道该怎么称呼的新体验。不管“脑腐”是不是真的，这个词仍然很流行，使用频率持续飙升。

This year’s finalists, Grathwohl said, reflect the ways that 2025 has been defined by “questions about who we really are, both online and offline,” and the ways the internet both manipulates us emotionally, and allows us to manipulate others.

格拉斯沃说，今年的入围作品反映了2025年被定义为“关于我们自我认知的问题，无论是线上还是线下”，以及互联网如何操纵我们的情感，也允许我们操纵他人。

“Aura farming,” defined as the careful “cultivation of an impressive, attractive or charismatic persona or personality,” arose around 2023, according to Oxford’s research. Usage nearly doubled over the past year, spiking in July in connection with a viral video of a young boy in Indonesia doing a motivational dance on the prow of a racing boat.

根据牛津大学的研究，“培养人设”的定义是精心“培养令人印象深刻的、有吸引力的或有魅力的人物或个性”，这一概念在2023年左右出现。在过去的一年里，它的使用量几乎翻了一番，并在7月因一个印尼少年在竞速艇船头跳励志舞的热转视频而激增。

Linguistically, it merges a somewhat mystical Latin borrowing, aura, with a 15th-century word relating to the cultivation of crops. “What I love is the banal and the sublime put together,” Grathwohl said.

在语言学上，该词融合了略带神秘色彩的拉丁语借词aura（光环）与15世纪指代农作物培育的词汇。格拉斯沃说：“我喜欢的是这种平凡与崇高的结合。

“Biohack,” a verb describing attempts to “improve or optimize one’s physical or mental performance, health, longevity or well-being,” was first recorded around 2011. Its usage also doubled in the past year, aided by growing conversation among “broligarchs,” as Grathwohl put it, and other powerful people. (He noted an incident in September, when Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping were caught on a hot mic talking about organ transplants and the possibility of living to 150.)

“健康整活”是一个动词，描述的是“改善或优化一个人的身体或精神表现、健康、长寿或幸福”的尝试，最早出现在2011年左右。过去一年间，这个词的使用量翻倍增长。格拉斯沃指出，这得益于“兄弟寡头”（broligarchs）等权势阶层间日益活跃的讨论。（他提及九月的一则新闻：普京与习近平在一场无意中被录下的对话中谈论器官移植及活到150岁的可能性。）

“Rage bait” appeared in the headlines in early November after Jennifer Lawrence confessed to creating an anonymous TikTok handle so she could fight with movie fans online. And it’s something even lexicographers have been accused of peddling.

11月初，詹妮弗·劳伦斯承认创建了一个匿名抖音账号，以便在网上与影迷打架，之后“引战”这个词出现在头条新闻上。甚至连词典编纂者都被指责在兜售这类内容。

In 2015, when Oxford chose the tears-of-joy emoji, some old-school wordniks were … not happy.

2015年，当牛津选择了“笑哭”表情符号时，一些老派的词汇爱好者表示……不满。

“People feel so passionately, there’s no way to avoid rage-baiting a portion of the word-loving public,” Grathwohl said. “No matter what we choose, a bunch of people are going to flame out online.”

“人们的情绪如此激烈，以至于无法避免激怒一部分热爱文字的公众，”格拉斯沃说。“无论我们选择什么，都会有一群人在网上大肆攻击。”

The economic relationship between the United States and China is as fraught as it has been in recent memory, but that has not stopped a wave of Chinese food and beverage chains from moving aggressively into the United States for the first time.

尽管近年美中经济关系前所未有地紧张，但并未阻挡一波中国餐饮连锁品牌首次大举进军美国市场。

Chinese tea shops in New York and Los Angeles are offering consumers drinks topped with a milk or cheese foam. Fried chicken sandwich joints are trying to lure diners in California with affordable fast food. Restaurant and drink brands, some with thousands of stores in China, are taking root in American cities to escape punishing competition at home.

纽约和洛杉矶的中式茶饮店带来了奶盖或芝士顶饮品。在加州，来自中国的炸鸡三明治店铺试图以亲民价格吸引食客。为了逃离国内残酷的竞争，这些中国餐饮品牌——其中有一些在国内已经拥有了数千家门店——正在美国城市扎下根来。

HeyTea, a tea chain originating in Jiangmen, a city in southern China, has opened three dozen stores nationwide since 2023, including a flagship operation in Times Square, in New York. Two other rival tea brands, Chagee and Naisnow, opened their first U.S. stores this year. Luckin Coffee, a chain with three outlets for every one Starbucks in China, opened several spots across Manhattan.

起源于中国南方城市江门的喜茶，自2023年以来已在全美开设了30多家门店，包括一家位于纽约时报广场的旗舰店。另两家茶饮竞争对手霸王茶姬与奈雪的茶也于今年登陆美国市场。在中国门店数量三倍于星巴克的瑞幸咖啡已在曼哈顿开设多家分店。

Wallace, one of China’s largest fast-food chains with more than 20,000 stores selling fried chicken and hamburgers, landed in Walnut, Calif., for its first shop. Haidilao, China’s largest hot-pot chain, is redoubling its efforts in the United States after entering the market more than a decade ago.

中国最大西式快餐品牌之一、有两万余家炸鸡和汉堡门店的华莱士在加州核桃市开了美国首店。进入美国市场十余年后，中国最大火锅连锁海底捞如今正加倍推进在这里的扩张。

The American expansion comes at a challenging moment for China’s food and beverage industry. The Chinese economy is no longer growing at a breakneck pace, hampered by a long-running real estate crisis and sluggish consumer spending. To survive, restaurant chains are undercutting one another on prices, inciting an unsustainable, profit-killing race to the bottom.

中国餐饮业向美国市场的扩张正值一个面临严峻挑战的时刻：受长期房地产危机与消费疲软拖累，中国经济已告别高速增长时代。为了生存，餐饮连锁竞相压价，引发了一场不可持续、吞噬利润的恶性竞争。

“China’s food service industry is suffering from severe oversupply,” said Bob Qing, the founder of Tomato Capital, a Chinese firm that invests in restaurants.

“中国餐饮业正遭受严重供过于求的问题，”投资餐饮企业的番茄资本创始人卿永说。

In China, there are three times more food and beverage establishments per capita than there are in the United States, according to Mr. Qing. And half the new restaurants that open in China close within a year.

据他介绍，中国的人均餐饮门店数量是美国的三倍，且新开业餐厅中有半数撑不过一年。

时报广场的喜茶旗舰店内，员工正在制作茶饮。这家连锁品牌起源于中国南方城市江门。

Many Chinese fast-food restaurants have expanded internationally in recent years, especially in Asia, but the United States, according to Mr. Qing, holds significant appeal because it is “the only market as mature and large as China.”

近年来，许多中国快餐品牌已走向国际市场，尤其是在亚洲。但在卿永看来，美国市场独具魅力，因为这是“唯一与中国同样成熟且规模庞大的市场”。

But a U.S. expansion is not without its challenges. Chinese brands must walk a geopolitical tightrope because of China’s position as an economic rival — or adversary — to the United States. While their global expansion is celebrated in China as a sign of the country’s progress and development, it can be viewed as a threat to America’s local businesses.

但进军美国市场并非没有挑战。由于中国被美国视为经济竞争对手乃至敌手，中国品牌必须在地缘政治上谨慎行事。虽然它们在全球的扩张在中国被视为国家进步与发展的象征，但在美国却可能被视为对本土企业的威胁。

Chinese food and beverage chains are moving into the United States as many American brands that stormed into China decades earlier are pulling back.

当中国餐饮连锁大举入美之际，那些几十年前大举进入中国市场的美国品牌却在收缩战线。

This month, Starbucks sold a controlling stake in its China operations to a Chinese investment firm, Boyu Capital. The fast-food conglomerate Restaurant Brands International sold most of Burger King’s China business to a Chinese private equity firm.

11月，星巴克将中国业务的控股权出售给中国投资公司博裕资本。餐饮巨头餐饮品牌国际公司也将汉堡王中国业务的大部分股权售予一家中国私募股权公司。

Domestic competition is especially fierce in China, where milk tea shops have sprouted up over the last decade. According to some estimates, there are 420,000 milk tea shops in China. Some stores have started selling drinks for less than $1, while others offer free online orders. Many of these brands carry an upscale version of bubble tea, which has been wildly popular for years. They brew loose tea leaves instead of using tea bags or powder and add fruit slices, fresh milk or whipped cream cheese foam on top.

中国本土市场竞争格外激烈，过去十年间，奶茶店如雨后春笋般涌现。据估算，目前全国奶茶店数量已达42万家。部分门店饮品售价已跌破7元人民币，还有品牌提供线上点单免单。多个主打高端新式茶饮的品牌近年来风靡市场。它们坚持使用原叶茶汤而非茶包或粉末，佐以鲜果切片、鲜奶或特调芝士奶盖。

HeyTea, which helped pioneer the trend and has about 4,000 stores in China, stopped accepting new franchise applications earlier this year. The company started its American expansion two years ago as the battle among tea brands intensified.

作为该趋势的引领者之一，在中国市场拥有约4000家门店的喜茶于今年初停止接受新的加盟申请。随着茶饮品牌竞争白热化，该企业于两年前启动了美国扩张计划。

At HeyTea’s store in Times Square one recent afternoon, lines stretched out the door with groups of customers waiting for elaborate drink concoctions such as a signature fruit tea topped with cheese foam.

近日的一个午后，纽约时报广场的喜茶门店外排起长龙，顾客们等待着购买精心调制的特色饮品，比如有芝士奶盖的招牌鲜果茶。

“They are getting so big now,” said Farida Abdelaziz, 20, who waited up to 30 minutes with her friends for drinks.

“它家生意太火爆了，”排队近半小时的20岁顾客法里达·阿卜杜勒阿齐兹感叹道。

Naisnow, a smaller Chinese tea brand, opened its first U.S. store in Flushing, a predominantly Asian neighborhood in New York, in October. The lines were long and sales were brisk. Its most popular items were avocado and kale-based drinks made for the United States. The company said it aimed to expand to 500 stores over the next three to five years.

规模小一些的中国茶饮品牌奈雪的茶于10月在纽约亚裔聚居区法拉盛开设美国首店。开业以来门庭若市，其中专为美国市场打造的牛油果羽衣甘蓝系列成为最畅销单品。该企业宣布未来三至五年计划拓展至500家门店。

在纽约法拉盛，一名奈雪的茶门店员工正在整理展示柜。法拉盛的这家店是奈雪的茶在美国的首店，该公司计划在未来几年内在美国扩张至500家门店。在以亚裔为主的法拉盛社区，奈雪的茶门店外顾客大排长龙购买牛油果羽衣甘蓝饮品。

Jerry Yao, Naisnow’s deputy manager in charge of overseas development, said one difference was already apparent: “The margins are definitely better than in China.”

奈雪的茶海外事业部副总经理姚杰（音）指出，美中市场有一个差异显而易见：“这里的利润率绝对高于中国。”

The transition to the United States is not always smooth. The hot-pot chain Haidilao, which has a cultlike following in China, struggled when it first entered the market in 2013.

进军美国市场并非总是一帆风顺。在中国拥有狂热粉丝的火锅连锁海底捞在2013年首次进入美国市场时就遇到了困难。

It did not provide English-language menus. The prices were higher than customers had expected. And its trademark over-the-top service came across as intrusive.

当时未提供英文菜单，定价超出顾客预期，其标志性的极致服务反被视作侵扰。

In China, Haidilao’s staff provides free manicures to customers waiting for a table, performs noodle-making dances to entertain guests and even peels shrimp by hand for diners. But the staff’s attentiveness was initially perceived as “eavesdropping” in the United States, said Qu Cong, the chief financial officer of Super Hi International Holdings, Haidilao’s overseas business entity.

在中国，海底捞员工会为等位顾客提供免费美甲服务，表演拉面秀来娱乐客人，甚至亲手为食客剥虾。但据海底捞海外业务主体特海国际首席财务官瞿骢透露，这种无微不至的服务最初被美国顾客视为“窥探隐私”。

“For American customers, there’s a strong sense of boundaries, so simply copying the practices used in China might not work,” Ms. Qu said.

“美国顾客边界感很强，完全照搬中国模式可能适得其反，”瞿骢表示。

Haidilao provided more guidance, in English, on how to navigate the hot-pot dining experience, in which diners dip various raw ingredients into a pot of boiling broth at the table. It tweaked the spice levels on some soup bases and expanded the beef selection.

为此海底捞增加了英文指引，帮助顾客理解火锅的用餐方式——食客需要将各种生食材放入桌上的沸汤中涮煮。它还调整了部分锅底的辣度等级，并丰富了牛肉品类选择。

The chain generated social media buzz over the summer when one of its restaurants appeared in the final episode of “And Just Like That…,” the sequel to “Sex and the City.” In the episode, the hostess sees that Carrie Bradshaw is dining alone and brings out “Tommy Tomato,” a plush doll, to fill the empty seat.

今年夏天，它的一家门店出现在《欲望都市》续集《就这样……》的大结局里，女服务员见凯莉·布拉德肖独自用餐，拿出一只名为“汤米·汤米拖”的番茄玩偶陪坐，引发社交媒体热议。

Chinese brands must weigh how much to cater to local tastes. When Wallace, the fast-food chain, opened its first U.S. store last year, it stripped down its sprawling menu to focus mainly on fried chicken sandwiches.

中国品牌还需权衡本地化程度。华莱士去年在美国开首店时，大幅精简菜单，集中主打炸鸡三明治。

Ricky Chen, the president of Wallace USA, said the standard chicken sandwich the company served in China came with lettuce and mayonnaise. For American diners, Wallace removed the lettuce and added a pickle, which is something Chinese customers “don’t really eat.” It also made its food saltier.

美国区总裁里奇·陈表示，中国版经典鸡腿堡带生菜和蛋黄酱，美国版去掉生菜，加了中国顾客“不怎么吃”的腌黄瓜，并把整体口味调得更咸。

Mr. Chen likes Wallace’s chances in the new market. “American fast food is getting too expensive,” he said. At its location in California, Wallace offers three full-size chicken sandwiches for $10. By comparison, a single chicken sandwich at Chick-fil-A or KFC sells for about $6.

他看好在这个新市场的前景。“美国快餐已经太贵了，”在其加州门店，三份足量鸡腿堡只需10美元。相比之下，Chick-fil-A或肯德基单份就要约6美元。

Wallace does not hide its Chinese roots, Mr. Chen said. But it also does not promote them. At first, most of his customers were Asian because they were familiar with the brand. That has since changed.

华莱士并不掩饰中国背景，里奇·陈说。但也没有刻意宣传。开业初期，顾客多是认识品牌的亚裔。但现在情况已经不同。

Wallace said it planned to open 10 more locations by the end of 2026.

华莱士称计划2026年底前再开10家店。

Chagee, a tea brand that started selling shares on the Nasdaq stock exchange in May, said customers did not perceive it as a Chinese brand. It derives its name from an ancient Chinese love story. Its logo features a concubine in a Beijing Opera costume, faintly resembling the Starbucks two-tailed mermaid logo.

5月在纳斯达克上市的霸王茶姬表示，顾客并未将其视作中国品牌。品牌名取自中国古代爱情故事，商标采用京剧旦角形象，隐约有点像星巴克双尾美人鱼。

Emily Chang, Chagee’s chief commercial officer in North America, said she was hired to develop the company as an ABC, or American-born Chinese, brand. She said that it had more than a dozen stores “in the pipeline” and that it planned to move beyond California. Chagee started in Los Angeles in April.

霸王茶姬北美首席商务官艾米莉·张说，她得到的任务就是把霸王茶姬打造成一个“ABC（美国出生的华人——译注）品牌”。她说目前已有十多家店在“筹备中”，并且计划走出加州。霸王茶姬4月在洛杉矶开设首店。

Mr. Qing, the restaurant investor and consultant, said that despite geopolitical tensions, the United States had welcomed China’s food and drink brands. He said the U.S. embassy in Beijing invited him and chain restaurant owners to tour various American cities earlier this year.

餐饮投资人卿永表示，尽管地缘政治紧张，美国对中国的餐饮品牌依然持欢迎态度。今年早些时候，美国驻北京大使馆还邀请他和多家连锁品牌负责人赴美多城市考察。

“This is one of the few industries in which people are still willing to engage in that kind of exchange,” he said.

“这是目前少数几个两国人民仍愿意相互交流的行业，”他说。

For a compound that hosted one of the largest cyberscam and human-trafficking hubs in Southeast Asia, KK Park operated in plain sight. It was pretty clear that this was no ordinary business — the heavily fortified compound in Myanmar was flanked by armed guards. It was all visible from neighboring Thailand.

作为东南亚规模最大的网络诈骗与人口贩卖据点之一，KK园区的运作可谓明目张胆。这座位于缅甸的据点显然绝非普通商业场所，它戒备森严，四周有武装警卫驻守，从邻国泰国境内就能清晰望见这一切。

The vast complex, estimated to be around 520 acres, contained high-rise buildings, dormitories, offices, restaurants, a hospital and villas, suggesting an industrial-scale operation in the town of Myawaddy.

这片庞大的园区面积约208公顷，内部建有高楼、宿舍、办公楼、餐厅、医院和别墅群，昭示着妙瓦底镇存在工业规模的犯罪运作。

Last week, some of the activity abruptly ended. The Myanmar junta moved in to detain thousands of foreigners at KK Park and Shwe Kokko, another notorious cyberscam hub. For good measure, it also deployed a stunning tactic: demolishing entire buildings with explosives, part of what the junta has called a broader crackdown on scam centers.

上周，园区内的部分活动突然戛然而止。缅甸军政府出动人员，突袭KK园区及另一臭名昭著的网络诈骗据点水沟谷，扣押了数以千计的外籍人员。为示威慑，军政府还采取了令人震惊的手段：用炸药炸毁整栋建筑。军政府称，这是针对诈骗园区开展的大规模打击行动的一部分。

But workers and experts say the crackdown is performative.

但从业者及专家均表示，此次打击行动纯属作秀。

Satellite imagery shows that only 13 percent of the total area of KK Park has been demolished, according to Nathan Ruser, an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. The Myanmar junta said it was committed to destroying the more than 500 buildings that remain, but workers say they have moved on to other compounds, where they continue to defraud people.

澳大利亚战略政策研究所分析师内森·鲁瑟指出，卫星图像显示，KK园区被拆除的面积仅占总面积的13%。缅甸军政府宣称，将致力于摧毁剩余的500多栋建筑，但园区的人透露，他们已转移至其他据点，继续从事诈骗活动。

“Just blowing up a bunch of empty buildings in an angry, haphazard fashion might be demonstrative of a show of force, but, practically, it’s nothing,” said Jacob Sims, a visiting fellow at Harvard University’s Asia Center and an expert on transnational crime. “They haven’t done an actual raid on these compounds. No kingpins of KK Park have been turned over.”

“愤怒且随意地炸毁一堆空楼或许能彰显武力，但实际上毫无意义，”哈佛大学亚洲中心访问学者、跨国犯罪问题专家雅各布·西姆斯表示。“他们并未对这些园区展开真正的突袭，KK园区的核心头目无人落网。”

10月，缅甸妙瓦底镇KK园区发生爆炸，浓烟滚滚升腾。

The demolition, along with the crushing of hundreds of computers with a steamroller, was broadcast on state media for days. It was proof, according to Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, a spokesman for the junta, that the army would “completely eradicate online scam activities from their roots.”

军政府还动用压路机碾碎了数百台电脑，相关画面连续数日在缅甸国家媒体播放。军政府发言人绍敏通少将表示，这证明军方将“彻底根除网络诈骗活动，斩草除根”。

“We worked to prevent any chance of online gambling operations re-establishing themselves,” he said, according to The New Light of Myanmar newspaper. “To achieve that, we destroyed 100 percent of the buildings in that area.”

缅甸《新光报》报道，他宣布：“我们已采取措施，杜绝网络赌博活动死灰复燃。为实现这一目标，我们彻底摧毁了该区域100%的建筑。”

A key person behind the scam compounds along the border of Myanmar and Thailand is Col. Saw Chit Thu, a warlord and businessman who controls the Karen Border Guard Forces, known as the B.G.F., a subdivision of the Myanmar army, the United States and Britain say.

美国和英国指出，缅泰边境诈骗园区的核心幕后人物是军阀兼商人苏奇督上校。他掌控着克伦边境部队，该武装是缅甸军方的下属分支。

In January 2023, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the junta chief, conferred an honorary award on Colonel Saw Chit Thu for “outstanding performance” and loyalty. Satellite imagery shows that KK Park is surrounded by at least four armed outposts, according to Mr. Ruser. Workers inside say the compound was guarded by soldiers from the B.G.F.

2023年1月，军政府首脑敏昂莱大将还因苏奇督的忠诚和“卓越表现”，为其颁发了荣誉勋章。鲁瑟称，卫星图像显示，KK园区周边至少设有4个武装哨所。园区内部人员表示，守卫园区的正是克伦边境部队的士兵。

2月，苏奇督出现在妙瓦底，他是幕后操纵诈骗中心的权势军阀兼商人。

The B.G.F. works with Chinese mafia groups to operate some 40 scam compounds that are home to as many as 100,000 people along the 124-mile stretch of the Myanmar-Thailand border, according to Jason Tower, a senior expert at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.

全球打击跨国有组织犯罪倡议组织高级专家杰森·托尔称，克伦邦边境部队与中国黑帮团伙勾结，在缅泰边境约200公里的地带运营着约40个诈骗园区，被困人员多达10万人。

Starting in 2023, the junta came under pressure from China, its closest ally, to quell the scam centers because Chinese citizens were being defrauded and trafficked. But even then, the crackdown was selective. Beijing cared only about its own citizens, Mr. Tower said.

自2023年起，军政府在最亲密盟友中国的压力下开始打击诈骗中心，因为大量中国公民遭到诈骗和拐卖。但托尔表示，即便如此，缅甸的打击行动仍带有选择性，而北京只关心本国公民的安危。

The recent involvement of the United States, which set up a Scam Center Strike Force, put new pressure on China. “That’s why you’re seeing a push now by China for a stronger crackdown,” Mr. Tower said.

近期，美国介入并成立了诈骗园区特别行动队，这一举措进一步对中国形成了新的压力。托尔说：“这也是中国现在推动加大打击力度的原因。”

Naing Mg Zaw, a spokesman for the B.G.F., denied that the crackdown was because of U.S. or Chinese pressure. “We had already decided to crack down on scam centers, and the timing just happens to overlap,” he said. “Within a few days, we will clear them out until none are left.”

克伦边境警卫队发言人奈孟绍否认此次打击是迫于美中两国压力。“我们早已决定打击诈骗园区，行动时间纯属巧合。几天之内，我们将彻底清除所有诈骗据点，”他说。

But interviews with former workers show how difficult it will be to eradicate the criminal networks. Min Thu Win who worked in a scam center in Shwe Kokko, said his Chinese supervisors told workers to go home last week “because there might be raids coming.”

但对前园区工作者的采访显示，彻底根除这些犯罪网络难度极大。曾在水沟谷某诈骗园区工作的敏杜温表示，上周他的中国籍主管告知员工“可能即将有突袭行动”，让他们先回家避风头。

Sandy Lin, said she was working a night shift at a scam center in KK Park on Oct. 22 when people started running out, saying that soldiers were coming. Ms. Lin said her job was to target people over age 50 on Instagram, getting their contact details to pass on to “the chatting team.” She said she had to find two targets a day or have $1.60 deducted from her monthly salary of about $460.

桑迪·林（音）透露，10月22日她在KK园区某诈骗公司上夜班时，突然有人惊慌出逃，称士兵来了。她的工作是在Instagram上瞄准50岁以上人群，获取他们的联系方式后转交给“聊天组”。她表示，自己每天必须找到两名目标客户，否则就会从约460美元的月薪中扣除1.6美元。

“Our company has already rented a new building near Myawaddy, in a place called ‘25 Acre,’ and they’ve resumed operations,” she said. “Since everyone in our company is in the same Telegram group, all workers who want to continue working went to that new place,” she said, referring to the messaging app.

“我们公司已经在妙瓦底附近一个叫‘25英亩’的地方租了新楼，并且已经恢复运营了，”她说，“我们公司所有人都在同一个Telegram群里，想继续工作的员工都去了新据点。”

Than Soe said he fled KK Park without getting his salary. Now he is working at another scam compound called Apollo Park. “The military showed videos of destroying computers and phones, but that doesn’t mean anything,” he said. “They can buy new ones anytime. KK Park wasn’t really shut down, it was just for show.”

丹索说，他逃离KK园区时没拿到工资，如今在另一个名为阿波罗园区的诈骗据点工作。“军方公布的销毁电脑和手机的视频根本毫无意义，他们随时可以买新的。KK园区根本没被真正关闭，这一切只是作秀，”他说。