President Trump welcomed Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s autocratic leader, to the White House on Tuesday, hailing him as a protector of human rights and a frequent phone friend. And in a remarkable Oval Office outburst, Mr. Trump defended him against a U.S. intelligence report that he had ordered the murder of a journalist.

周二，特朗普总统在白宫迎接沙特阿拉伯的专制领导人穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼王储，称赞他是人权守护者，还称两人是常通电话的好友。在椭圆形办公室，他勃然大怒，就美国情报部门有关王储下令谋杀记者的报告为王储做出了辩护。

It was a chummy scene that underscored the president’s desire to maintain strong relations with Saudi Arabia during a tumultuous period in the Middle East. Mr. Trump’s defense of his guest obscured the crown prince’s role in cracking down on domestic dissent and in the killing and dismemberment of a Washington Post columnist, Jamal Khashoggi, in 2018.

这一亲密场景凸显出总统希望在中东局势动荡之际维持与沙特阿拉伯的紧密关系。特朗普对这位客人的辩护掩盖了王储在国内对异见人士的镇压，以及他在2018年《华盛顿邮报》专栏作家贾迈勒·卡舒吉遇害并被肢解事件中所扮演的角色。

“We’ve been really good friends for a long period of time,” Mr. Trump told reporters, cabinet officials and members of the Saudi delegation who had gathered there. “We’ve always been on the same side of every issue.”

“我们多年来一直是非常好的朋友，”特朗普对在场的记者、内阁官员和沙特代表团成员说，“在所有问题上，我们始终站在同一立场。”

The 42-minute appearance contained plenty of talk about business deals and diplomatic partnerships, as well as a presidential fit over pointed questions from reporters that was striking even for Mr. Trump, who is no stranger to televised dramatics. As he berated a reporter for asking about Mr. Khashoggi’s murder and about people who have accused the Saudi government of supporting the hijackers behind the Sept. 11 attacks, Mr. Trump brushed off the killing, appearing even more agitated about the question than his guest of honor.

这场时长42分钟的公开露面中，两人谈及大量商业交易和外交伙伴关系，记者的尖锐提问还引发了总统的情绪爆发，即便对热衷电视戏剧性场面的特朗普来说，这也颇为罕见。当一名记者问及卡舒吉遇害案，以及有人指控沙特政府支持9·11恐怖袭击劫机者时，特朗普怒斥记者，对这一问题的激动程度甚至超过了身旁的贵宾。

“A lot of people didn’t like that gentleman that you’re talking about,” Mr. Trump said, referring to Mr. Khashoggi. Mr. Trump defended the crown prince, who sat next to him, looking down and inspecting his hands: “Whether you like him, or didn’t like him, things happen. But he knew nothing about it, and we can leave it at that. You don’t have to embarrass our guest by asking a question like that.”

“很多人都不喜欢你说的那位先生，”特朗普指的是卡舒吉。他为坐在身旁、低头看着自己双手的王储辩护。“不管你喜欢他还是不喜欢他，事情已经发生了。但他对此一无所知，我们就说到这儿。你没必要问这种问题让我们的客人难堪。”

Throughout their joint appearance, Mr. Trump seemed more interested in producing a smooth, lavish visit that could pave the way for up to $1 trillion of Saudi investment into the United States than the implications of the findings of U.S. intelligence agencies. During the Biden administration, U.S. intelligence officials released a report that determined that the crown prince had ordered Mr. Khashoggi’s killing, but declined to take direction against the crown prince. Prince Mohammed has denied his involvement.

在两人共同亮相的全过程中，特朗普似乎更在意如何打造一场顺利、盛大的访问，为沙特向美国注入高达1万亿美元投资铺平道路，而不是去关注美国情报机构调查结果背后的深层含义。拜登政府时期，美国情报官员曾发布报告，认定王储下令杀害卡舒吉，但并未对王储采取直接行动。穆罕默德王储则否认与此事有关。

Similarly, during his first term, Mr. Trump had defended President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, who denied to Mr. Trump that his government had any involvement in meddling in the 2016 election, despite the findings of the U.S. intelligence agencies.

同样，特朗普在第一任期内也曾为俄罗斯总统普京辩护，尽管美国情报机构当时已有发现，但普京向特朗普否认其政府参与干预2016年美国大选。

“I have President Putin; he just said it’s not Russia,” Mr. Trump said at the time.

“普京总统亲口告诉我，他说不是俄罗斯干的，”特朗普当时说。

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump heaped praise and state-dinner-style honors upon the crown prince, whom he has long treated like a business partner instead of a pariah. When his guest arrived at the southern entrance of the White House, military officers on horseback trotted across the drive, flying Saudi and American flags. The treatment was more ostentatious than most visiting dignitaries receive, even for state visits.

周二，特朗普对这位王储盛赞有加，并以国宴规格礼遇。他一直将王储视为商业伙伴，而不是政治弃儿。当这位客人抵达白宫南入口时，骑兵军官挥舞着沙特和美国国旗，策马穿过车道。这样的待遇比大多数来访政要都更为隆重，甚至超过了国事访问的规格。

Adding to the ceremony was a military band, and a flyover that included several F-35 fighter jets. Mr. Trump said on Monday that he intended to sell the advanced aircraft to the Saudis, a decision that would need congressional approval. Other agreements came together, including one on artificial intelligence, a mutual defense pact and an agreement that would eventually offer Saudi Arabia access to the United States’ nuclear technology.

仪式中还有军乐队演奏，以及包括多架F-35战斗机在内的编队飞行表演。特朗普周一表示，他打算向沙特出售这种先进战机，这一决定需获得国会批准。双方还达成了其他多项协议，包括人工智能领域合作、共同防御条约，以及一项最终将允许沙特获取美国核技术的协议。

The crown prince was set to be honored Tuesday night at a welcome ceremony and a black-tie dinner at the White House attended by major business leaders, including the billionaire and former Trump adviser Elon Musk. On Wednesday, he is scheduled to participate with the president in an investment conference at Washington’s Kennedy Center.

周二晚间，王储将在白宫出席欢迎仪式和正装晚宴，众多商界领袖将出席，其中包括亿万富翁、前特朗普顾问埃隆·马斯克。周三，他将与总统一同参加在华盛顿肯尼迪中心举行的投资会议。

Ahead of the visit, Mr. Trump had hinted that he wanted the Saudis to agree to normalize relations with Israel and sign onto the Abraham Accords, a set of diplomatic agreements that normalized relations between Israel and three Arab states during the first Trump administration.

访问前夕，特朗普曾暗示，希望沙特同意与以色列实现关系正常化，并加入《亚伯拉罕协议》，这一系列外交协议是特朗普第一任期内促成的，实现了以色列与三个阿拉伯国家的关系正常化。

But it was clear that was not on the table for this visit. “Israel will be very happy,” Mr. Trump insisted, when pressed about failing to secure Saudi Arabia’s commitment on that front. “Israel is aware, and they’re going to be very happy.”

但显然，此次访问并未将此事提上议程。当被追问未能争取到沙特在这一问题上的承诺时，特朗普坚称：“以色列会非常高兴的，他们知道情况，肯定会很高兴。”

To fulfill the rest of his 20-point plan to rebuild Gaza and his desire to increase participation in the Abraham Accords, Mr. Trump will need to keep the Saudis engaged, analysts said.

分析人士表示，为了实现特朗普重建加沙的20点计划，以及扩大《亚伯拉罕协议》参与范围，特朗普需要保持沙特的参与度。

“Part of his incentive is to wine and dine the Saudi leadership and lay the groundwork for that eventuality of normalizing with Israel,” said Khaled Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Quincy Institute, a foreign policy think tank. But, he added, “from the Saudi point of view, they’re getting a lot of the package that had been put forward, without normalizing.”

“他的部分动机是款待沙特领导层，为最终实现同以色列关系正常化奠定基础，”外交政策智库昆西研究所高级研究员哈立德·埃尔金迪说。但他还说：“从沙特的角度来看，他们无需实现正常化，就已经得到了大部分承诺的利益。”

On Tuesday, all of those details seemed secondary to Mr. Trump’s interest in showing off the White House, which he is remodeling in his image.

周二当天，对特朗普而言，所有这些似乎都不如展示白宫更重要——他正在按照自己的风格对白宫进行改造。

At one point, Mr. Trump stopped to show the prince a wall of presidential portraits, including the photo of an autopen hanging in the space where the portrait of former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. would be. And the president made clear he was not interested in giving any credit to a predecessor whose administration had opted to preserve the strategic relationship between the two countries rather than take direct action against the crown prince for Mr. Khashoggi’s murder.

期间，特朗普停下脚步，向王储展示了总统肖像墙，其中前总统拜登肖像本该悬挂的位置，挂着一幅自动签名机的照片。总统还明确表示，他无意对前任给予任何认可——拜登政府当时选择维持两国战略关系，而非因卡舒吉遇害案对王储采取直接行动。

“Trump doesn’t give a fist bump,” Mr. Trump said, referring to himself, and also to the greeting between Mr. Biden and the crown prince in 2022. He gestured to the crown prince: “I grabbed that hand. I don’t give a hell where that hand’s been. I grabbed that.”

“特朗普可不搞碰拳礼，”特朗普这样描述自己，同时也指涉了2022年拜登与王储的见面礼节，同时，他指向身旁的王储说：“我直接握住这只手。我才不管这只手之前碰过哪里，我就是握住它。”

Mr. Trump also seemed eager to establish his friendship with the crown prince.

特朗普似乎还急于强调自己与王储的友谊。

“I can call him almost any time,” Mr. Trump said. “When you love your job, when you love your country, and when you’re in a position like we are — future king, highly respected crown prince, and in my case, president, you’re thinking about your country.”

“我几乎随时都能给他打电话，”特朗普说，“当你热爱自己的工作、热爱自己的国家，而且身处我们这样的位置——未来的国王、备受尊敬的王储，而我是总统，你满脑子想的都是自己的国家。”

Britain’s domestic intelligence agency warned on Tuesday that China has been using headhunters on LinkedIn and other covert operatives in an effort to recruit and compromise lawmakers and parliamentary staff members.

英国国内情报机构周二警告称，中国一直在利用领英上的猎头及其他秘密特工，试图招募并策反英国议员和议会工作人员。

The warning came just two months after a political scandal erupted in Britain over the collapse of an espionage case against a parliamentary researcher and a teacher accused of funneling sensitive information to Beijing.

此前两个月，英国曾爆发政治丑闻：一名议会研究员和一名教师因涉嫌向北京输送敏感信息而被控间谍罪，但案件最终撤诉。

Tuesday’s espionage alert from the agency, MI5, warned lawmakers that the Chinese foreign intelligence service, the Ministry of State Security, had been secretly targeting members of Parliament, government staff members, political consultants, economists and think tank employees.

军情五处此次发布的间谍警报指出，中国对外情报机构国家安全部一直在秘密锁定英国议会议员、政府工作人员、政治顾问、经济学家和智库人员。

“China is attempting to recruit and cultivate individuals with access to sensitive information about Parliament and the U.K. government,” Dan Jarvis, the security minister, said in a statement in the House of Commons.

“中国正试图招募和培植能够接触到英国议会及政府敏感信息的人员，”安全大臣丹·贾维斯在下议院的声明中表示。

“This activity involves a covert and calculated attempt by a foreign power to interfere with our sovereign affairs,” he said, adding that the British government “will take all necessary measures to protect our national interest, our citizens and our democratic way of life.”

“此类活动是一个外国政权以隐蔽且精心策划的方式干涉我国主权事务的行为，”他还说，英国政府“将采取一切必要措施保护国家利益、公民安全及民主生活方式”。

The alert, which was seen by The New York Times, identified two headhunters — Amanda Qiu, the chief executive of BP-YR Executive Search, a company in Beijing, and Shirly Shen of Internship Union, based in Hong Kong — as two “civilian recruitment headhunters” that it said had been used by the Ministry of State Security to target people in Britain.

《纽约时报》看到的这份警报指出，北京BP-YR Executive Search公司首席执行官邱璐以及香港“义工实习计划”的雪莉·沈（音）是国家安全部用于在英国锁定目标的“平民猎头”。

Neither Ms. Qiu or Ms. Shen immediately responded to requests for comment sent on LinkedIn.

邱璐和雪莉·沈均未回应通过领英发送的置评请求。

“The headhunters are typically China-based individuals who make initial contact with a target before referring them to an officer,” the MI5 alert said.

“这些猎头通常是中国境内人士，先与目标对象建立初步联系，再将其转介给情报官员，”军情五处的警报称。

贾维斯于周二向议会发表演讲。

The alert said that the headhunters can use fake or legitimate companies to hide their work with the Chinese intelligence services. “Using these companies they will either engage in person or using online platforms such as LinkedIn,” it said. “They often maintain some form of cover for the entire relationship.”

警报指出，猎头可能利用虚假或合法公司掩盖其与中国情报机构的合作。“他们会通过这些公司，以当面接触或领英等网络平台开展活动，且在整个合作关系中往往会保持着某种掩护身份。”

It added that targets would “typically be approached to work as freelance consultants authoring geopolitical reports.” Chinese intelligence officers had “a low threshold for what information is considered to be of value,” it said, but “individual pieces of information fit into a wider collection effort.”

警报还提到，目标对象“通常会受邀以自由顾问身份撰写地缘政治报告”。中国情报官员“对有价值信息的界定门槛很低”，但是“单个信息碎片会融入更广泛的情报收集工作中”。

A statement posted to the website of the Chinese Embassy in London on Tuesday said: “These claims by the U.K. side are pure fabrication and malicious slander. We strongly condemn such despicable moves of the U.K. side and have lodged stern representations with them.”

中国驻伦敦大使馆周二在官网发表声明称：“英方说法纯属无中生有、任意捏造、恶意诽谤，我们对此予以强烈谴责，并已向英方提出严正交涉。”

Last month, Ken McCallum, the director general of MI5, said in a speech that China was engaging in cyberespionage and the theft of advanced secrets, and had conducted “efforts to interfere covertly in U.K. public life.”

上月，军情五处处长肯·麦卡勒姆在演讲中表示，中国一直在从事网络间谍活动和窃取先进机密，还实施行动，“暗中干预英国公共生活”。

The alert sent to members of Parliament on Tuesday had the potential to revive the political debate over the case dropped in September. The decision not to bring the case to trial roiled politics in London for weeks.

周二发给议员的这份警报可能会重新引发关于9月撤诉一事的政治争议。当时的撤诉决定在伦敦政坛引发了数周的动荡。

Senior members of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government have repeatedly said that it was the decision of Stephen Parkinson, the director of public prosecutions, to drop the case against Christopher Cash, a parliamentary researcher, and Christopher Berry, a teacher. Mr. Parkinson said that the government’s unwillingness to call China a threat at the time the pair were detained meant he could not charge them under the Official Secrets Act.

首相斯塔默政府的高级成员多次表示，撤销对议会研究员克里斯托弗·卡什和教师克里斯托弗·贝里的指控是检察总长斯蒂芬·帕金森的决定。帕金森称，两人被捕时政府不愿将中国列为威胁，这意味着他无法根据《官方保密法》对二人提起诉讼。

But Mr. Starmer’s critics claimed that the prime minister and his aides had not done enough to help prosecutors make the case against Mr. Cash and Mr. Berry. That, they said, reflected the Labour government’s desire to maintain trade links with China.

但斯塔默的批评者声称，首相及其助手未能充分协助检方推进对卡什和贝里的起诉，这反映出工党政府希望维持与中国的贸易联系。

In his statement in Parliament, Mr. Jarvis did not say how successful the Chinese spies had been in penetrating the parliamentary networks or gaining access to sensitive information. But he vowed on behalf of the government to aggressively fight Chinese spying efforts.

贾维斯在议会的声明中，并未透露中国间谍在渗透议会网络或获取敏感信息方面取得了多大成功，但他代表政府誓言将坚决打击中国的间谍活动。

“We will not hesitate to hold all state actors to account,” he said.

“我们将毫不犹豫地追究所有国家行为体的责任。”他说。

He also announced that the government would take several steps to try to counter China’s efforts to spy on government officials and private businesses across the country.

他还宣布，政府将采取多项措施，应对中国针对英国各地政府官员和私营企业的间谍行为。

He said the government would spend 170 million pounds, or about $230 million, to upgrade the computer systems in Parliament and throughout government to better strengthen the security of the networks.

贾维斯表示，政府将投入1.7亿英镑（约合2.3亿美元），升级议会及全国政府部门的计算机系统，以进一步加强网络安全。

British officials will also do more to ensure the reliability of elections in Britain and work with companies that produce advanced technology, Mr. Jarvis said. He also said that government ministers would meet with top university officials to help protect universities against efforts by the Chinese government to covertly influence what is taught in classes across the country.

英国官员还将采取更多措施确保本国选举的可靠性，并与先进技术生产企业开展合作。此外，政府大臣将与顶尖高校负责人会面，帮助高校防范中国政府试图秘密影响全国课堂教学内容的行为。

As one of the world’s most prolific lenders, China has paid out more than a trillion dollars in loans to the developing world to fund roads in Africa, ports in South America and railroads in Central Asia.

作为全球放贷规模最大的国家之一，中国已向发展中国家提供超过1万亿美元贷款，用于资助非洲的公路、南美的港口和中亚的铁路项目建设。

But the biggest recipient of its financing over the past two decades has been the United States, where Chinese banks have extended $200 billion in financial support to American companies and projects, according to AidData, a research institute at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Va.

但根据弗吉尼亚州威廉玛丽学院研究机构AidData的数据，过去20年里，中国的最大融资对象是美国，中国各银行已向美国企业和项目提供了2000亿美元的金融支持。

The money poured into the construction of pipelines, data centers and airport terminals, and it helped to grease the wheels of corporate financing for U.S. companies like Tesla, Amazon, Disney and Boeing. By 2017, some of this financing started to raise alarms in Washington.

这些资金涌向油气管道、数据中心和机场航站楼的建设，助力特斯拉、亚马逊、迪士尼和波音等美国企业融资顺畅运转。截至2017年，这类融资中的部分项目开始引发美国政府警惕。

In all, Chinese state-owned firms have provided $2.2 trillion in loans and grants around the world since 2000, a figure two to four times larger than previously thought, according to Brad Parks, the lead author of a report that AidData released on Tuesday, which draws on information from more than 30,000 projects in over 100 countries.

AidData周二发布的一份报告显示，2000年以来，中国国有企业已在全球范围内提供了2.2万亿美元贷款和赠款，这一数字比此前预估高出二至四倍。该报告的主要作者布拉德·帕克斯表示，研究数据来源于100多个国家的3万多个项目。

Covering the period from 2000 to 2023, the study provides a fuller picture of China’s role as an international creditor. It outlines how Beijing has used its financial resources to position itself in strategic sectors and establish potential supply chain chokeholds. It touches on deals that continue to raise concerns in the West, like the acquisition of Nexperia, a company recently thrust into the middle of a geopolitical battle for control of semiconductor supply chains.

这项覆盖2000年至2023年的研究更为全面地呈现了中国作为国际债权人的角色。报告概述了中国如何利用金融资源在战略领域布局，建立潜在的供应链控制点。其中涉及一些持续引发西方担忧的交易，例如近期卷入半导体供应链地缘政治争夺战的荷兰安世半导体收购案。

Most of China’s financing in the developing world has been loans to governments for big projects, but that has increasingly shifted to emergency lending as the borrowing countries have fallen deep into debt. In the developed world, Beijing’s focus has been more commercial. The AidData figures do not include China’s $730 billion holdings of U.S. Treasury securities.

中国对发展中国家的融资大多是向政府提供的大型项目贷款，但随着借款国深陷债务危机，这类融资已逐渐转向紧急贷款。而在发达国家，中国的融资重点更偏向商业领域。AidData的统计未包含中国持有的7300亿美元美国国债。

Since 2000, China has become a financial powerhouse, with deep-pocketed, state-owned financial institutions and policy banks that have a mandate to fulfill Beijing’s political ambitions. Its overseas lending accelerated after 2013 under its top leader, Xi Jinping, who used China’s coffers to shell out more than $1 trillion in loans for infrastructure projects in developing countries through its Belt and Road Initiative.

2000年以来，中国已成为金融强国，拥有资金雄厚的国有金融机构和政策性银行，这些机构肩负着实现中国政治抱负的使命。2013年以来，在中国最高领导人习近平的推动下，中国通过“一带一路”倡议，动用国库资金，向发展中国家的基础设施项目发放了超过1万亿美元贷款，海外放贷迅速增长。

2022年，印度尼西亚万隆市一项由中国提供资金的铁路项目。

That sprawling program gave Beijing leverage in parts of the world that had been overlooked by Western powers. The program has been criticized for creating unaffordable levels of debt and for directing contracts to China’s own companies, which, at times, has resulted in problematic projects.

这一庞大计划让中国在西方大国忽视的部分地区获得了影响力，但也因导致借款国债务负担过重、将合同定向授予中国本土企业，有时导致存在问题的项目而受到批评。

More recently, China has scaled back its lending to poorer countries, while extending more credit to wealthier ones like Australia and the United Kingdom. It now lends just as much to high-income countries as to the developing world — $1 trillion, according to AidData.

近年来，中国减少了对较贫穷国家的放贷规模，同时增加了对澳大利亚、英国等富裕国家的信贷支持。AidData的报告显示，目前中国对高收入国家和发展中国家的放贷规模相当，均为1万亿美元。

China’s loans to developed nations are typically lines of credit to governments and major companies. The lenders are often state-owned institutions, like the Bank of China and the Agricultural Bank of China. Some of them are publicly listed and rank among the world’s biggest banks, but many experts regard them warily because they are sometimes required to fulfill the Chinese Communist Party’s policy mandates.

中国向发达国家提供的贷款通常是向政府和大型企业发放的信贷额度，放贷机构多为中国银行、中国农业银行等国有银行。其中部分机构已公开上市，跻身全球最大银行之列，但许多专家对它们保持警惕——因为它们有时需要执行中国共产党的政策指令。

Their financing has flowed to sectors like critical minerals, infrastructure and sensitive technology like semiconductors, areas that experts warn could give Beijing an economic hold on strategic commodity reserves, supply chains and maritime choke points.

这些融资流入关键矿产、基础设施、半导体等敏感技术领域。专家警告，这可能让中国在战略商品储备、供应链和海上咽喉要道方面获得经济控制权。

“These bankers tend to lend to profitable projects, but they are often also forced to pay attention to the diktats of the Communist Party,” said Andrew Collier, a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School and former president of the Bank of China International in the United States.

“这些银行家通常会向盈利项目放贷，但他们也经常被迫遵守共产党的指令。”哈佛大学肯尼迪学院高级研究员、前中银国际美国分行总裁柯安迪(Andrew Collier)表示。

“The chairmen of the four biggest state-owned banks are all players at the poker table at the highest level of government in China,” Mr. Collier said.

“中国四大国有银行的行长都是中国最高层政府决策圈的重要参与者。”柯安迪还说。

Chinese state-owned lenders extended more than $335 billion in credit for mergers and acquisitions in dozens of countries, and three-quarters of the funding went to buyers from China in sectors including robotics, biotechnology and quantum information, according to the AidData research.

AidData的研究显示，中国国有放贷机构已向数十个国家的并购交易提供超过3350亿美元信贷，其中四分之三的资金流向中国收购方，涉及机器人、生物技术、量子信息等领域。

位于德国汉堡的安世半导体工厂。这家芯片制造商近期被荷兰政府接管，此前一家中国公司收购其控股权。

Some of these deals have since come undone. In 2019, the Chinese company Wingtech Technology acquired a controlling stake in Nexperia, a chipmaker headquartered in the Netherlands. Earlier this year, the Dutch government took control of Nexperia after Washington introduced regulations that would have imposed strict controls on its operations because its Chinese owner was on a sanctions list.

部分此类交易后来已告中止。2019年，中国企业闻泰科技收购了总部位于荷兰的芯片制造商安世半导体的控股权。今年早些时候，因美国将这家中国控股方列入黑名单并对其实施严格运营管制，荷兰政府随即接管了安世。

In the United States, Chinese institutions’ funding activities have ranged from day-to-day commercial financing for companies to the bankrolling of construction projects for liquefied natural gas and gas pipelines. They also include financing some of the most scrutinized acquisitions by Chinese companies with close ties to the government.

在美国，中国机构的融资活动涵盖范围广泛：从企业日常商业融资到液化天然气和天然气管道建设项目的资金支持，还包括为一些与中国政府关系密切的中资企业备受审视的收购案提供资金。

An attempt by an investor with ties to Beijing to buy the Oregon-based Lattice Semiconductor Corporation was blocked by President Trump during his first term. Not long after, Congress strengthened its review of Chinese investments. It has since become significantly more difficult for China to finance acquisitions in sensitive sectors in the United States.

特朗普在第一任期内曾阻止与北京有关联的投资者收购俄勒冈州莱迪思半导体公司。不久后，美国国会加强了对中资投资的审查。此后，中国在美敏感领域进行收购融资的难度显著增加。

The older generation always discounts the workplace complaints of the younger generation. In my 20s, there seemed to be an endless supply of commentary about how we millennials were lazy and entitled, just like the members of Generation X before us were slackers. Members of Gen Z get the bad rap of being “unemployable,” because apparently they do not prize achievement for its own sake, or they’d rather be influencers because the internet has broken their brains.

老一辈人总爱对年轻一代的职场抱怨不以为然。在我二十多岁的时候，舆论似乎没完没了地评论我们千禧一代如何懒惰、自以为是，就像当年说X世代是懒虫一样。如今Z世代又被贴上“没法胜任工作”的标签，只因他们不求上进，或是想当网红——仿佛互联网摧毁了他们的理智。

Gen Z-ers don’t even deserve this perfunctory slander, because the entire process of getting and keeping an entry-level job has become a grueling and dehumanizing ordeal over the past decade.

Z世代其实不该背负这种草率的诋毁，因为过去十年间，找到并保住一份入门级工作的整个过程，已经变成了一场令人筋疲力尽、失去人性的折磨。

Certainly the job market seems grim in this moment. Michael Madowitz, the principal economist at the Roosevelt Institute, described it as “an awful traffic jam.” “If you’re just out of college, you’re trying to merge into a freeway and nobody is letting you in,” he explained. Employers at companies like Airbnb and Intuit almost sound excited talking to The Wall Street Journal about staying lean and culling the number of employees they have, as long as it creates short-term profits.

眼下的就业市场确实显得严峻。罗斯福研究所的首席经济学家迈克尔·马多维茨形容它像“一场可怕的大塞车”。他说：“如果你刚从大学毕业，就像在试图并入一条高速公路，而没人愿意让你进来。”像爱彼迎和Intuit这些公司的管理层在接受《华尔街日报》采访时，对于如何保持精简、削减员工人数来换取短期利润几乎是津津乐道的态度。

But the whole experience of work for young people has been tortured for far longer than the economy has been stalled. Earlier this year, my colleague David Brooks spoke to a college senior who called young Americans “the most rejected generation,” describing the hypercompetition that has bled into all aspects of life, even for the most privileged college-educated strivers.

早在眼下的经济停滞期开始之前，职场的体验对年轻人来说就已经是煎熬了。今年早些时候，我的同事戴维·布鲁克斯与一名大四学生对话，后者称美国年轻人是“被拒绝最多的一代”，激烈的竞争已渗透生活的各个角落，即便是享有特权的名校精英亦难幸免。

Because most job applications are submitted online, the bar to applying is so much lower than it was in the analog world decades ago, and so for any open role, applicants are competing with hundreds of people. The sense of scarcity and lack starts earlier, because so many selective colleges boast about their record-low admissions rates.

因为如今大多数求职申请都是在线提交的，比几十年前纸质申请的门槛低得多，所以每一个空缺职位都意味着要与上百个竞争者较量。资源稀缺和匮乏的感觉，则开始的更早，毕竟众多精英大学还在得意地宣称录取率达到了史上最低。

But now artificial intelligence is performing the first few rounds of culling, including early screening, which is further dehumanizing and gamifying the application process. Richard Yoon, who is an economics major at Columbia, told me that when his peers have multiple interviews for jobs in finance, he asks if they heard back from any of them. They tell him: “You don’t understand. Like 19 of those 20 interviews were with bots.”

如今人工智能更承担了初步的筛选工作，包括首轮简历筛选，这使求职过程进一步非人化，沦为游戏规则。哥伦比亚大学经济学专业学生理查德·尹告诉我，当他的同学在金融业经过多轮面试后，他问及后续进展时总是得到这样的回答：“你不明白。20场面试里至少有19场是和机器人在聊。”

It’s customary for job seekers to review their résumés for keywords they think A.I. likes, Yoon told me, so that they might have a chance of getting through the digitized gantlet and one day making human contact that could possibly lead to a job offer. Or at the very least a real-life networking connection. Yoon called the process “dystopian.”

尹告诉我，求职者如今都习惯在简历里堆砌自以为人工智能偏好的关键词，只有这样，他们才有可能闯过数字化筛选的关卡，获得与真人接触的机会，进而争取工作邀约。或者至少建立起真实的职场人脉。他称这是个“反乌托邦”的过程。

But once you actually have a job, the real dystopia begins. Young people feel as if jobs offer far less mentorship and more micromanaging. Stevie Stevens, who is 27 and lives in Columbus, Ohio, told me that she left a full-time job in July at an exhibition design and production firm because she felt hyperscrutinized and undersupported. “Managers expect you to do six jobs in a 40-hour workweek. My company had mediocre benefits and offered little to no professional growth or training,” she told me.

但踏入职场后，真正的反乌托邦才开始。年轻人感到工作中的指导扶持变少了，而微管理却无处不在。27岁的斯蒂薇·史蒂文斯现居俄亥俄州哥伦布市，她告诉我，她在7月辞去了在一家展览设计与制作公司的全职工作，因为她觉得自己被过度审视却缺乏支持。她说，“经理们希望你在每周40小时的工作时间内完成六个人的工作。公司福利平平，难以获得职业成长或培训机会。”

Stevens also said that what she calls “surveillance state technologies” — apps that synthesized her personal data to determine her level of effort — are part of that feeling of micromanagement. Though she doesn’t have benefits through work now and deals with more uncertainty as a freelancer, she is happier because she has autonomy and control over her time and her efforts.

史蒂文斯还提到她所谓的“监控国家的技术”——那些通过整合个人数据来评估工作投入度的应用程序——正是她感到被过度管理的来源之一。尽管如今自由职业缺乏福利保障且收入不稳，她却因能自主掌控时间与工作节奏而备感轻松。

For the past several years, employers have used “bossware” to track worker productivity. A Times investigation in 2022 found that across professional fields and pay grades, employers were tracking keyboard use, movements and phone calls, and docking employees for time that they perceived to be “idle.”

过去几年，雇主一直在使用所谓的“老板软件”来追踪员工的工作效率。《纽约时报》在2022年的一项调查发现，在各个职业领域和薪资等级中，雇主都在监控键盘使用频次、移动轨迹与通话记录，并且会扣除他们认为员工在“偷懒”的时间。

That kind of tracking doesn’t account for things like conversations with peers, thinking — you know, with your brain — or, if you work in a warehouse, taking a rest so your body doesn’t fall apart. At least older workers knew a time before this tracking was ubiquitous, and at this point might be senior enough to have the leverage to push back against the most extreme types of surveillance.

这种监控方式并没有考虑到一些事情，比如同事间的交流、思考——你懂的，用大脑思考——更遑论给仓储工人留出避免身体透支的必要休憩。至少年长的员工还记得在这种监控无处不在之前的时代，如今他们的职位也足够高，有资本去抵制极端的监视行为。

It’s no wonder, then, that a working paper published by the National Bureau of Economic Research in July found that young worker despair has been rising in the United States for about a decade. Its co-authors, David Blanchflower and Alex Bryson, analyzed data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, a yearly federal health survey of 400,000 Americans, focusing on how many bad mental health days — ones described as containing “stress, depression and problems with emotions” — a worker had in the past month. They then created a mental despair measurement using the number of bad mental health days, comparing mental despair across demographic, employment and educational characteristics.

美国国家经济研究局在七月份发表的一份工作文件的发现，因此也就在意料之中了。文件称美国年轻劳动者的绝望感在过去十年里持续上升。两位合著者——戴维·布兰奇弗劳尔和亚历克斯·布赖森——分析了行为风险因素监测系统的数据，这是一项针对40万名美国人的年度联邦健康调查，重点关注过去一个月中，劳动者经历的“不好的心理健康日”的数量，即那些“充满压力、抑郁和情绪问题”的日子。他们据此建立了一个“心理绝望指数”，并将不同人口、职业和教育背景群体之间的心理绝望程度进行了对比研究。

Blanchflower and Bryson found that for workers under 25, mental health is now so poor that they are generally as unhappy as their unemployed counterparts, which is new in the past several years. The rise in despair is particularly pronounced among women and the less educated. Last year, job satisfaction for people under 25 was about 15 points lower than it was for people over 55. This was true in the same year that satisfaction rose for every other age group, according to a survey from the Conference Board. The unhappiness of young workers seemed so pronounced in the past year — whether because of the rapid rise of A.I., the uncertainty of the market, or some other rancid combination of post-Covid malaise and general disaffection.

布兰奇弗劳尔与布莱森发现，25岁以下职场群体的心理健康状况已严重恶化，其痛苦程度普遍与失业者相当——这一现象在过去几年才出现。绝望情绪的上升在女性和受教育程度较低的人群中尤为显著。去年，25岁以下人群的工作满意度比55岁以上人群低了大约15个百分点。美国世界大型企业联合会的调查显示，在同年，其他所有年龄组的满意度都在上升。年轻劳动者的不满在过去一年里尤为明显——无论是因为人工智能的迅速崛起、市场的不确定性，还是新冠疫情后的倦怠与普遍不满交织形成的某种恶劣组合。

I called Bryson to find out more about why young workers are so unhappy. He has two hypotheses. One is that the perception of work satisfaction has changed: Young people expect to be happier than previous generations were, in part because they’re using social media to compare themselves to some of their peers, only to then find themselves disappointed by the tedium of their own 9-to-5s. But the other hypothesis is in line with what I’m hearing from young people: The workplace is markedly worse.

我打电话给布赖森，想进一步了解为什么年轻劳动者如此不快乐。他提出了两个假说。其一是，工作满意度的认知发生了变化：年轻人抬高了幸福预期，部分原因是他们在社交媒体上不断与同龄人比较，结果却发现自己的朝九晚五单调乏味，从而备感失落。另一个假说则与我从年轻人那里听到的情况一致：职场环境的确变得更糟了。

Employers might not extend the workday, Bryson speculated, but the amount of work expected in each hour is “intensifying” because every move is captured and cataloged by employers. This makes employees feel as though they have no job control, which “is a fundamental tenet in terms of job quality, the idea that you feel that you have some degree of autonomy over what you’re doing rather than just being directed as an automaton,” Bryson said.

布赖森推测，虽然雇主可能并没有延长工作日的时间，但每小时被期待完成的工作量正在“加剧”，因为员工的每一个动作都被雇主记录和归档。这让员工觉得丧失了对工作的掌控力，而这种掌控感“是衡量工作质量的核心要素之一，也就是你觉得自己对所做的事情拥有一定的自主性，而不是像机器一样被人操控”，布赖森说道。

Gen Z-ers seem to be having a few disparate reactions to this state of play. Both Stevens and Yoon told me that they see entrepreneurship as potentially safer than corporate work at this point. Yoon told me he saw a family member spend decades at a Fortune 500 company only to get unceremoniously laid off, and it has made him consider a less traditional path. The other is unionization. Bryson wondered if the renewed support for unionization among young people in the United States is an antidote to this misery.

Z世代似乎对这种局面出现了几种不同的反应。斯蒂文斯和尹都告诉我，他们认为创业现在可能比在公司打工更安全。尹说，他看到一位家人在一家财富500强企业工作了几十年，却遭粗暴裁员，这促使他重新审视传统职业路径。另一种反应则是加入工会。布赖森推测，美国年轻人中对工会支持度的回升，也许正是对抗这种痛苦的一种解药。

Whatever is going to happen for Gen Z-ers as we all live through the A.I. revolution, I hope that their elders approach them with more compassion than disdain. At least I got rejected to my face when I was in my 20s, which now seems like a luxury I didn’t appreciate.

无论在人工智能革命中Z世代的命运将如何，我都希望长辈能对他们施以更多的同情而非不屑。至少我在二十多岁时遭遇的拒绝都是当面进行的——这如今看来竟成了我不曾珍惜的奢侈。

President Trump denounced calls for the release of the Epstein files as a Democratic hoax. He dispatched aides to warn Republicans that backing it would be seen as a “hostile act.” He placed personal calls to those who dared to do so, and even dispatched his attorney general and F.B.I. director to meet with one in the White House Situation Room in efforts to get her to flip.

特朗普总统曾将公布爱泼斯坦档案的呼声斥为民主党的骗局。他派助手警告共和党人，支持公开档案将被视为“敌对行为”。他亲自致电那些胆敢这样做的人，甚至派司法部长和联邦调查局局长在白宫战情室会见其中一位议员，试图让她改变态度。

In the end, none of it worked. And on Sunday night, Mr. Trump did something he has rarely been forced to do: He caved in the face of pressure from his party and called on House Republicans to go ahead and back a bill that would order his Justice Department to release all of its investigative files on the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

最终，这些做法都没有奏效。上周日晚间，特朗普做了一个他很少被迫做的事：在党内压力面前让步，呼吁众议院共和党人继续推进支持一项法案，该法案将命令司法部公布所有关于性犯罪罪犯杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的调查档案。

By Monday, he was saying, “Sure,” he would sign the legislation he has spent months trying to kill.

到了周一，他表示：“当然，”他会签署这项他在过去几个月里一直试图扼杀的法案。

It’s not clear that doing so would have any concrete impact; Mr. Trump could have ordered the release of the files without an act of Congress, and has not. And it remains to be seen whether his Justice Department will ultimately release the files.

目前尚不清楚这样做是否会带来任何实际影响；特朗普本可以在无需国会通过立法的情况下下令公布这些档案，但他没有这样做。司法部最终是否会公布这些档案也仍有待观察。

But his reversal has opened the floodgates of Republican backing for the bill, which is expected to come to a vote in the House as early as Tuesday and appears likely to pass unanimously. It has also raised questions about Mr. Trump’s ability to impose his will on Republicans and the nation, suggesting a slip in his iron grip on his party amid his falling polling numbers, rising prices and rifts within his political coalition.

但他立场的转变为共和党人支持这项法案敞开了大门。该法案最快将于周二在众议院进行表决，并很可能获得一致通过。特朗普的转变也引发了关于他能否继续对共和党和整个国家施加强大控制力的疑问，显示出他在民调下滑、物价上涨及政治联盟内部出现裂痕之际对党内的牢固掌控力有所松动。

For the first 10 months of his presidency, Mr. Trump has steered the narrative and bullied Congress into doing whatever he wanted with almost no pushback. But as Republicans gear up for midterm elections and some begin to plot a future after Mr. Trump, the Epstein episode is a rare instance in which he has lost control.

在任期的前10个月，特朗普几乎毫无阻力地主导议程，并胁迫国会按他的意愿行事。但随着共和党人为中期选举摩拳擦掌，一些人开始筹划后特朗普时代的未来，爱泼斯坦事件成为他罕见的失控之处。

For months, House Republicans had dreaded the prospect of a vote on releasing the Epstein files. Such a moment would leave them torn between pressure from a fervent base demanding that they support the release of the files and a vengeful president who was demanding the opposite.

几个月来，众议院共和党人一直惧怕就公布爱泼斯坦档案进行表决。一旦投票表决，他们将陷入两难境地：一方面，狂热的支持者要求他们支持公开档案；另一方面，报复心强烈的总统则要求他们反对。

Mr. Trump’s about-face was a bow to the inevitable that came after it had become clear that many, if not most, Republicans were planning to support the measure, wary of appearing to aid in a coverup for a sex offender.

特朗普的突然转向是在一个越来越明显的事实面前的必然让步：许多甚至是大多数共和党人都准备支持这一举措，因为他们担心被视为在协助掩盖一名性犯罪者的罪行。

Mr. Trump’s turnabout came after private conversations with Republicans, who warned him that they would have to vote to release the files because of pressure from their constituents. In those conversations, according to a person briefed on them who insisted on anonymity to discuss them, Mr. Trump acknowledged that the vote was now an inevitability, and that if they needed to support it they should do so. And he listened to Republicans who told him that his opposition was making it seem like he had something to hide.

特朗普的转变源于与共和党人的私下交谈，这些议员警告他，由于选民施压，他们必须投票支持解密文件。据一位要求匿名讨论此事的消息人士透露，在这些交谈中，特朗普承认投票已不可避免，并表示若共和党人需要支持该决议就应当这样做。同时，他也听取了共和党人的意见——他们指出，特朗普的反对立场会让人觉得他有所隐瞒。

In the end, Mr. Trump did not want to lose.

到头来，特朗普不想输。

So on Sunday night, the president drafted a post for Truth Social while flying aboard Air Force One from Florida to Washington, reversing course.

因此，上周日晚间，总统乘坐“空军一号”从佛罗里达州飞往华盛顿途中，在Truth Social平台起草了一条帖子，宣布立场反转。

“House Republicans should vote to release the Epstein files,” he wrote, “because we have nothing to hide, and it’s time to move on from this Democrat Hoax.”

“众议院共和党人应投票支持公开爱泼斯坦文件，”他写道，“因为我们没什么可隐瞒的，是时候摆脱这个民主党的骗局了。”

Mr. Trump was forced to make the pivot because he failed to sway three Republican women who had signed onto a petition that would force a vote on the bill, which would compel the Justice Department to release all of its files on Mr. Epstein within 30 days. After the petition received 218 signatures, a House majority, the rules required an eventual vote, and Speaker Mike Johnson said he would call one this week.

特朗普被迫转变立场，是因为他未能说服三位签署请愿书要求就该法案进行投票的共和党女性议员。该法案将迫使司法部在30天内公开所有与爱泼斯坦相关的文件。请愿书获得218个签名（占众议院多数席位）之后，根据规则，必须进行最终投票，众议院议长迈克·约翰逊表示将于本周召集投票。

Representative Ro Khanna, the California Democrat who is a co-sponsor of the measure, said that the vote would be an extraordinary example of a unique coalition standing up to Mr. Trump, with the backing of his MAGA base.

该法案的共同发起人、加利福尼亚州民主党众议员罗·康纳表示，这次投票是一个独特联盟挺身而出对抗总统的特殊案例，该联盟获得了特朗普MAGA票仓的支持。

“In 48 hours, we went from the president threatening to un-endorse Republicans and hauling them into the Situation Room to his surrendering to math,” said Mr. Khanna, who also predicted a unanimous vote.

“48小时内，我们见证了总统从威胁不再支持共和党人，将他们传召到战情室施压，到最终向现实低头的全过程，”康纳说，他还预测，法案将获得全票通过。

That is in part because the measure has the backing of Representative Thomas Massie, Republican of Kentucky, who is often the lone dissident who breaks with his party to oppose legislation that Mr. Trump urges the conference to support. In this case, Mr. Massie is running the show: He and Mr. Khanna are co-sponsors of the Epstein transparency bill.

部分原因在于该法案得到了肯塔基州共和党众议员托马斯·梅西的支持。梅西经常违背党派立场，成为党内唯一的异议者，反对特朗普敦促党团支持的法案。但此次，梅西是主导者：他与康纳共同发起了这项“爱泼斯坦透明化法案”。

On Monday, Mr. Trump sounded eager to move past the episode and worried about the impact it could have on him and his party.

周一，特朗普似乎急于翻过这一页，同时担忧此事可能对他本人及政党造成影响。

“Let anybody look at it, but don’t talk about it too much, because honestly I don’t want to take it away from us,” Mr. Trump told reporters in the Oval Office, calling the Epstein files “a Democrat problem.” “The whole thing is a hoax, and I don’t want to take it away from really the greatness of what the Republican Party has accomplished over the last period of time.”

“任何人都可以去看这些文件，但别整天说这个，说实话，我不想让这件事盖过我们的风头，”特朗普在椭圆形办公室告诉记者，称爱泼斯坦文件是“民主党的问题”。“整件事都是骗局，我不想让它掩盖共和党过去一段时间取得的辉煌成就。”

Asked whether he would sign the measure, he told reporters, “Sure I would.”

当被问及是否会签署该法案时，他对记者说：“我当然会。”

That raised renewed questions about whether Senator John Thune, Republican of South Dakota and majority leader, would bring the bill to a vote in that chamber. Mr. Thune had previously hinted that moving ahead with a vote was not a priority.

这再次引发疑问：南达科他州共和党参议员、参议院多数党领袖约翰·图恩是否会将该法案提交参议院投票。图恩此前曾暗示，推进这项投票并非优先事项。

But a unanimous House vote — or even a lopsided one — in favor of releasing the files would place enormous pressure on him to allow the bill to be considered in the Senate.

但如果众议院全票通过（即便只是压倒性多数通过）支持公开文件，将给图恩带来巨大压力，迫使他允许参议院审议该法案。

Senator Jacky Rosen, Democrat of Nevada, wrote to Mr. Thune last week urging him to quickly schedule a vote.

内华达州民主党参议员杰基·罗森上周致信图恩，敦促他尽快安排投票。

The United Nations Security Council on Monday approved President Trump’s peace plan for Gaza, a breakthrough that provides a legal U.N. mandate for the administration’s vision of how to move past the cease-fire and rebuild the war-ravaged Gaza Strip after two years of war.

联合国安理会周一批准了特朗普总统提出的加沙和平计划。这一突破性进展意味着美国政府关于如何在停火的基础上推进、重建历经两年战火摧残的加沙地带的构想得到了联合国在法律上的授权。

The Council’s vote was also a major diplomatic victory for the Trump administration. For the past two years, as the conflict between Israel and Hamas has raged, the United States had been isolated at the United Nations over its staunch support for Israel.

此次投票也是特朗普政府的重大外交胜利。过去两年，以色列与哈马斯冲突愈演愈烈，美国因坚定支持以色列在联合国陷入孤立。

The U.S. resolution calls for an International Stabilization Force to enter, demilitarize and govern Gaza. The proposal, which contained Mr. Trump’s 20-point cease-fire plan, also envisions a “Board of Peace” to oversee the peace plan, though it does not clarify the composition of the board.

美国提交的决议呼吁组建一支“国际稳定部队”进入加沙，负责该地区的非军事化与治理工作。这份提案包含特朗普提出的20点停火计划，还设想成立“和平委员会”，监督和平计划实施，但未明确该委员会的构成。

The resolution passed with 13 votes in favor and zero votes against. Russia and China, either of which could have vetoed it, abstained, apparently swayed by the support for the resolution from a number of Arab and Muslim nations: Egypt, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, as well as Indonesia, Turkey and Pakistan, which is a member of the Council.

决议以13票赞成、0票反对的结果通过。本可行使否决权的俄罗斯和中国选择弃权，显然是受到多个阿拉伯和穆斯林国家支持态度的影响——包括埃及、约旦、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯、阿联酋，以及安理会成员国印度尼西亚、土耳其和巴基斯坦。

Mike Waltz, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, who addressed the Council before the vote, called Gaza “hell on earth” and held up a copy of the resolution, describing it as “a lifeline.” After the vote, Mr. Waltz thanked the Council for “joining us in charting a new course for Israelis, Palestinians and all the people in the region alike.”

美国驻联合国大使迈克·沃尔茨在投票前向安理会发表讲话，称加沙已成为“人间地狱”，并举起决议文本，形容它是一条“生命线”。投票结束后，沃尔茨感谢安理会“与我们一同为以色列人、巴勒斯坦人及该地区所有民众规划新道路”。

Security Council resolutions are considered legally binding international law, and although the Council does not have a mechanism for enforcing such resolutions, it can take measures to punish violators with penalties such as sanctions.

安理会决议具有国际法约束力，尽管安理会没有强制执行机制，但可采取制裁等惩罚措施，惩戒违反决议者。

“It’s a win-win,” said Richard Gowan, the U.N. director of the International Crisis Group, a conflict-preventing organization. “It’s a diplomatic victory for Trump but also a recognition that the U.N. matters.”

“这是双赢，”致力于预防冲突的国际危机组织联合国事务主任理查德·高恩表示，“既是特朗普的外交胜利，也彰显了联合国的重要性。”

Still, the path forward is plagued by many uncertainties, with Israeli strikes continuing in Gaza and outbreaks of violence erupting in the West Bank. Among the next steps would be naming members of the Board of Peace, the body in charge of overseeing the transition in Gaza, and clarifying under whose authority the stabilization forces would operate.

不过，未来之路仍充满不确定性：以色列对加沙的空袭仍在继续，约旦河西岸也爆发了暴力冲突。后续关键步骤包括任命负责监督加沙过渡事务的“和平委员会”成员，以及明确国际稳定部队应该在谁的指挥下运作。

美国决议要求国际稳定部队进入加沙地带，实施非军事化并接管该地区的治理工作。

The resolution says that if the Palestinian Authority, which partly governs the West Bank, undergoes reforms and the redevelopment of the shattered Gaza Strip advances, the conditions “may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.”

决议指出，若部分治理约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦民族权力机构完成改革，且满目疮痍的加沙重建取得进展，“巴勒斯坦人民实现自决与建国的可信路径或许终将具备条件。”

Algeria’s ambassador to the United Nations, Amar Bendjama, the only Arab member of the Council and who was negotiating on behalf of the United Nations’ Arab Group, thanked Mr. Trump for his personal engagement in bringing the conflict in Gaza to the end. But he said the aspirations of Palestinians for a state should not be overlooked.

阿尔及利亚驻联合国大使阿马尔·本贾马是安理会唯一阿拉伯成员国代表，同时代表联合国阿拉伯集团参与谈判。他感谢特朗普亲自介入，推动加沙冲突结束，但强调巴勒斯坦人的建国诉求不应被忽视。

“Genuine peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without justice, justice for the Palestinian people, who have waited for decades for the creation of their independent state,” he said.

“中东地区的真正和平离不开正义——为数十年来等待建立独立国家的巴勒斯坦人民争取正义，”他说。

Many Council members, including France, Guyana, Pakistan, Slovenia and Somalia, had issues with the fact that the resolution did not include clear language on Palestinian statehood. But they said that they had endorsed the proposal to support the political momentum, prevent the resurgence of violence and allow much-needed humanitarian aid to flow into the enclave. They reiterated that the territorial integrity of Gaza must remain intact, and that lasting peace must be rooted in a two-state solution.

法国、圭亚那、巴基斯坦、斯洛文尼亚和索马里等多个安理会成员国对决议未明确提及巴勒斯坦建国表示不满。但它们表示，为支持政治进程、防止暴力重燃、让急需的人道主义援助进入加沙，最终认可该提案。这些国家重申，加沙的领土完整必须得到维护，持久和平必须建立在两国方案基础之上。

Still, the language in the resolution about Palestinian statehood had drawn objections from Israel, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying on Sunday that “our opposition to a Palestinian state in any territory has not changed.”

尽管如此，决议中关于巴勒斯坦建国的表述遭到以色列反对。以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡周日表示，“我们反对在任何领土上建立巴勒斯坦国的立场从未改变。”

Among the challenges the International Stabilization Force will face is how to confront Hamas’s fighters, who are still armed and present in Gaza. The resolution states that the force would be responsible for destroying military infrastructure in Gaza and decommissioning the militant groups’s weapons.

国际稳定部队将面临多项挑战，其中包括如何应对仍在加沙地带并持有武器的哈马斯武装人员。决议规定，该部队负责摧毁加沙的军事基础设施，并收缴激进组织的武器。

But Arab and Muslim countries expected to send soldiers to Gaza — Egypt, Indonesia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates — are wary of their troops’ engaging in armed clashes with Palestinian militants and of any more bloodshed turning Arab public opinion against their involvement.

但预计将向加沙派遣士兵的阿拉伯和穆斯林国家——埃及、印度尼西亚、土耳其、阿联酋——对此心存顾虑，它们担心本国军队与巴勒斯坦激进分子发生武装冲突，且更多流血事件可能引发阿拉伯民众反对其介入。

The Trump administration sought the mandate at the United Nations because those countries said they needed Security Council authorization so that their troops would not be viewed by their own populations as occupiers in Gaza.

特朗普政府寻求联合国授权，正是因为这些国家表示需要安理会的批准，避免本国军队被民众视为加沙的占领者。

Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, said on Monday: “The demilitarization of Hamas is a basic condition of the peace agreement. There will be no future in Gaza as long as Hamas possesses weapons.”

以色列驻联合国大使丹尼·达农周一表示：“哈马斯非军事化是和平协议的基本条件。只要哈马斯仍持有武器，加沙就没有未来。”

The resolution went through multiple revisions in negotiations last week and faced significant pushback from many Council members, including Europeans, who demanded more clarity on Palestinian statehood and the Board of Peace.

该决议上周在谈判中经历多次修改，遭到包括欧洲国家在内的多个安理会成员国强烈反对，这些国家要求就巴勒斯坦建国问题及和平委员会的职能作出更明确的表述。

At one point late last week, objections by China and Russia, which typically coordinate their positions around resolutions by the United States, threatened to derail the resolution altogether. Russia drafted its own 10-point counterresolution on Gaza, which called outright for Palestinian statehood and said the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza should be joined as a state under the Palestinian Authority.

上周晚些时候，向来在涉美决议上立场协调一致的中俄两国曾提出反对，险些导致决议夭折。俄罗斯起草了自己的10点加沙提案，明确呼吁建立巴勒斯坦国，并主张以色列占领的约旦河西岸与加沙应合并为巴勒斯坦民族权力机构管辖下的统一国家。

The United States made minimal compromises on the resolution and instead rallied the support of the Arab and Muslim countries to pressure Russia and China not to be seen as obstacles to a breakthrough in Gaza. Diplomats said that Mr. Waltz, had also warned the countries during negotiations that if the resolution failed, the cease-fire in Gaza would collapse.

美国在决议上仅做出最低限度的妥协，转而争取阿拉伯和穆斯林国家的支持，施压中俄勿成为阻碍加沙突破性进展的一方。外交官透露，沃尔茨在谈判中还警告各国，若决议不能通过，加沙停火将彻底破裂。

周一，安理会就特朗普总统加沙和平计划进行表决之前，美国驻联合国大使迈克尔·沃尔兹（左）与以色列驻联合国大使丹尼·达农。

The stakes were high for all the major actors. Palestinians want the suffering and the war to end. Israelis want Hamas disarmed. And the United States hoped to be the major player bringing peace to the region.

对于所有主要相关方而言，该决议都利害攸关：巴勒斯坦人希望苦难与战争结束，以色列人希望哈马斯解除武装，美国则希望成为推动该地区和平的主要力量。

The resolution allows the World Bank, a U.N. entity, to allocate financial resources for the reconstruction of Gaza and calls for the establishment of a dedicated trust fund for this purpose.

决议授权联合国下属机构世界银行调配资金，用于加沙重建，并呼吁为此设立专门信托基金。

The resolution authorizes the Board of Peace to oversee Gaza at least until the end of 2027 and says that the enclave would be managed day-to-day by a “technocratic, apolitical committee of competent Palestinians from the Strip.”

决议授权和平委员会监督加沙事务至少至2027年底，并规定加沙的日常管理由“一支由加沙本土合格巴勒斯坦人组成的技术型、非政治性委员会”负责。

The stabilization force would also coordinate with Egypt and Israel to train and support Palestinian police personnel, protect civilians, work to secure humanitarian corridors and secure border areas.

国际稳定部队还将与埃及和以色列协调，培训并支持巴勒斯坦警察部队、保护平民、保障人道主义通道安全及边境地区安全。

South Korean officials pleased President Trump last month by presenting him with their nation’s highest honor and a replica of a gold crown. The next day he had a surprise for his hosts.

韩国官员上月向特朗普总统授予韩国最高荣誉勋章并赠送了一顶金冠复制品，令总统十分满意。次日，特朗普也给东道主带来了惊喜。

He gave the green light to South Korea’s long-cherished dream of deploying nuclear-powered attack submarines.

他批准了韩国长期以来梦寐以求的愿望——部署核动力攻击潜艇。

But the two nations have yet to sort out thorny issues such as where to build the subs, in the United States or in South Korea. It is also unclear how their enriched uranium fuel will be supplied.

但两国仍需解决一些棘手问题，比如潜艇将在美国还是韩国建造，浓缩铀燃料的供应方式也尚未明确。

Washington helped build Seoul’s nuclear energy industry in the 1970s on the condition that it would not enrich uranium, even for peaceful purposes, without American approval.

上世纪70年代，美国曾帮助韩国发展核能产业，条件是韩国未经美国批准不得进行铀浓缩活动，即便是用于和平目的也不例外。

Last month in Gyeongju, South Korea, President Lee Jae Myung made what appeared to be a compelling argument to Mr. Trump. South Korea wanted nuclear-powered attack subs to strengthen its defenses against North Korea and China and reduce the burden on allied U.S. forces, he said, but it needed American support in securing their fuel.

上月在韩国庆州，李在明总统向特朗普提出了一项看似有说服力的诉求。他表示，韩国希望通过核动力攻击潜艇加强对朝鲜和中国的防御能力，减轻美国盟军的负担，但需要美国在燃料供应方面提供支持。

South Korea already runs a fleet of its own diesel-powered submarines, and experts say those can do the job around the Korean Peninsula. Still, Seoul has been gearing up to build nuclear-powered ones, which can stay underwater longer and move faster than the diesel version. They would not carry nuclear weapons, it said.

韩国目前已拥有一支柴油动力潜艇舰队，专家称这些潜艇足以胜任朝鲜半岛周边的任务。尽管如此，韩国仍在积极筹备建造核动力潜艇——这类潜艇比常规动力潜艇水下续航时间更长、速度更快。韩国方面表示，这些潜艇不会搭载核武器。

Only a few countries have nuclear-powered subs — the United States, Russia, China, Britain, France and India.

目前全球仅有美国、俄罗斯、中国、英国、法国和印度等少数国家拥有核动力潜艇。

2024年，在韩国蔚山的现代重工业公司举行的交接仪式上，一艘3000吨级的柴油动力潜艇正式移交海军。

“The biggest hurdle has been how to secure fuel,” Won Jong-dae, the chief procurement officer in South Korea’s Defense Ministry, said during a cabinet meeting this month.

“最大的障碍是如何获得燃料，”韩国国防部采购主管元钟大（音）本月在内阁会议上表示。

Nuclear fuel was also a sticking point in the trade and security agreement reached in Gyeongju. Last week, the two allies released a joint fact sheet about the deal, but key questions remain unsettled.

核燃料问题同样是庆州达成的贸易与安全协议中的争议焦点。上周，美韩两个盟国发布了关于该协议的联合情况说明，但关键问题仍未解决。

Washington’s longstanding stance on not allowing Seoul to enrich uranium or reprocess spent nuclear fuel was part of a strategy to contain the technology needed to make fuel for nuclear weapons. South Korea today has a fleet of 26 nuclear reactors, all powered by imported fuel.

美国长期以来不允许韩国进行铀浓缩或核燃料再处理的立场是其遏制核武器燃料制造技术扩散战略的一部分。如今韩国拥有26座核反应堆，全部使用进口燃料。

Seoul now wants to enrich uranium on its own to build its own fuel supply chain and ensure its energy security. It is also running out of waste storage space at many plants and wants to reprocess the spent fuel for reuse and to reduce waste.

韩国现在希望自主进行铀浓缩，建立本国的燃料供应链，确保能源安全。此外，韩国多家核电站的废料储存空间即将耗尽，希望对乏核燃料进行再处理以实现回收利用，减少废料数量。

Many in South Korea support uranium enrichment for another reason.

韩国国内许多人支持铀浓缩还有另一个原因。

They say that, like Japan and Germany, their country must gain “nuclear latency.” That means possessing the capacity to quickly produce nuclear weapons should the country decide that it could no longer trust the U.S. commitment to protect it from a nuclear attack from North Korea, or that staying under America’s so-called nuclear umbrella had become too costly.

他们表示，与日本和德国一样，韩国必须获得“核潜在能力”。这意味着，若韩国认为无法信任美国对其抵御朝鲜核攻击的保护承诺，或认为留在美国所谓的核保护伞下代价过高，该国应具备快速生产核武器的能力。

Washington has long suppressed its allies’ desire for nuclear latency, preferring to keep them under its nuclear umbrella and to exert the leverage that came with such dependency.

美国长期以来一直压制盟国获取核潜在能力的诉求，更倾向于将它们置于自己的核保护伞之下，并利用这种依赖关系施加影响力。

2022年，韩国庆州半月城核电站附近的一处海滩。

Song Min-soon, a former foreign minister of South Korea, said that talks about nuclear-powered submarines were obscuring a more urgent need for South Korea to gain nuclear latency and provide more options for its diplomacy. If South Korea enriches uranium for nuclear power stations, the problem of nuclear sub fuel will also be resolved, he said.

韩国前外长宋旻淳表示，关于核动力潜艇的谈判掩盖了更迫切的需求——韩国需要获得核潜在能力，为其外交提供更多选择。他说，若韩国为核电站进行铀浓缩，核潜艇燃料问题也将迎刃而解。

“If you are not preparing for this, you are either incompetent or irresponsible,” said Mr. Song, author of a new book on diplomatic strategy for South Korea. “If South Korea acquires nuclear latency and is ready to go nuclear should the threat continue, it will prompt China to restrain North Korea. It will lead the United States to strengthen its nuclear umbrella protection for South Korea. It will also boost the South Korean people’s confidence in their security.”

“如果不为此做准备，要么是无能，要么是不负责任，”宋旻淳表示，他最近出版了一本韩国外交战略著作。“如果韩国获得核潜在能力，并准备在威胁持续存在时发展核武器，这将促使中国约束朝鲜，推动美国加强对韩国的核保护伞，同时也会提升韩国民众的安全信心。”

Last week’s joint fact sheet couched the subject in vague wording. The United States agreed to support “the process that will lead to” South Korea’s enrichment and reprocessing for peaceful uses, adding that such efforts should be subject to U.S. legal requirements and consistent with the existing bilateral treaty.

上周的联合情况说明对此问题的表述含糊其辞。美国同意支持韩国为和平目的开展铀浓缩和乏核燃料再处理的“相关进程”，同时表示此类行动需遵守美国法律要求，并符合现有双边条约。

The United States also agreed to seek “avenues to source fuel” for South Korean nuclear-powered subs, without clarifying where they would be built.

美国还同意为韩国核动力潜艇“寻找燃料供应渠道”，但未明确潜艇的建造地点。

“This is a Band-Aid solution,” said Lee Byong-chul, an analyst at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies in Seoul.

“这只是权宜之计，”首尔远东研究所分析师李炳哲（音）表示。

South Korea, a signatory of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, says it has no intention of producing atomic bombs. But calls for nuclear weapons and nuclear-powered subs have increased in South Korea in recent years as both North Korea’s nuclear weapons arsenal and its threats to use them have increased. In March, North Korea revealed the hull of what it said was its own nuclear-powered sub under construction.

作为《不扩散核武器条约》缔约国，韩国表示无意制造原子弹。但近年来，随着朝鲜核武器库规模扩大及核威胁升级，韩国国内呼吁发展核武器和核动力潜艇的声音日益高涨。今年3月，朝鲜公布了一艘它声称正在建造的国产核动力潜艇的艇体。

When President Lee met with President Trump on the sidelines of an Asia-Pacific forum in South Korea last month, the South Korean leader emphasized that his country was a faithful ally that has committed to hundreds of billions of dollars in U.S. investments and purchases of American weapons. Then he made his pitch.

上月，李在明总统在韩国举行的亚太论坛期间与特朗普会面时，强调韩国是美国的忠实盟友，已承诺对美投资数千亿美元并采购美国武器。随后他提出了自己的诉求。

“Our ability to chase submarines in waters near North Korea or China is limited because diesel-powered submarines lag behind in underwater capabilities,” Mr. Lee told Mr. Trump during the Oct. 29 summit. “If you approve the supply of fuel, we will use our own technologies to build several submarines carrying conventional weapons and use them to defend waters east and west of the Korean Peninsula. That would significantly lessen the burden on the U.S. military.”

“柴油动力潜艇的水下性能有限，我们在朝鲜或中国附近海域追踪潜艇的能力不足，”李在明在10月29日的峰会上对特朗普表示。“如果您批准燃料供应，我们将利用自主技术建造多艘搭载常规武器的潜艇，用于保卫朝鲜半岛东西两侧海域。这将显著减轻美军的负担。”

朝鲜官方媒体提供的一张照片显示，朝鲜领导人金正恩于3月视察某造船厂期间查看一艘核潜艇。

The next day, Mr. Trump surprised South Korean officials by announcing his approval for South Korea to build nuclear powered submarines. But he said South Korea would be building it “in the Philadelphia shipyards.”

次日，特朗普宣布批准韩国建造核动力潜艇，令韩国官员感到意外，但他表示，韩国将“在费城造船厂”建造这些潜艇。

Those shipyards — including Philly Shipyard, which the South Korean company Hanwha Ocean bought last year — don’t have facilities or engineers to build a nuclear-powered submarine. The U.S. industrial base is struggling even to meet the quota of two Virginia-class submarines per year set by the U.S. Navy. South Korea would have to spend years and billions of dollars to add new facilities in Philly Shipyard and clear a raft of U.S. regulatory hurdles if it decided to build its nuclear-powered submarines there and bring them home.

这些造船厂——包括韩国韩华海洋公司去年收购的费城造船厂——目前没有建造核动力潜艇的设施和工程师。美国的工业基础甚至难以完成美国海军设定的每年两艘弗吉尼亚级潜艇的生产指标。若韩国决定在费城造船厂建造核动力潜艇并将其运回国内，需花费数年时间和数十亿美元添加新设施，并通过美国的大量监管审批。

“All our talks were based on the precondition that South Korea will build its nuclear-powered submarines in South Korea,” Wi Sung-lac, Mr. Lee’s national security adviser, said Friday. “What we asked the United States for is cooperation in fuel supply.”

“我们所有的谈判都是基于韩国在本土建造核动力潜艇的前提，”李在明的国家安全顾问魏圣洛（音）周五表示。“我们向美国请求的是燃料供应方面的合作。”

But some analysts cautioned that building nuclear-powered submarines at home would also incur massive costs, which South Korea could better spend on acquiring other defense capabilities, such as unmanned underwater drones. At the cost of building one nuclear-powered submarine, South Korea can build several diesel subs, making them a more cost-effective option in guarding the relatively restricted boundary around the Korean Peninsula, they said.

但一些分析人士警告，本土建造核动力潜艇也将产生巨额成本，韩国将这些资金用于发展其他防御能力更为合理，比如水下无人航行器。他们表示，建造一艘核动力潜艇的成本足以建造多艘柴油动力潜艇，在保卫朝鲜半岛周边相对狭窄的海域时，传统动力潜艇是更具成本效益的选择。

Mr. Song, the former minister, said, “Let me put it this way — Which is more efficient in patrolling the crowded streets of Seoul: 10 Hyundai Sonata cars or one Mercedes-Maybach?”

前外长宋旻淳说：“这么说吧——在首尔拥挤的街道巡逻，10辆现代索纳塔轿车和一辆梅赛德斯-迈巴赫，哪个更高效？”

Since the new Japanese prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, suggested that her country could intervene militarily if China moved to seize Taiwan, Beijing has warned Chinese tourists to stay away from Japan. It has also sent military ships to patrol disputed waters and has threatened to suspend economic or diplomatic exchanges with Tokyo.

自日本新任首相高市早苗暗示若中国采取行动夺取台湾，日本可能军事干预以来，北京已警告中国游客避免前往日本。中国还向争议海域派出军舰巡逻，并威胁要暂停与东京的经济或外交往来。

The goal, in such a full-throated response, seems to be to cow Japan into submission and to show off China’s confidence in its superpower status. A post by a blog affiliated with China’s state broadcaster declared that China had defeated Japan in World War II when it was much poorer than today. “Now, we not only have an iron will, but also an iron torrent,” the account said, referring to China’s military buildup.

中国如此强势回应似乎意在震慑日本，迫使其屈服，并彰显中国作为超级大国的自信。一个隶属于中国官方媒体的公众号发文宣称，中国在远比现在贫穷的二战时期都曾打败日本。“现在，我们不仅有钢铁意志，还有钢铁洪流，”该账号在谈到中国的军队建设时写道。

In a sign that China’s response had triggered serious concern in Tokyo, Japan on Monday dispatched a senior diplomat to Beijing to meet with Chinese officials and to discuss the tensions. China is Japan’s largest trading partner, as well as one of the biggest sources of tourists to Japan.

有信号表明中国的回应已引发东京的严重担忧，日本周一派出一名高级外交官前往北京，会见中国官员并讨论紧张局势。中国是日本最大的贸易伙伴，也是日本最大的游客来源国之一。

周日，一个中国旅行团在东京银座购物区游览。

But the aggressive approach also risks backfiring — not only in Japan, where China’s response has prompted accusations of bullying, but also in other countries wary of China’s attempts at economic coercion and growing assertiveness on the world stage. A Chinese diplomat in Japan deleted a social media post in which he had called for Ms. Takaichi to be beheaded, after the post provoked widespread criticism.

但这种强硬做法也可能适得其反——中国的反应不仅在日本引发了有关霸凌的指责，在其他国家，中国试图施加经济胁迫以及在国际舞台上日益强硬的做法也引发了警惕。在引发广泛批评后，一名中国驻日外交官删除了他在社交媒体上呼吁将高市早苗斩首的贴文。

The flare-up began earlier this month, after Ms. Takaichi was asked in Japan’s Parliament about potential “survival-threatening situations,” which under Japanese law would allow the deployment of military forces. Ms. Takaichi said that an attempt by China to blockade or seize Taiwan could qualify.

这场争端始于本月早些时候，当时高市早苗在日本国会被问及可能构成“威胁生存的状况”。根据日本法律，这种状况允许日本自卫队进行军事部署。高市表示，中国试图封锁或夺取台湾可能符合这一条件。

Previous Japanese prime ministers had avoided specifying how they would respond if China moved against Taiwan.

此前的日本首相都避免明确说明如果中国对台湾采取行动，他们将如何回应。

Ms. Takaichi later said that her comments did not constitute a change in policy. But her comments provoked a furious response in China, which claims Taiwan, a self-governed democracy, as its territory. China’s Foreign Ministry demanded that Ms. Takaichi retract her remarks and cited Japan’s history of invading China.

高市早苗后来表示，她的话并不意味着日本的政策发生改变。但她的言论在中国引发了强烈反应，中国声称台湾这个自治民主政体是其领土。中国外交部要求高市撤回言论，并援引了日本过去侵略中国的历史。

In recent days, Beijing has also warned Chinese students and tourists against going to Japan, citing unspecified safety risks. On Sunday, China’s Coast Guard said that some of its ships were patrolling the waters of islands that Japan controls but China claims.

近几天，北京还以未阐明的安全风险为由，警告中国学生和游客不要前往日本。周日，中国海警表示其部分船只已在日本实际控制但中国声称拥有主权的岛屿周边海域巡逻。

The reprisals continued Monday, as China’s Foreign Ministry announced that China’s premier, Li Qiang, would not meet with Ms. Takaichi at a Group of 20 summit later this week. And the Chinese release dates for two Japanese films have been postponed.

周一，中国的报复行动继续升级。中国外交部宣布，国务院总理李强本周晚些时候不会在二十国集团峰会上会见高市早苗。两部日本电影在中国的上映日期也被推迟。

In a torrent of editorials, Chinese state media outlets have said it was crucial for China to adopt a maximalist stance for deterrence purposes. They accused Ms. Takaichi of trying to remilitarize Japanese society, which since the end of World War II has had a pacifist constitution.

中国官方媒体接连发表社论，指出中国采取最大限度的威慑性立场至关重要。他们指责高市试图让日本社会重新军事化，自二战结束以来，日本一直秉承和平宪法。

周一，北京的一个报摊亭。中国报纸报道了日本首相发表的讲话。

Some hawkish analysts within China were calling for an even stronger response, including halting exports of rare earths to Japan and banning the import of Japanese agricultural and seafood products.

中国国内一些鹰派分析人士呼吁采取更严厉的回应措施，包括停止向日本出口稀土，以及禁止进口日本农产品和海产品。

Public opinion in Japan appears divided. A poll published by Kyodo News on Sunday showed that 49 percent of respondents said they would support Japan intervening militarily over Taiwan, and 42 percent expressed opposition.

日本国内舆论似乎存在分歧。共同社周日发布的一项民调显示，49%的受访者表示支持日本在台湾问题上进行军事干预，42%的人表示反对。

Madoka Fukuda, a professor of China studies at Hosei University in Tokyo, said that China may have seen that division and felt more emboldened to push Japan harder.

东京法政大学研究中国问题的教授福田圆表示，中国可能注意到了这种分裂，并因此更加大胆地向日本施压。

Weaponizing rare earths, in particular, could prompt concerns far beyond Japan. Beijing’s threats to limit such exports, during its trade negotiations with the United States and Europe, have prompted many countries to try and limit their dependence on China.

特别是将稀土武器化，这可能在日本之外引发更广泛担忧。此前中国在与美国和欧洲的贸易谈判中威胁限制稀土出口，促使许多国家试图减少对中国的依赖。

One prominent nationalist voice in China, Victor Gao, the vice president of the Center for China and Globalization, a Beijing-based think tank, said that a strong response from China was necessary to shock Japanese society into recognizing the danger of its leaders’ moves. And he said China should not worry about how others might perceive the move. “Other countries may decide how to respond, but China needs to stand firm to make sure peace prevails between China and Japan,” he said.

中国知名的民族主义者、北京的全球化智库副主任高志凯表示，中国需要以强硬回应来震撼日本社会，让其认识到日本领导人言行的危险之处。他还说，中国不必担心他国对此举的看法。“其他国家可能会决定如何回应，但中国必须坚定立场，确保中日之间的和平得以维持。”他说。

But there are signs that China’s heavy-handed response is provoking a backlash. In Japan, politicians have denounced China’s retaliation as “excessive.”

但有迹象表明，中国强硬的回应正在引发反弹。在日本，政治人物谴责中国的报复措施“过激”。

本月在韩国庆州举行的亚太经合组织峰会上，日本首相高市早苗（最右）与韩国总统李在明握手。中国国家主席习近平站在最左侧。

Minoru Kihara, a top Japanese cabinet official, said Monday that the presence of Chinese ships near the disputed islands was a “violation of international law.”

日本内阁官房长官木原稔周一表示，中国船只出现在争议岛屿附近是“违反国际法”的行为。

“This is unacceptable,” Mr. Kihara said.

“这是不可接受的。”木原说。

While working at YouTube in an era when a wedding dance and a 7-year-old hallucinating on dental anesthesia were top viral videos, I received the news that my employer had won a Peabody Award, which honors the most powerful storytelling achievements in electronic media. The committee praised YouTube as an “ever-expanding archive-cum-bulletin board that both embodies and promotes democracy.” Instead of displaying the statuette in the lobby with our other awards, I put it on my desk. I have no idea where it went after I left the company two years later.

我在YouTube工作的那个年代，爆款视频还只是婚礼舞蹈和七岁小孩牙科麻醉后产生幻觉的片段，某天我收到消息，公司斩获了皮博迪奖——这一奖项旨在表彰电子媒体领域最具影响力的叙事成就。评审委员会称赞YouTube是“兼具档案库与公告栏功能、既体现又推动民主的平台”。我没有把奖杯和其他奖项一起摆在大厅，而是放在了自己的办公桌上。两年后我离职时，完全不知道它最终流落何方。

It’s hard to square the idealistic YouTube of the late 2000s with the one that in September paid President Trump $24.5 million to settle a meritless lawsuit over his post-Jan. 6 account suspension.

很难将2000年代末那个理想主义的YouTube与2024年9月的YouTube联系起来——后者为了结特朗普毫无依据的诉讼支付了2450万美元，该诉讼源于1月6日事件后对特朗普账号的封禁。

Big Tech once fought the good fights. In 2007 Google forced the Federal Communications Commission to impose openness conditions on some of the country’s most valuable airwaves, paving the way for the mobile ecosystem we take for granted today. Twitter filed lawsuits to be able to publicly disclose how often government agencies requested user data. In 2016 Apple refused orders to help the F.B.I. unlock an iPhone, defending user privacy even under government pressure. These actions took place under presidents of both parties but shared a common goal — they put the needs of users ahead of the interests of those in power.

曾几何时，科技巨头也为正义而战。2007年，谷歌迫使联邦通信委员会对美国最宝贵的无线电波段实施开放性条件，为我们如今习以为常的移动生态系统铺平了道路。Twitter为公开政府机构索取用户数据的频率而发起诉讼。2016年，苹果拒绝了协助联邦调查局解锁iPhone的命令，即便面临政府压力也坚决捍卫用户隐私。这些行动发生在不同党派总统执政期间，却有着共同的目标——将用户需求置于当权者利益之上。

To paraphrase the venture capitalist Reid Hoffman, the Silicon Valley of the early 2010s was a mind-set, not a location. Its leaders saw themselves as revolutionaries: fighting for everyday people, resisting entrenched authority, all while creating technology that pushed society forward. And the products matched the posture — cellphones untethered from carriers, cars that didn’t run on gas, and pocket-size credit card readers that let anyone start a business.

用风险投资家里德·霍夫曼的话来说，2010年代初的硅谷是一种心态，而不是一个地理位置。当时的硅谷领军者视自己为革命者：为普通人抗争、抵制根深蒂固的权威，同时创造推动社会进步的技术。他们的产品也与这种姿态相符——摆脱运营商束缚的手机、不依赖汽油的汽车，以及让任何人都能创业的便携信用卡读卡器。

Fifteen years later, the revolutionaries are no longer storming the gates. They’re inside the castle, polishing the silverware.

15年后，昔日的革命者不再猛攻城门，而是躲在城堡里擦拭着他们的银器。

Meta is the most egregious example. It sprinted to announce that it was dismantling its fact-checking system before Mr. Trump returned to office, then loosened its hate-speech rules in the name of “mainstream discourse.” By the end of January, Meta had reached a deal with Mr. Trump, agreeing to pay $25 million to settle his lawsuit over being suspended from Facebook and Instagram in the wake of Jan. 6. All before Mr. Trump had spent 10 days back in office.

Meta的表现最为恶劣。特朗普重返白宫前，它就火速宣布拆除事实核查系统，随后以“主流话语”为名放宽仇恨言论规则。到1月底，Meta与特朗普达成协议，同意支付2500万美元了结他因1月6日事件后Facebook和Instagram账号被封而提起的诉讼。而此时特朗普重返白宫还不到10天。

The surrender is now routine. In April, Amazon publicly quashed reports that it would display the cost of Mr. Trump’s tariffs on product pages. Apple recently caved to pressure from Attorney General Pam Bondi and pulled an app that alerted users to nearby ICE agents. This is the same Apple whose chief executive, Tim Cook, in 2017 said, “Apple would not exist without immigration,” and quoted Martin Luther King Jr. in criticizing Mr. Trump’s Muslim ban.

如今这种妥协已成常态。4月，亚马逊公开否认有关其将在产品页面显示特朗普关税成本的报道。苹果近期屈服于司法部长帕姆·邦迪的压力，下架了一款能提醒用户附近移民海关执法局探员位置的应用。同样是这家苹果公司，2017年时首席执行官蒂姆·库克曾表示，“没有移民就没有苹果，”并引用马丁·路德·金的话批评特朗普的穆斯林禁令。

What happened?

到底发生了什么？

The answer is simple, if dispiriting: For tech companies, courage doesn’t scale.

答案简单却令人沮丧：对科技公司而言，勇气无法随着规模的增长而增长。

Google, Apple and their peers now act like the self-preservation-obsessed incumbents they once disrupted. They move slower, talk safer and patrol the moat. They’ve traded risk for complacency — too afraid of offending the president, losing access or inviting a subpoena. Big Tech now serves power before it serves its users.

谷歌、苹果及其同行如今的行事作风已经成为自保至上的在位者，与它们曾经颠覆的东西如出一辙。它们行动更迟缓、言辞更谨慎，一心固守自己的优势地位。它们用自满取代了冒险精神——太过害怕冒犯总统、失去资源或招致传票。如今的科技巨头，先服务权力，再服务用户。

When faith in government and Wall Street disappeared during the financial crisis, technology was the last industry standing — its leaders’ idealism mirrored the public’s confidence in it. But over time, as they grew more dominant, they put corporate self-interest ahead of customers, and they made their products worse. Tech now looks a lot like finance: power without accountability, and profit without purpose.

金融危机期间，公众对政府和华尔街的信任崩塌，科技行业成为最后屹立的产业——其领军者的理想主义与公众对它的信心相呼应。但随着它们的主导地位日益巩固，逐渐将企业自身利益置于用户之上，产品质量也随之下降。如今的科技行业与金融业越来越像：责权失衡，逐利忘义。

It’s easy to mock Silicon Valley’s “change the world” mantra (and many have), but public faith in technology matters. It encourages investment, increases adoption of and trust in new products, and attracts top talent to the United States. To put this in terms tech executives will understand: Trust is a feature, not a bug.

硅谷“改变世界”的口号固然容易遭到嘲讽（也确实有很多人嘲讽），但公众对科技的信任至关重要。它能鼓励投资、提高新产品的接受度和信任度，还能吸引顶尖人才赴美。用科技高管能理解的话来说：信任是核心功能，而非系统缺陷。

Optimism is a necessary part of tech’s business model — by abandoning their principles, these companies are eroding the good will they depend on for growth. Americans are already much more likely to think A.I. will harm them (43 percent) than help them (24 percent). This kind of skepticism, some of which predates this administration, can have real consequences. Nearly twice as many U.S. adults trust Google and Amazon over Meta, which is why hundreds of millions of people have bought Nest and Echo devices, but how many do you know who bought the now-discontinued Facebook Portal?

乐观是科技商业模式的必要组成部分——这些公司放弃原则的行为，正在侵蚀它们赖以增长的社会善意。如今美国人认为人工智能会伤害自己的比例（43%），远高于认为人工智能会带来帮助的比例（24%）。这种怀疑情绪（其中一些在本届政府执政前就已存在）可能引发实实在在的后果。信任谷歌和亚马逊的美国成年人数量几乎是信任Meta的两倍，这也可以解释为什么数亿人购买了Nest和Echo设备，而你身边有多少人买过现已停产的Facebook Portal呢？

Cynicism is also making the industry a less desirable place to work. Even before entry-level tech jobs became more scarce, top graduates were starting to lose interest in working at Big Tech companies. The number of tech industry companies on Glassdoor’s “Best Places to Work” list decreased by 25 percent from 2023 to 2024. Tech drives U.S. economic growth — we all need a tech industry that the public believes in.

怀疑也让科技行业变得不那么令人向往。即便在入门级科技岗位变得稀缺之前，顶尖毕业生就已开始对入职科技巨头失去兴趣。2023年至2024年，Glassdoor的“最佳雇主”榜单中的科技公司数量下降了25%。科技行业是美国经济增长的驱动力——我们都需要一个能获得公众信任的科技行业。

Major changes are coming whether we like it or not — to the economy, to culture, to how we live and work. This is not the time for faith in tech to be at such lows. Adoption depends on public trust, not just in the products themselves but also in the people and principles behind them. Unfortunately, the tech industry’s leaders have become its worst spokespeople. The problem isn’t their messaging. It’s their credibility.

无论我们是否愿意，重大变革即将到来——涉及经济、文化，以及我们的生活和工作方式。此刻绝不应成为公众对科技信任度跌入谷底的时候。新技术的普及依赖公众信任，不仅是对产品本身的信任，更是对产品背后的人和原则的信任。不幸的是，科技行业的领导者们成了自己最糟糕的代言人。问题不在于他们的宣传话术，而在于他们的公信力。

For years, Silicon Valley symbolized progress. Its retreat from its core values leaves no clear heir — no other industry fights for the future in the same way. When tech is the villain instead of the hero, the future feels leaderless. And a country that stops believing its innovators can make the world better stops believing in much else, too.

多年来，硅谷一直是进步的象征。如今它背离了核心价值观，却没有留下任何明确的继承者——没有其他行业能以同样的方式为未来而战。当科技从英雄沦为反派，未来便显得群龙无首。而一个不再相信其创新者能让世界变得更好的国家，也将对其他事物丧失信心。

I still wonder where the Peabody landed after I packed up my desk at YouTube. I hope whoever inherited the statuette understands what it meant to receive it. And maybe that person will remember the old YouTube — the one that was brave enough to earn it.

我至今仍好奇，当年我在YouTube收拾办公桌时，那座皮博迪奖最终去了哪里。希望接手这座奖杯的人明白它的意义所在。或许那个人还会记得曾经的YouTube——那个曾经有勇气赢得这座奖杯的YouTube。

The Trump Organization is in talks that could bring a Trump-branded property to one of Saudi Arabia’s largest government-owned real estate developments, according to the chief executive of the Saudi company leading the development.

一家沙特阿拉伯公司的首席执行官表示，该公司负责的一个项目——沙特最大的政府所有房地产开发项目之一——正在与特朗普集团洽谈，以期在项目中引入一座特朗普品牌物业。

The negotiations are the latest example of President Trump blending governance and family business, particularly in Persian Gulf countries. Since returning to office, the president’s family and businesses have announced new ventures abroad involving billions of dollars, made hundreds of millions from cryptocurrency, and sold tickets to a private dinner hosted by Mr. Trump.

这一谈判是特朗普总统将执政与家族生意交织在一起的最新例子，尤其是在波斯湾国家。自再度上台以来，总统的家人和企业宣布了涉及数十亿美元的海外新项目，通过加密货币赚取了数亿美元，并出售特朗普举办的私人晚宴的门票。

Mr. Trump is set to host Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto ruler, in Washington next week.

特朗普将于下周在华盛顿接待沙特阿拉伯事实上的统治者、王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼。

The prince is overseeing a $63 billion project that is set to transform the historic Saudi town of Diriyah into a luxury destination with hotels, retail shops and office space. The Trump business has a history of lending its name to mixed-use projects touting “iconic luxury.”

王储正在监督一个630亿美元的项目，该项目将把沙特历史小镇迪里耶转变为一个拥有酒店、零售商店和办公空间的奢侈目的地。特朗普企业有借出其名称给混合用途项目的历史，这些项目标榜“标志性奢侈”。

“Nothing announced yet, but soon to be,” Jerry Inzerillo, chief executive of the Diriyah development and a longtime friend of President Trump, said in an interview. He said it was “just a matter of time” before the Trump Organization sealed a deal.

“还没有宣布，但很快就会，”迪里耶开发项目的首席执行官、特朗普总统的老朋友杰里·因泽里洛在采访中说。他说，与特朗普集团达成协议只是“时间问题”。

Saudi officials toured the Diriyah development with Mr. Trump during the president’s official state visit in May, with the goal of piquing his interest in the project, Mr. Inzerillo said.

因泽里洛说，沙特官员在总统5月正式国事访问期间，与特朗普一起参观了迪里耶开发项目，意在激发他对该项目的兴趣。

“It turned out to be a good stroke of luck and maybe a little bit clever of us to say, ‘OK, let’s appeal to him as a developer’ — and he loved it,” Mr. Inzerillo said.

“结果运气不错，我们算是动了点脑筋，就想着‘好吧，让我们以开发者的身份吸引他’——他很喜欢，”因泽里洛说。

Next week, Prince Mohammed is expected to make his first visit to the United States in seven years. He hopes to sign a mutual defense agreement with Washington and potentially advance a deal to transfer American nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia.

王储预计在下周访美，这是七年来的第一次。他希望与华盛顿签署共同防御协议，并可能推进将美国核技术转移到沙特阿拉伯的协议。

That sets up a scenario in which Mr. Trump discusses matters of national security with a foreign leader who is also a key figure in a potential business deal with the president’s family.

因此可能出现这样一种局面，即特朗普与一位外国领导人讨论国家安全事务，而这位领导人同时也是总统家族潜在商业交易的关键人物。

Deal-making and diplomacy are increasingly intertwined for Mr. Trump and his family members. Some have engaged in business talks around the world in tandem with his statecraft, mingling profit-making ventures with political relationships.

对于特朗普及其家人来说，商业交易与外交事务越来越交织在一起。在他处理国事的同时，家人也在世界各地进行商业谈判，将盈利的商业项目与政治关系混合在一起。

Diriyah is one of several ongoing Saudi developments that are so big that officials call them “giga-projects.”

迪里耶是沙特正在推进的多个超大型开发项目之一，其规模之巨被官方称为“巨型项目”。

The Trump Organization did not respond to questions about the potential deal, nor did Eric Trump, one of Mr. Trump’s two sons overseeing the family business. It can be hard to separate hype from reality in international real estate discussions. Speculation doesn’t always lead to negotiations, and negotiations don’t always end in signed contracts.

特朗普集团没有回应有关潜在交易的问题，特朗普的两个儿子之一、负责家族生意的埃里克·特朗普也没有回应。国际地产的讨论往往难以将炒作与现实分开。猜测并不总是导致谈判，谈判也不总是以签署合同结束。

But Mr. Inzerillo’s comments echoed similar remarks from Dar Global, the Trump Organization’s most important foreign business partner and a key conduit to Arab governments and Gulf companies.

但因泽里洛的评论与特朗普集团最重要的外国商业伙伴达宇置地(Dar Global)的类似言论相呼应，该公司是与阿拉伯政府和海湾公司牵线搭桥的关键。

Dar Global’s chief executive, Ziad El Chaar, said last month that new Trump projects in Saudi Arabia were coming. “You will see us announcing more collaborations with the giga-projects,” he told the Middle East news site Al-Monitor.

达宇首席执行官齐亚德·埃尔·查尔上个月表示，特朗普集团在沙特的新项目即将亮相。“你们将看到我们宣布与巨型项目的更多合作，”他对中东新闻网站Al-Monitor说。

齐亚德·埃尔·查尔今年早些时候在迪拜。

Dar Global did not say whether those remarks referred to Diriyah or another yet-to-be-announced deal. All of the giga-projects are owned by the Saudi sovereign wealth fund.

达宇没有说明这些言论是否指的是迪里耶或其他尚未宣布的交易。所有巨型项目都由沙特主权财富基金拥有。

Dar did not respond to requests for comment.

达宇没有回应置评请求。

Coupled with Mr. Inzerillo’s comments, Mr. El Chaar’s remarks highlight what has been a flurry of Gulf deal-making for Mr. Trump’s family since last year.

将因泽里洛和埃尔·查尔的言论结合起来，可以看到自去年以来特朗普家族在海湾地区迅速开展了一系列交易洽谈。

In Saudi Arabia, a Trump tower is planned for Jeddah, and two projects have been announced in Riyadh. A Trump hotel and tower has moved forward in Dubai, the largest city in the United Arab Emirates. And a golf course deal in Qatar has put the Trump family in business with a government-owned real estate firm there.

在沙特阿拉伯，吉达计划建造一座特朗普大厦，还有两个在利雅得的项目也已宣布。在阿拉伯联合酋长国最大城市迪拜，一座特朗普酒店和大厦已经在推进。而在卡塔尔的一个高尔夫球场交易中，特朗普家族与当地政府拥有的房地产公司展开了合作。

Mr. El Chaar and Dar guided all of those deals. “We launched with a partnership with the esteemed Trump Organization that immediately put the project on the global map,” Mr. El Chaar said last year in Oman, speaking about a Trump golf course and hotel under construction there as part of a project backed by Oman’s government.

埃尔·查尔和达宇是所有这些交易的引路人。“我们与备受尊敬的特朗普集团合作启动该项目，从而使其立即具有了全球知名度，”埃尔·查尔去年在阿曼谈及那里正在建设的一个特朗普高尔夫球场和酒店时说道，该项目是阿曼政府支持的项目的一部分。

Each venture generates licensing fees for using the Trump name. Dar paid the Trump Organization $21.9 million in license fees last year, according to his financial disclosure. Some of that money goes to the president himself.

每个项目都需要支付特朗普冠名费。根据特朗普的财务披露，达宇去年向特朗普集团支付了2190万美元的授权费。其中一些钱直接进入总统本人手中。

Licensing deals can be lucrative, particularly if a development does well. Often, a company is paid for the use of its name and is not required to invest any money in the project itself. The Trump Organization’s licensing agreements are not public, making it impossible to know the terms.

冠名授权交易可以带来丰厚利润，特别是在开发项目表现良好的情况下。通常，一家公司因使用其名称而获得报酬，并且无需在项目本身投资任何资金。特朗普集团的授权协议不公开，因此无从得知具体条款。

Dar Global, a subsidiary of the major Saudi development firm Dar Al Arkan, has close ties to the Saudi government. The firm’s sales offices in London and Riyadh feature architectural models of yet-to-be-built Trump-branded high-rises. Promotional materials feature photos of Trump family members.

达宇置地是沙特主要开发商Dar Al Arkan的子公司，与沙特政府关系密切。该公司在伦敦和利雅得的售楼处展示了尚未建造的特朗普品牌高层建筑的模型。宣传材料中摆出了特朗普家族成员的照片。

The Trump Organization swore off new foreign business deals after Mr. Trump’s 2016 election, but that pledge ended with his first term. The recent blending of business and politics has shattered American norms but is ordinary in the Gulf, where hereditary ruling families hold nearly absolute power and the phrase “conflict of interest” carries little weight.

特朗普集团在特朗普2016年当选后誓称不进行新的外国商业交易，但这一承诺随着他的第一任期结束而终止。最近商业与政治的交织打破了美国的常规，但在海湾地区却是再正常不过的事，那里的世袭统治家族拥有近乎绝对的权力，“利益冲突”的说法几乎一文不值。

In Saudi Arabia, development officials saw Mr. Trump’s state visit in May as a chance to spark his interest in Diriyah, Mr. Inzerillo said. On his first night in Riyadh, ahead of the state dinner, Mr. Trump and Prince Mohammed visited Diriyah’s renovated historical center.

因泽里洛说，在沙特阿拉伯，开发官员将特朗普的5月国事访问视为激发他对迪里耶兴趣的机会。在利雅得的第一晚，特朗普和穆罕默德王储赶在国宴之前参观了改造后的迪里耶老城。

The two leaders talked “not just as heads of state,” but as “visionaries and developers,” Mr. Inzerillo said. Mr. Trump was impressed by the number of construction cranes working on the vast site, he added.

两位领导人的谈话“不仅仅是作为国家元首”，还是两位“远见者和开发者”，因泽里洛说。他还说，特朗普对这片巨大工地上密集的塔吊群印象深刻。

Saudi officials even debated whether it would be appropriate to present architectural models at the state dinner, he said.

他说，沙特官员甚至讨论了在国宴上展示建筑模型是否合适。

“I said, ‘You’re right, you normally wouldn’t do that in a state dinner. It’s not really the normal protocol,’” Mr. Inzerillo recalled. “But that’s because you’re looking at the president of the United States as the president of the United States. You’re not looking at him as a developer.”

“我说，‘你是对的，国宴通常不会这么安排。这不太符合一般的规矩，’”因泽里洛回忆道。“但那是因为你把美国总统视为美国总统。你没有把他视为开发者。”

The models of the massive project were ultimately put on display.

这个巨型项目的模型最终还是展示了出来。

The following day, at an investment forum in Riyadh, Mr. Trump heralded what he called “an exhilarating period” in the Arabian Peninsula.

第二天，在利雅得的一个投资论坛上，特朗普盛赞阿拉伯半岛正处于一个“激动人心的时代”。

“Over the past eight years, Saudi Arabia has proved the critics totally wrong,” he said. He praised the “majestic skyscrapers” that he had seen and “some of the exhibits” Prince Mohammed had shown him, calling them a sign of “amazing genius.”

“在过去八年里，沙特阿拉伯完全证明了批评者是错误的，”他说。他盛赞自己所看到的“雄伟的摩天大楼”和穆罕默德王储向他展示的“一些展品”，称这些都是“惊人智慧”的体现。