It was a scene in eastern China almost certainly intended for an audience on the other side of the world: The leaders of China, Russia and India, the three largest powers not aligned with the West, smiling and laughing like good friends as they greeted each other at a summit on Monday.

发生在中国东部的这一幕情景基本上是为了地球另一端的观众而展现的：在周一的峰会上，中国、俄罗斯、印度这三个不与西方结盟的世界大国的领导人互致问候，像好友一样笑容满面、谈笑风生。

It starts with Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia holding hands and walking into a meeting hall filled with other world leaders. They head straight for President Xi Jinping of China, shake hands and form a close circle. A few words are exchanged before translators join the huddle. Mr. Putin cracks a broad smile, and Mr. Modi lets out a big laugh. At one point, Mr. Modi joins hands with the two leaders.

先是印度总理莫迪和俄罗斯总统普京手拉着手走进了满是其他国家领导人的会议厅。他们径直走向中国国家主席习近平，三人相互握手，并亲密地围成一个小圈。在翻译们凑进来之前，他们交谈了几句。普京露出灿烂的笑容，莫迪大声地笑了出来。有一刻莫迪还与其他两位领导人牵起了手。

The tableau carried multiple messages, analysts said. The bonhomie between Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin was meant to convey a close bond between them as leaders of an alternative world order challenging the United States. Mr. Modi sought to show that India has other important friends — including China, regardless of an unresolved border dispute — if the Trump administration chooses to continue alienating New Delhi with tariffs.

分析人士表示，这个场景传递出了多个信息。习近平与普京的友好被看作是要对外传递两人之间关系的密切程度，两人要成为一个挑战美国的替代世界秩序的领导人。莫迪则寻求对外表明如果特朗普政府继续选择关税、疏远印度的话，印度还有其他的重要友邦——包括中国，尽管双方的边界争端尚未解决。

“Optics is a key part of this summit, and the White House should grasp that its policies will result in other countries looking for alternatives to meet their interests,” said Manoj Kewalramani, head of Indo-Pacific studies at the Takshashila Institution in Bangalore, India.

“公开展示的场景是这次峰会的一个关键部分，白宫应该明白，它的政策将导致其他国家寻找美国以外的选择来满足自身利益，”印度班加罗尔塔克沙希拉研究所的印太研究负责人马诺伊·凯瓦尔拉马尼说。

That imagery in the city of Tianjin, where more than 20 leaders from mostly Central Asia and South Asia gathered, showed how the geopolitical disruption caused by Mr. Trump has given China and Russia a platform to rally partners such as Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus and Pakistan.

发生在天津的这一幕——20多位主要来自中亚和南亚的领导人聚集于此——表明了特朗普制造的地缘政治动荡是如何为中俄提供了一个平台，将伊朗、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、白俄罗斯，以及巴基斯坦等伙伴国家团结起来的。

在天津出席上合组织峰会的欧亚国家领导人，摄于周日。

China wants to seize on the unpopularity of America’s chaotic trade policies to drive a wedge between Washington and the rest of the world, arguing that it can serve as a more stable global leader.

美国混乱的贸易政策在全球不受欢迎，中国则想利用这个机会来在华盛顿与世界其他国家的关系之间制造裂痕，称自己有能力领导一个更为稳定的世界。

Mr. Xi, in his opening speech at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a Eurasian security grouping, took not-so-subtle jabs at the United States, urging members of the group to oppose a “Cold War mentality, bloc confrontation and bullying.” He said the organization must “forge ahead” amid “global upheaval.”

习近平在上海合作组织（由一些欧亚国家组成的安全小集团）的开幕致辞时，几乎毫不掩饰地批评了美国，他呼吁上合组织成员国反对“冷战思维”、“霸权主义和强权政治”。他说，上合组织需要“做动荡世界中的稳定力量”。

Mr. Putin delivered a speech that repeated his claims about the West being at fault for his country’s war in Ukraine. He also praised a recent summit he had with President Trump in Alaska to discuss the conflict and said that he had already briefed Mr. Xi about those talks in detail, comments seeming to signal China’s central role in Russia’s diplomatic calculus.

普京在发表讲话时重复了他一贯的说法，即西方国家应为俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争负责。他还赞扬了自己最近在阿拉斯加与美国总统特朗普就俄乌冲突举行的峰会，并说他已向习近平详细介绍了“特普会”的情况。这个说法似乎显示了中国在俄罗斯外交考量中的核心地位。

Mr. Modi, for his part, spoke of “promoting multilateralism and an inclusive world order” — in other words, a system in which countries like India had a greater say in global affairs.

莫迪在发表讲话时提到“促进多边主义和一个包容性的世界秩序”——换句话说，就是一个让印度等国家能够在全球事务中有更大话语权的世界体系。

The three-way hand-holding between Mr. Modi, Mr. Putin and Mr. Xi was nothing short of the smiling manifestation of a troika that Moscow had recently said it hoped to revive. In another demonstration of closeness soon after, Mr. Modi shared a car with Mr. Putin as they rode together to a meeting on the sidelines of the summit.

莫迪、普京、习近平三人手着拉手的场景可以说是莫斯科最近表示希望“三驾马车”重启的微笑写照。该场景出现后不久，莫迪与普京又一次展示了双方的亲密关系，两人同乘一辆车前往峰会场外举行的双边会晤地点。

“Conversations with him are always insightful,” Mr. Modi wrote on his social media account, where he shared a photo of the ride. According to Russian state media, Mr. Modi decided at the last minute to join Mr. Putin in his Russian limousine for the ride to the hotel where they were to meet. Upon arriving at the venue, they spent 50 minutes talking in the car before the official meeting began.

“与他的谈话总是富有洞见，”莫迪在自己的社交媒体账号上写道，并分享了一张两人在车里的照片。据俄罗斯官媒报道，莫迪在最后一刻决定乘坐普京的俄罗斯豪华轿车前往他们将举行会晤的酒店。抵达会场后，二人在正式会谈开始前在车内继续交谈了50分钟。

In the past, India’s risk-averse bureaucracy would have taken pains to avoid such overt displays of warmth with China and Russia — the secret to expanding ties with Washington while keeping a seat at forums led by the other major powers. But Mr. Trump’s barrage of tariffs on India, now at 50 percent after penalizing India for buying Russian oil, has left little incentive for India to do so.

在过去，印度的官僚体系不愿冒风险，因而往往竭力避免如此公开地展示对中俄友好，这也是印度在发展与美国关系的同时在其他大国领导的论坛上保持一席之地的秘诀。但特朗普接二连三地提高了对印度的关税，目前的税率已升到50%，最近一次提高关税是为了惩罚印度购买俄罗斯的石油。这让印度几乎没有任何动力避免向中俄示好。

This time, Mr. Modi even splashed the visuals on his social media accounts shortly after the meeting opened, showing how far, and how suddenly, that juggling act has been upended. Later, Mr. Modi was even more effusive at the meeting, telling Mr. Putin that “1.4 billion Indians are waiting with excitement” to welcome him in New Delhi in December.

这次，莫迪甚至在会晤开始后不久就在他的社交媒体账号上发布了这些照片，显示了印度这种平衡策略已被颠覆的程度之大、速度之快。莫迪后来在会晤中表现得更加热情洋溢，他对普京说，“14亿印度人民正兴奋地等待着”今年12月在新德里欢迎他的来访。

“It is a testament of the depth and breadth of our ‘Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership’ that even in the most difficult times India and Russia have stood shoulder to shoulder,” Mr. Modi told Mr. Putin.

莫迪对普京说：“印度和俄罗斯一直齐心协力，即使在最艰难的时候，这证明了我们‘特殊和特有战略伙伴关系’的深度和广度。”

俄罗斯官媒发布的照片显示，普京与莫迪周一在峰会场外举行了双边会晤。

The summit, which ends Monday, is the first part of a diplomatic showcase that Mr. Xi has lined up this week. In the lead-up to this meeting, he has held talks with many of the visiting leaders, including Mr. Modi, during which he said that the two countries should see each other as partners and not rivals.

周一结束的峰会是习近平本周安排的外交展示的第一幕。峰会开始前，习近平已与包括莫迪在内的多位来访领导人举行了会谈，习近平与莫迪会面时说，中印两国应该视对方为合作伙伴，而不是竞争对手。

He is also expected to hold talks with Mr. Putin. But the biggest highlight is a military parade in Beijing on Wednesday aimed at commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, to be attended by Mr. Putin and Kim Jong-un, the North Korean dictator. Mr. Xi has tried to recast China’s role in the war to burnish the Communist Party’s image and buttress its claims over Taiwan and the South China Sea, scholars have said.

预计习近平还将与普京举行会谈。但这次外交展示最大的亮点是周三在北京举行的纪念第二次世界大战结束80周年的阅兵式，普京和朝鲜领导人金正恩将参加观礼。学者指出，为了提升中共的形象，强化中国政府对台湾和南中国海的主权主张，习近平已试图改写中国在“二战”中的作用。

In one sign of how China is using the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to serve its interests, Mr. Xi in his speech on Monday called on countries to “promote a correct understanding of World War II history.”

习近平周一在上海合作组织会议上发表讲话时呼吁各国“弘扬正确二战史观”，这是中国正在利用该组织为自身利益服务的一个迹象。

“Xi Jinping clearly wants to challenge the post-World War II global order dominated by the United States and show that China is a reliable and legitimate alternative,” said Alfred Wu, an associate professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.

“习近平显然想挑战美国主导的二战后全球秩序，并表明中国是一个可靠的、合情合理的选择，”新加坡国立大学李光耀公共政策学院副教授吴木銮说。

The public show of unity between the three leaders masked deep suspicions and conflicting interests.

中印俄三国领导人公开展示团结的场景掩盖了三国之间深层次的猜疑和利益冲突。

China and India remain locked in mistrust over their disputed border; Beijing says that the issue should not define the overall relationship between the two countries. But India would like a resolution to the dispute, and Mr. Modi is also wary that his earlier courting of Mr. Xi had backfired by causing him embarrassment.

中印两国因边界争议而陷入的互不信任没有改变；虽然北京表示边界问题不应决定两国关系的整体走向。但印度想找到解决争端的办法，而且，莫迪也担心，他以前试图取悦习近平的做法曾让自己难堪，带来了适得其反的结果。

Despite the warm ties with Moscow, India cannot expect to replace Western economic support with Russia, a country hit badly by sanctions because of its invasion of Ukraine.

尽管印度与莫斯科关系密切，但它无法指望依靠俄罗斯来取代西方的经济支持，俄罗斯因入侵乌克兰而遭到严重制裁。

As for China, though it projects especially close ties with Russia at the moment, it has been looking warily at Moscow’s growing influence over North Korea.

至于中国，尽管目前与俄罗斯展现出尤为紧密的关系，但该国一直对莫斯科在朝鲜日益增长的影响力保持警惕。

“Optics do little to alleviate the fault lines that exist in the troika of India, China and Russia,” said Mr. Kewalramani.

“公开展示的场景缓和不了印度、中国、俄罗斯的三国集团内部存在的冲突，”凯瓦尔拉马尼说。

President Trump’s 50 percent tariffs landed like a declaration of economic war on India, undercutting enormous investments made by American companies to hedge their dependency on China.

特朗普总统对印度征收50%的关税做法仿佛是在向印度宣战，并且削弱了美国公司为减少对中国的依赖而进行的巨额投资。

India’s hard work to present itself to the world as the best alternative to Chinese factories — what business executives and big money financiers have embraced as part of the China Plus One strategy — has been left in tatters.

印度一直在奋力向世界展示自己是中国工厂的最佳替代——企业高管和大型金融机构将该国视为“中国+1”战略的一部分——如今这一努力遭受了重创。

Now, less than a week since the tariffs took full effect, officials and business leaders in New Delhi, and their American partners, are still trying to make sense of the suddenly altered landscape.

关税全面生效还不到一周，新德里的官员和商界领袖，以及他们的美国合作伙伴仍在努力理解突然改变的局面。

Just how much things have changed was evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to China over the weekend to meet with Xi Jinping, China’s top leader. Trade and political relations between India and China have been strained, at times severely, and it was Mr. Modi’s first trip there in seven years.

莫迪总理上周末前往中国与最高领导人习近平会面，足以见得局势变化之剧烈。印度和中国之间的贸易和政治关系一直很紧张，有时陷入严重僵局，这是莫迪七年来首次访问中国。

The China Plus One approach has been critical to India’s budding ambitions to become a factory powerhouse. Manufacturing growth, especially in high-end sectors like technology, was seen by India as addressing chronic problems like the underemployment of its vast population of young workers. Now pursuing that path, without the support of Washington, and in potentially closer coordination with China, promises to be even more difficult.

“中国+1”战略对印度成为工业强国的雄心壮志至关重要。在印度看来，制造业的增长，尤其是科技等高端行业的增长，可以解决大量年轻工人就业不足等长期问题。现在，如果没有华盛顿的支持，以及与中国可能展开的更密切的合作，这条路肯定会变得更加困难。

Mr. Trump’s tariffs are already causing dislocation in supply chains. India has been rendered far less enticing to American importers. Companies can go to other places for lower tariffs, like Vietnam or Mexico. A U.S. court ruling, which on Friday invalidated the tariffs but left them in place while Mr. Trump appeals, did nothing to repair the rupture between the countries.

特朗普的关税已经造成供应链混乱。印度对美国进口商的吸引力大大降低。各个公司可以转向其他关税更低的地方，比如越南或墨西哥。上周五，美国法院的一项裁决宣布关税无效，但允许在特朗普上诉期间继续征收关税，这无助于修复美印之间的裂痕。

The “Trump shock will reduce manufacturing export growth and kill even the few green shoots of China Plus One-related private investment,” four Indian economists, including a former chief economic adviser to Mr. Modi, wrote in an Indian newspaper last week.

“特朗普冲击将降低制造业出口增长，甚至扼杀与‘中国+1’相关的私营投资的微弱萌芽，”包括前莫迪首席经济顾问在内的四名印度经济学家上周在一份印度报纸上撰文称。

India still aspires to become one of the world’s three largest economies. It is currently fifth and on pace to overtake Japan soon. If the United States won’t help or, worse, gets in its way, India has no choice but to get closer to Beijing, even as it holds to its goal of becoming a stronger manufacturing rival to its giant neighbor.

印度仍然渴望成为世界三大经济体之一。该国目前排名第五，很快将超过日本。如果美国不提供帮助，甚至阻碍它的发展，印度别无选择，只能向北京靠拢，尽管它的目标始终是成为中国这个庞大邻国的一个更强大的制造业竞争对手。

“China Plus One, minus China, is too difficult,” was the wry reaction of Santosh Pai of the New Delhi law firm Dentons Link Legal. Mr. Pai is near the center of gravity: He set up a practice advising companies from all three countries. “They have to reconcile themselves to seeing China as part of the supply chain,” he said.

“中国+1，再减去中国，这太难了，”新德里律师事务所Dentons Link Legal的桑托什·派伊讽刺地说。帕伊正处于一个中心的位置：他成立了一家为中美印三国公司提供咨询的公司。“人们必须接受中国仍是供应链的组成部分，”他说。

But the India-China relationship is as complicated as they come. The countries have armies ranged against one another, across their disputed borders in the Himalayas. A decade of cross-border incursions culminated in June 2020 with hand-to-hand combat that killed at least 24 soldiers. But the economic conflict was already burbling under the surface.

但印中关系复杂得不能再复杂了。两国军队在喜马拉雅山脉有争议的边界上相互对抗。持续十年的越境侵犯在2020年6月达到高潮，肉搏战导致至少24名士兵丧生。而经济冲突早已暗流涌动。

Early in the Covid-19 pandemic, with its stock market nose-diving, India was alarmed to discover that China’s central bank had quietly acquired 1 percent of one of India’s biggest private banks. India responded by blocking many forms of investment from China. Eventually it kicked out most Chinese venture capital from its tech start-up hubs and barred more than 200 Chinese apps, including TikTok.

在新冠大流行初期，随着本国股市暴跌，印度震惊地发现，中国央行悄悄收购了印度最大私营银行之一1%的股份。印度的回应是阻止来自中国的多种形式的投资。最终，它将大多数中国风险资本赶出了其科技创业中心，并禁止了200多个中国应用程序，包括TikTok在内。

China has an even larger arsenal of economic weapons. It has restricted India’s access to rare earths and dozens of other technologies that India needs to keep its factories running.

中国拥有更大的经济武器库，它限制了印度获得稀土和其他几十种印度工厂维持运转所需的技术。

“These past five years, with the stalemate, China has progressively weaponized everything,” Mr. Pai said. He counts 134 industrial categories that China controls, creating Indian vulnerabilities.

“过去五年里，由于这种相持不下，中国逐步将所有东西变成武器，”派伊说。他统计了中国控制的134个工业类别，这些都成了印度的薄弱环节。

在莫迪对习近平进行外交访问之前，印度和中国就已开始讨论恢复两国间直飞航班以及在边境开设贸易站等事宜。

But Mr. Trump’s weaponization of economic policy has dealt a much crueler blow to Indian companies. Business people in Moradabad, a center of handicrafts and light industry less than 100 miles from New Delhi, said they felt betrayed.

但特朗普将经济政策变成武器的做法对印度企业造成了更为残酷的打击。距离新德里不到160公里的莫拉达巴德是手工艺品和轻工业中心。这里的商人说，他们感觉遭到了背叛。

“Most people are still in shock,” said Samish Jain, a manager at Shree-Krishna, a family-owned company that makes a full range of housewares, 40 percent of them bound for the American market. Until the final deadline came on Aug. 27, he said, “everyone was like ‘no, this isn’t going to happen.’”

“大多数人仍然感到震惊，”家族企业Shree-Krishna的经理萨米什·贾恩说。该公司生产各种各样的家庭用品，其中40%销往美国市场。他说，在8月27日最后期限到来之前，“每个人都在说，‘不，这是不可能的。’”

Now that it has happened, Mr. Jain is groping for a way out, along with the many Indian suppliers and American customers of his company and thousands of others. India’s government is announcing programs to help businesses financially, but Mr. Jain said they would not be enough to keep Shree-Krishna from having to make hard choices.

现在这种情况已经发生了，贾恩正在与他公司的许多印度供应商和美国客户，以及其他数以千计的公司一起寻找出路。印度政府宣布了一些在财政上帮助企业的计划，但是贾恩说，这些计划不足以让Shree-Krishna避免艰难的选择。

“I have people working in my factory since when my dad started this business 30 years ago,” Mr. Jain said. “We can’t just let them go.” He is trying to find new markets for their goods, in the Middle East, Europe or India itself. But so is everyone else in his predicament.

“有些员工在我父亲30年前创办工厂时就已经入职，”贾恩说。“我们不能就这么让他们走。”他试图在中东、欧洲或印度本土为他们的产品寻找新的市场。但其他陷入困境的同行也是如此。

Mr. Modi came to China under tremendous pressure. India’s marketing of itself as an option for multinationals that want to move production out of China was not lost on the Chinese leadership.

莫迪是在巨大压力下来到中国的。印度将自身包装成跨国企业转移中国产地的替代选项，这一点中国领导层也看在眼里。

“I think both are going into this as a dilemma because it’s fundamentally a competitive relationship,” said Tanvi Madan, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington.

华盛顿布鲁金斯学会高级研究员坦维·马丹说，“我认为双方都将陷入两难境地，因为从根本上说，这是一种竞争关系。”

Even before Mr. Modi’s diplomatic visit, India and China were talking about resuming direct flights between the countries and opening trading posts along the border. The meeting in Tianjin, China, on Sunday, didn’t produce any joint agreements, but India’s foreign ministry said that Mr. Modi and Mr. Xi made plans “to expand bilateral trade and investment ties.”

印度和中国在莫迪访华前就已经在讨论恢复两国之间的直航，并在边境沿线开设贸易站。上周日在中国天津举行的会议没有达成任何协议，但印度外交部表示，莫迪和习近平计划“扩大双边贸易和投资关系”。

China has at times made it hard for the Taiwanese giant Foxconn to send Chinese engineers to India. Foxconn is the main contract manufacturer for Apple, which has become a touchstone for India’s China Plus One approach. Apple still makes a majority of its iPhones in China but has in recent years shifted more of that work to India.

中国曾屡次阻挠台湾巨头富士康将中国工程师派往印度。富士康是苹果的主要代工制造商，而苹果已成为印度“中国+1”计划的试金石。大部分iPhone仍在中国生产，但近年来苹果已将更多业务转移到印度。

And on its side, India has been refusing to grant some business visas to Chinese investors.

与此同时，印度也拒绝向部分中国投资者签发商务签证。

China is eager to invest in India. Now, national security concerns notwithstanding, India will be hungrier for a new inflow of foreign exchange as its $129 billion trade in goods with the United States unravels.

中国渴望在印度投资。现在，尽管存在国家安全方面的担忧，随着印度与美国之间1290亿美元的商品贸易破裂，印度将更加渴望新的外汇流入。

Foxconn is an example of the tricky spot Mr. Modi is in, and also of how India could benefit from warmer ties with China.

富士康既体现了莫迪面临的棘手处境，也揭示了印度如何能从与中国关系升温中获益。

In June, Big Kitchen, a Chinese restaurant catering to East Asian expatriates working at the newest iPhone plant near the Indian city of Bengaluru, was desolated. A Foxconn employee from Vietnam, sharing a dish of twice-cooked pork, grumbled that his Chinese colleagues were stuck outside the country, leaving him and a smaller number of non-Chinese engineers to train thousands of new Indian workers.

今年6月，在印度城市班加罗尔附近的一座最新的iPhone工厂，为工厂的东亚外籍员工供餐的中餐馆“大厨房”门可罗雀。一名来自越南的富士康员工吃着一盘回锅肉，抱怨说他的中国同事被困在国外，只剩他和少数非中国工程师培训数以千计新的印度工人。

布里格德果园购物中心的顾客包括许多在印度班加罗尔工业区工作的外籍人士。

If India makes it easier for China to invest in Indian companies, China could make it easier for India to take a few steps in its direction.

若印度为中国投资印度企业提供更多便利，中国则可能相应为印度向中方靠拢创造更多条件。

“We want the Chinese to come in,” said Mr. Pai, the New Delhi business lawyer. India would be “grateful,” he added, for some kinds of Chinese investment, especially in technology, because it would bring jobs to India.

“我们希望中国人进来，”新德里的商业律师派伊说。他还说，印度会“感激”中国的某些投资，尤其是在科技领域，因为这会给印度带来就业机会。

China and the United States have been India’s two most important trading partners, each indispensable in some ways. But India is relatively small fry to both, in terms of imports and exports.

中国和美国一直是印度最重要的两个贸易伙伴，各自在某些方面都不可或缺。但就进口和出口而言，印度对这两个国家来说都相对较小。

If this were a love triangle, India would be the jilted lover. Mr. Trump has, with the 50 percent tariffs and his advisers’ hostile remarks, dumped it. That casts a shadow over Mr. Modi’s new approach to Mr. Xi.

如果这是一场三角恋，印度将是被抛弃的一方。特朗普已经用50%的关税和他的顾问的敌对言论抛弃了它。莫迪所采取的对华新姿态，笼罩在这一阴影之下。

The direction is clear, even though important details are not. “China has not showed its hand yet,” Mr. Pai said. By contrast, “India has a huge dependency on China for imports. It’s clear what India wants.”

方向是明确的，但重要的细节还不清楚。“中国还没有亮出底牌，”派伊说。相比之下，“印度在进口方面严重依赖中国。印度的诉求是很明显的。”

The star-studded big-budget epics dominating Chinese cinemas this summer are about the country’s fight against the Japanese during World War II. In movie theaters, audiences have risen to sing the national anthem. Children have been moved to tears, vowing to become soldiers when they grow up.

今年夏天，中国影院由群星云集的大制作抗战题材史诗片主导。在电影院，观众起立高唱国歌。孩子们被感动得流下了眼泪，发誓长大后要当兵。

One film, “Dead to Rights,” about Japan’s 1937 invasion of the Chinese city of Nanjing, follows a group of Chinese who smuggle out photographs and help document the killing of tens of thousands of civilians, an event known as the Nanjing Massacre. During an interactive showing in southwestern China, an actor dressed as a soldier shouts at moviegoers, “The Japanese want to destroy our country and exterminate us! Will you let them?”

其中一部电影《南京照相馆》聚焦1937年日本入侵中国城市南京，讲述一群中国人如何冒死送出照片，并帮助记录一场数以万计的平民遭到杀害的事件，即南京大屠杀。在中国西南部的一场互动放映中，一名演员装扮成士兵对着观众大喊：“日本人想摧毁我们的国家，消灭我们！你们能容忍吗？”

The audience, shown in a social media video pumping their fists, shouts back, “We will not!”

在一段社交媒体视频中，可以看到观众挥舞着拳头，高喊：“不能！”

The films are part of a broader effort to rally the nation as the ruling Communist Party grapples with a sluggish economy, increasingly disillusioned young people, and an escalating rivalry with the United States. The centerpiece is China’s commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the war’s end next month, with a military parade overseen by China’s leader, Xi Jinping, and attended by President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Kim Jong-un, North Korea’s leader.

这些电影是一项更广泛的努力的一部分，目的是在执政的共产党努力应对低迷的经济、年轻人日益幻灭以及与美国的竞争日益升级之际团结全国人民。核心活动是9月举行的抗战胜利80周年纪念，届时中国国家主席习近平将主持阅兵式，俄罗斯总统普京和朝鲜领导人金正恩将出席观礼。

The parade in Beijing — rehearsals of which have involved more than 40,000 soldiers, civilians and staff — is set to feature the country’s latest fighter jets, missiles and other weapons, in an elaborate display of China’s military might and organizational power.

在北京举行的阅兵式——彩排动员了4万多名官兵、文职人员和工作人员——将展示中国最新的战斗机、导弹和其他武器，精心展示中国的军事实力和组织能力。

Government departments are also holding events for surviving veterans and victims, unveiling new memorials dedicated to the war and issuing commemorative coins and stamps. China’s state broadcaster has rolled out multipart specials on everything from military tactics and wartime songs to the role the Soviet Union played. Television channels are playing nearly 100 movies related to the war through the end of the year.

政府部门还为幸存老兵和受害者举办系列活动，纪念战争的新纪念碑揭幕，发行纪念币和邮票。中国国家电视台推出了多集特别节目，内容涵盖从军事策略、抗战歌曲到苏联在战争中所扮演的角色。到今年年底，各电视频道将播放近100部与抗战相关的电影。

The campaign is about more than presenting China as a rising superpower on the right side of history. It is also about redirecting public dissatisfaction to a target other than the Chinese government.

这场宣传运动不仅旨在展现中国作为崛起中的超级大国站在历史正确的一边，也是为了将公众的不满转移到中国政府以外的目标上。

“In general, there is a strong push at the moment toward creating a sense of patriotic identity, much of which is defined as the idea that China is in danger from the rest of the world,” said Rana Mitter, the ST Lee Chair in U.S.-Asia Relations at the Harvard Kennedy School. “The opponent can change over time. It could be the U.S. It could be Japan. It could be forces not so clearly defined.”

“总的来说，目前有一股强烈的力量在推动一种爱国认同感的形成，这种认同感在很大程度上被定义为中国正处于世界其他地区的威胁之下，”哈佛大学肯尼迪学院美国-亚洲关系研究学者拉纳·米特说。“对手会随着时间的推移而变化。可能是美国，可能是日本。也可能是未明确定义的力量。”

8月在北京举办的纪念战争结束80周年展览上，名为《落日——1937年12月在南京》的艺术作品。

Based in part on true events from a war that killed as many as 20 million in China, the films focus on the bravery of everyday Chinese at the core of a nation that will not be bowed.

这些基于造成中国约两千万人死亡的战争真实事件改编的电影，聚焦于平凡中国人的英勇壮举，展现一个民族不屈的脊梁。

By far, the most popular has been “Dead to Rights,” known as “Nanjing Photo Studio” in Chinese, which has made about $380 million at the box office and had its theater run extended.

到目前为止，最受欢迎的《南京照相馆》票房收入约为29亿元，并延长了影院放映时间。

Also generating interest is “Dongji Rescue,” which follows Chinese fishermen who rescued more than 300 British prisoners of war left to drown by their Japanese captors. A third movie, the release of which has been delayed to next month, is called “731,” after Unit 731, a secret biological warfare program of the Japanese Imperial Army that conducted horrific experiments on Chinese.

同样引起关注的还有《东极岛》，讲述中国渔民解救300多名被日军弃置溺亡的英国战俘的故事。还有一部电影是被推迟到下个月上映的《731》，以日本帝国陆军秘密生物战计划“731部队”为名，该部队曾对中国民众实施骇人听闻的人体实验。

The films are the latest in a long line of Chinese wartime movies that are part propaganda, part entertainment aimed at promoting the party’s agenda. An earlier generation of wartime movies focused on Beijing’s other main rivals — the United States and the Nationalist Party, or the Kuomintang, which governed China before it was defeated by the Communists and fled to Taiwan.

这些影片延续了中国抗战题材电影的传统，兼具宣传功能与娱乐效果，旨在推动党的议程。更早一代抗战电影关注的是北京的其他主要对手——美国和国民党。国民党曾经统治中国，直至被共产党打败后退守台湾。

In the 1980s and 1990s, Japan became a new focus as Beijing’s ties with the United States improved and new tensions arose with Tokyo over what Beijing saw as Japanese efforts to gloss over its invasion of China.

1980至1990年代，随着中美关系改善，日本成为新的叙事焦点。北京认为日本试图淡化侵华历史，由此引发了与东京新的紧张关系。

Altogether, Chinese studios have produced more than 300 movies about what is known in the country as the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. Such dramas tend to earn the approval of Chinese censors. And they are well received by the public, especially those angered by Japanese politicians who deny that the imperial army committed wartime atrocities or who visit the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo — which honors Japan’s war dead, including war criminals.

中国的影视公司总共制作了300多部关于被中国称为抗日战争题材的电影。这类题材往往能顺利过审。它们也会受到公众的欢迎——尤其是很多观众对日本政界人士否认日军战争暴行、参拜供奉包括战犯在内的日本战死者的东京靖国神社感到愤怒。

8月，上海，《南京照相馆》拍摄地的游客。

“Dead to Rights,” which is sweeping and action-packed, has dominated social media discussion, with moviegoers posting videos of their theater experiences.

《南京照相馆》场面恢弘、动作戏密集，持续引爆社交媒体话题，影迷们纷纷上传自己在影院的观影体验视频。

In Jingdezhen, an ancient center of porcelain making, a basketball coach this month rented out a screening room for students and their family to watch “Dead to Rights.” The group rose to sing the national anthem before the movie began.

8月，在古老的瓷器之都景德镇，一名篮球教练包下了一间放映厅，让学员和家人观看《南京照相馆》。电影开始前，众人起立高唱国歌。

Tong Liya, a Chinese actress, wrote on social media that she had taken her young son to see the movie. She wrote: “For the younger generation, this is far more than a movie. It’s a history lesson etched into their lives.”

女演员佟丽娅在社交媒体上写道，她带着年幼的儿子去看了这部电影。她写道：“对年轻一代来说，远不止是部影片，更像一堂刻进生命的历史课。”

There is a risk that nationalist fervor goes too far. In a notice to overseas Japanese this month, Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs told citizens to be “especially careful about a rise in anti-Japanese sentiment” amid film screenings and other patriotic activities ahead of the military parade.

民族主义情绪存在失控风险。日本外务省本月向海外日侨发布通知，提醒公民在阅兵式前的电影放映等中国爱国活动中，要“特别小心反日情绪的上升”。

In 2012, anti-Japanese protests broke out in more than 100 Chinese cities, with demonstrators vandalizing Japanese restaurants and smashing Japanese-made cars. Last year, the stabbing and killing of a 10-year-old Japanese boy in Shenzhen and a knife attack on a Japanese woman and her son in Suzhou shocked Chinese citizens and raised questions over whether anti-Japanese sentiment was fueling violence.

2012年，中国100多个城市爆发了反日抗议活动，示威者破坏日本餐馆，砸毁日本制造的汽车。去年，一名10岁日本男孩在深圳被捅死，一名日本女性及其儿子在苏州遭遇持刀袭击，这两起事件震惊了中国公民，并引发了反日情绪是否助长了暴力的疑问。

2012年，抗议者在深圳破坏一家日本百货商店。

Today, some commentators question whether the movies are teaching the next generation to hate — and whether children should be watching such violent content. “Dead to Rights” features piles of corpses in streets and the killing of children, and depicts Japanese soldiers as gleefully taking bets on who can kill more Chinese people.

如今，一些评论人士质疑电影是否在向下一代灌输仇恨，以及孩子们是否应该观看如此暴力的内容。《南京照相馆》描绘了街道上成堆的尸体和对儿童的杀戮，并描绘了日本士兵以谁能杀死更多中国人取乐的情节。

Social media users have posted videos of children destroying collections of trading cards of the Japanese superhero Ultraman. In one clip, a little girl says through tears, “I want to kill all Japanese.” In another a young boy asks, “How can a country be so ruthless and cold?” A voice, off-camera, can be heard saying, “They’re animals.”

社交媒体用户发布了孩子们破坏日本超级英雄奥特曼收藏卡的视频。在一段视频中，一个小女孩流着泪说：“我想杀死所有日本人。”在另一段视频中，一个小男孩问道：“一个国家怎么能这样冷酷无情？”一个画外音说：“他们是禽兽。”

State media, while encouraging parents to take their children to see the films, tried to urge moderation. The outlets have quoted remarks by Mr. Xi that remembering the war is “not to perpetuate hatred but to awaken a yearning” for peace.

官方媒体在鼓励家长带孩子去看电影的同时，也试图敦促人们保持克制。这些媒体援引习近平的讲话称，铭记战争“不是要延续仇恨，而是要唤起善良的人们对和平的向往和坚守”。

“It’s a double-edged sword. You’re showing people the Japanese being so brutal,” said Yinan He, an associate professor at Lehigh University who studies national identity politics and China-Japan relations. Boycotts of Japanese products or violence against Japanese people or those connected to the country are all potential unintended consequences of fanning nationalist feelings against Japan, she said.

“这是把双刃剑。你向民众展示了日本人的残暴行为，”理海大学研究国家认同政治和中日关系的副教授何忆南说。她说，抵制日本产品或对日本人或与日本有关的人实施暴力，都可能成为煽动反日民族情绪的意外后果。

“As long as you encourage people to hate another nation, that’s the consequence you have to bear,” she said.

她说：“只要你鼓励人们仇恨另一个国家，那就是你必须承担的后果。”

Still, some residents say remembering the war is just about staying vigilant against humanity’s worst instincts. Ge Xiaoru, a 29-year-old travel blogger who lives in Suzhou, said she recently visited a memorial in Nanjing dedicated to the victims of the massacre. She acknowledged that it was difficult to not feel hate but said that learning about the episode was important.

然而，一些民众表示，记住这场战争只是为了对人类最黑暗的本能保持警惕。居住在苏州的29岁旅游博主葛晓茹（音）说，她最近参观了南京的大屠杀遇难者纪念馆。她承认，很难不产生仇恨，但她说，了解这段历史非常重要。

“We need to use the past events not to tell future generations to go and kill Japanese people, but to prevent such cruel wars from happening again,” she said. “Otherwise, what’s the difference between us and Nazi fascism or Japanese imperialism?”

“我们需要用历史警示后代，不是教育他们去杀害日本人，而是防止这种残酷的战争再次发生，”她说。“否则，我们和纳粹法西斯主义或日本帝国主义有什么区别？”