President Trump said on Tuesday that he found a last-minute offramp allowing him to delay his threat to obliterate Iran’s power grid and bridges, seizing on a proposal from Pakistan for a 14-day cease-fire that would include opening the Strait of Hormuz while Washington and Tehran tried to negotiate a peace deal.

特朗普总统周二表示，他找到了一个最后关头的退路，得以推迟摧毁伊朗电网和桥梁的威胁。他采纳了巴基斯坦提出的一项14天停火提议，内容包括在华盛顿和德黑兰试图谈判达成和平协议期间开放霍尔木兹海峡。

In a statement, Mr. Trump declared that at the request of Pakistan’s prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, he decided to “hold off the destructive force being sent to Iran tonight.”

特朗普在声明中宣布，应巴基斯坦总理夏巴兹·谢里夫的请求，他决定“暂缓今晚向伊朗发动的毁灭性打击力量”。

Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, a veteran of past nuclear negotiations with the United States, said in a statement that if Israel and the United States halt their attacks, Iran will also suspend its “defensive operation” for two weeks. But he said “Iran’s Armed Forces” would retain control of the waterway. That would leave Iran in fundamental control of the passageway, and over the pace at which a huge backup of tankers would be allowed to deliver oil to Europe and Asia, helium to semiconductor plants around the world and fertilizer to farmers from Africa to Asia.

曾参与此前与美国核谈判的资深人士、伊朗外交部长阿巴斯·阿拉格奇在声明中表示，如果以色列和美国停止攻击，伊朗也将暂停其“防御行动”两周。但他称，“伊朗武装部队”将继续控制该水道。这意味着伊朗将从根本上掌握该通道，大量积压的油轮以什么样的速度向欧洲和亚洲输送石油、向全球半导体工厂输送氦气、向非洲及亚洲农户输送化肥，都将取决于伊朗。

For his part, Mr. Trump said the accord was “subject to the Islamic Republic of Iran agreeing to the COMPLETE, IMMEDIATE, and SAFE OPENING of the Strait of Hormuz.” That suggested that Mr. Trump backed down before he heard from the leadership in Tehran, which until now has insisted it would open the waterway only if it had in hand a complete peace deal. Iran insisted that final agreement must include reparations for war damages and a complete lifting of Western sanctions on its economy.

特朗普则表示，该协议“以伊朗伊斯兰共和国同意全面、立即、安全开放霍尔木兹海峡为前提”。这表明特朗普在收到德黑兰领导层回应之前就已做出让步，而伊朗此前一直坚持，只有拿到完整的和平协议才会开放水道。伊朗坚持，最终协议必须包括战争损失赔偿，以及全面解除西方对伊朗的经济制裁。

Left unresolved, at least for now, is the fate of 970 pounds of near-bomb-grade uranium buried primarily at a site in Isfahan, or Mr. Trump’s demand that Iran limit the size and range of its now-depleted arsenal of missiles. And by reaching even a temporary cease-fire with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and its new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, he is essentially endorsing the legitimacy of its new government, five weeks after urging the Iranian people to overthrow it.

至少在目前，仍未解决的问题包括埋藏在伊朗伊斯法罕某处约440公斤的近武器级铀将如何处置，以及特朗普对伊朗导弹库规模与射程的限制要求（这个导弹库现已耗尽）。此外，哪怕与伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队及其新任最高领袖穆杰塔巴·哈梅内伊只是达成临时停火，特朗普也等于在实际上承认了伊朗新政府的合法性——而就在五周前，他还在敦促伊朗民众推翻该政权。

Almost immediately the Iranians made claims that seemed to go far beyond anything the president said. Iran’s national security council, in a statement, said the country had been victorious over Israel and the United States, and maintained that the United States had accepted all of Iran’s peace plan, including guarantees not to attack Iran, and Iran’s control over the strait.

伊朗方面几乎立即发表了声明，其内容似乎远超总统所言。伊朗国家安全委员会在一份声明中称，伊朗已战胜以色列和美国，并坚称美国接受了伊朗的全部和平方案，包括不攻击伊朗的保证以及伊朗对海峡的控制权。

Mr. Trump had been under increasing pressure to find a way out of a confrontation after setting an 8 p.m. Eastern deadline for the strait to open, and after declaring on social media early Tuesday that if he is defied, “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.” It was a classic example of Mr. Trump’s chaotic, high-pressure negotiating style, where he creates a crisis and then uses his leverage to strike a deal.

特朗普此前设定了美国东部时间晚8点为海峡开放最后期限，并于周二早些时候在社交媒体上宣称，他的要求若遭违抗，“今晚，整个文明将消亡，永不复返”。此后他面临越来越大的压力，需要找到化解对抗的出路。这是特朗普混乱、高压式谈判风格的典型例证——先制造危机，再利用自身筹码达成协议。

In this case Mr. Trump appeared desperate for a way to escape his own threats and rhetoric, and to engineer a Pakistani proposal that he would then sign on to. Just two days after calling the Iranian leadership “crazy bastards” and telling them they would soon be “living in hell,” he praised them on Tuesday as “a different, smarter, and less radicalized” class of leaders, predicting “something revolutionarily wonderful can happen, WHO KNOWS?”

这一次，特朗普似乎急于摆脱自己放出的威胁和言论，促成一项由巴基斯坦提出、随后由他本人背书的方案。他曾说伊朗领导层是“疯狂的混蛋”，扬言他们很快将会“生活在地狱里”；两天后的周二，他却称赞对方是“不一样、更聪明、不那么激进”的领导层，并预测“可能会发生什么革命性的好事，谁知道呢？”

The temporary cease-fire does nothing to address the fundamental issues that led to the outbreak of the war on Feb. 28: Iran’s refusal to give up its stockpile of nuclear fuel; American and Israeli demands that it limit the size and range of its missile arsenal; and Iranian demands that it retain the right to enrich uranium and, more recently, for war reparations.

此次临时停火并未解决导致2月28日战争爆发的根本问题：伊朗拒绝放弃核燃料储备；美以要求伊朗限制导弹库规模与射程；伊朗则要求保留铀浓缩权利，且近期还提出战争赔偿要求。

But for the first time in nearly six weeks of intense fighting, it offers the possibility of resumed negotiations, and some respite for Iranians whose homes, factories and schools have been bombed and for Israelis who found their missile defenses could not guarantee their safety.

但这是近六周激烈冲突以来，双方首次有望重启谈判，也为家园、工厂和学校遭轰炸的伊朗民众，以及发现导弹防御系统无法保障自身安全的以色列民众带来了喘息空间。

The last-minute agreement was bound to relieve investors, and ease a growing crisis in Asia, where some nations are reliant on oil coming through the strait for 80 percent of their supplies. Once a cease-fire is in place, it would put an added burden on Mr. Trump to break it again, or allow Israel to do so.

这份最后时刻的协议势必会缓解投资者焦虑，并缓和亚洲日益加剧的危机——部分亚洲国家80%的石油供应依赖经霍尔木兹海峡运输。停火一旦生效，特朗普若再次破坏协议或默许以色列破坏协议，将面临更大压力。

But it also raises the possibility that the war will end — or at least come to an uneasy truce — without Mr. Trump having accomplished many of the goals he laid out.

但这也带来一种可能：这场战争或将结束——或至少达成不稳定的停火——而特朗普也并未实现他此前提出的诸多目标。

The nude women first appeared a century ago outside the ballroom, with the opening of the Cercle Sportif Français, the first building in Shanghai to introduce Art Deco design to a city that quickly became one of the world’s premier showcases of modern architecture.

一个世纪之前，随着法国总会开业，裸体女性雕塑首次出现在其舞厅之外，这是上海首座引入装饰艺术风格的建筑，而这座城市也迅速成为全球现代建筑的顶级展示窗口之一。

The nudes, molded in plaster on pillars at the top of a grand staircase, vanished after Mao Zedong’s conquest of China in 1949, hidden behind screens put up by prudish commissars scornful of what they saw as Shanghai’s shameful corruption by decadent imperialists.

这些以石膏塑造、位于主楼梯顶端立柱上的裸像，在1949年毛泽东夺取中国政权后便销声匿迹。保守的政治委员鄙视这些雕像，认为它们是上海被腐朽帝国主义玷污的耻辱象征，用屏风将它们彻底遮蔽起来。

They were still covered when I first visited Shanghai more than 45 years ago, but came back into view shortly afterward as a new leadership in Beijing, headed by Deng Xiaoping, pushed China to modernize by opening up to the world.

如今距我初次到访上海已有45年以上，当年这些雕像仍被遮盖；但不久后，随着以邓小平为首的新一届中央领导层推动中国向世界开放、实现现代化，这些雕像重见天日。

前法国总会内的石膏裸女像这家已停业的社交俱乐部现已成为花园酒店的一部分。

In Shanghai — China’s most cosmopolitan city, but also a hotbed of xenophobic politics during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution — the change of direction in the 1980s forced a rethink of history and its message for the future. While Shanghai embodied everything the Communist Party hated — capitalism and imperialism — it also showcased China’s early mastery of modern ways.

上海是中国最具国际化气质的城市，却也是1966年到1976年文革期间排外政治的温床。上世纪80年代的政策转向迫使人们重新审视历史及其对未来的启示。尽管上海体现了共产党所憎恶的一切——资本主义与帝国主义——但它也展现了中国早期对现代文明的驾驭。

“Shanghai was never a foreign city, just China’s most foreign-influenced and most modern city,” said Wu Jiang, a professor of architecture at Tongji University.

“上海从来不是一座外国城市，它只是中国受外国影响最深、最现代化的城市，”同济大学建筑学教授伍江说。

The city’s many different layers of architecture, culture and politics, however, have made it a difficult fit for the Communist Party’s preferred narrative of Chinese victimhood and Western sins, especially when it comes to deciding what stays and what goes.

然而，这座城市在建筑、文化与政治印记上的多重层次让它难以契合共产党偏好的中国受害论与西方有罪论叙事，尤其在保留什么、拆除什么的问题上。

Professor Wu, who served for five years as deputy director of Shanghai’s municipal planning bureau in the early 2000s, pushed to preserve old buildings that many in government saw as uncomfortable reminders of unwelcome foreign intrusions.

伍江在21世纪初曾担任上海市规划局副局长五年，他力主保护那些被许多政府官员视为外国入侵尴尬印记的老建筑。

“People kept asking me: ‘What are you doing? Why do you want to preserve all this imperialist culture?’” he said. “History does not depend on whether you like it or not. You can’t just get rid of everything that makes you feel bad.”

“总有人问我：‘你在做什么？为什么要保护这些帝国主义文化？’”他说。“历史不取决于你喜不喜欢。你不能把让你不舒服的东西全抹掉。”

He recalled initial resistance to any slowing of the frenzy of demolition that started in the 1990s to make way for the shopping malls and high-rise towers that now dominate the urban landscape.

他还记得，上世纪90年代开始，上海掀起拆迁狂潮，为如今遍布全城的商场与摩天大楼让路，当时，任何放缓拆除的提议都遭到了阻力。

Art Deco architectural jewels, preserved during the Mao era largely by economic stagnation, were suddenly under threat. Some survived, however, helped by a growing recognition of their value as an important part of Shanghai’s unique character — and of the role played by Chinese, not just foreigners, in creating them.

那些在毛泽东时代很大程度上因经济停滞而得以保存的装饰艺术建筑瑰宝突然陷入危机。不过，人们渐渐认识到，作为上海独特气质的重要组成部分，这些建筑极具价值，而且在它们的创造过程中，不仅是外国人，中国人也发挥了作用，就这样，其中一些建筑得以幸存下来。

“Some of Shanghai’s most iconic and creative Art Deco building were created by Chinese architects,” said Tina Kanagaratnam, a longtime Shanghai resident from Singapore and a founder of Historic Shanghai, an organization that has worked to safeguard the city’s architectural heritage.

“上海一些最具标志性、最富创意的装饰艺术建筑出自中国建筑师之手，”蒂娜·卡纳加拉特纳姆说。她是新加坡裔上海老居民，也是“上海旧踪”保护组织创始人之一，该组织长期致力于保护这座城市的建筑遗产。

The Majestic Theater, which has screened movies and hosted shows of Chinese opera and Western ballet since the 1940s, was designed by Robert Fan. The Yangtze Hotel, an Art Deco gem that hosted the city’s first all-Chinese jazz band in the 1930s and is now an upscale boutique hotel, was designed by Paul Li Pan.

美琪大戏院自上世纪40年代起放映电影、上演京剧与西方芭蕾，由范文照设计；扬子饭店则是一座装饰艺术精品，上世纪30年代有上海首支全华人爵士乐队演出，如今是高端精品酒店，设计者为李蟠。

扬子饭店是一座由中国设计师打造的装饰艺术风格瑰宝，上海第一支全华裔爵士乐队曾在此演出。

Westerners enjoyed immense privileges in foreign-run enclaves like the French Concession, site of the Cercle Sportif, a now-defunct social club. Seized by the state after the 1949 revolution, the property became an exclusive retreat for model workers and Communist Party functionaries. Mao used its swimming pool, since demolished, during his visits to Shanghai from Beijing. (Today the building is part of the Japanese, luxury Okura Garden Hotel.)

在法租界这样由外国人管理的飞地，西方人享有极大特权，法国总会便坐落于此——这家社交俱乐部现已不复存在。1949年革命后，该建筑被政府没收，成为劳动模范与共产党干部的专属疗养院。毛泽东从北京来沪时，曾使用过这里的游泳池（现已拆除）。如今，这栋建筑是日本奢华酒店花园饭店的一部分。

Foreigners, however, were always a minuscule minority. They accounted for only around 1 percent of the population of a city with around six million residents by the time Mao’s troops arrived. And most were far less wealthy than the Chinese tycoons who controlled some of Shanghai’s most lucrative textile factories, flour mills and banks. Chinese built and owned the four biggest department stores.

但外国人始终是极少数。毛泽东军队进驻时，上海约600万人口中，外国人仅占1%左右。他们当中大多数人的财富也远不及掌控上海最赚钱的纺织厂、面粉厂与银行的华商巨头。上海四大百货公司也均由中国人建造并拥有。

How to reconcile what Rao Shushi, an early leader of the municipal party apparatus, described as Shanghai’s pre-1949 role as “city of parasites” and “foreign adventurers,” with its role as a breeding ground for Chinese talent, entrepreneurial flair and creativity — and also the Chinese Communist Party — has been a long struggle.

早期市委领导人饶漱石曾将1949年之前的上海称为“寄生虫的城市”和“（外国）冒险家的乐园”， 如何将这样的角色与上海作为中国人才、企业家精神、创造力乃至中国共产党的摇篮这一角色相协调，长期以来都是一场艰难的博弈。

The city has two separate municipal public history museums, each telling a somewhat different story. The Shanghai Municipal History Museum at the base of the Oriental Pearl Tower, a tribute to modernity built in the 1990s, celebrates the city as a melting pot where “the merging of traditional Chinese cultural spirit and Western modern civilization made Shanghai a glamorous metropolis.”

上海有两座独立的市级历史博物馆，叙事各有侧重。位于东方明珠塔底层的上海城市历史发展陈列馆落成于上世纪90年代，以现代化为基调，赞颂上海是一座大熔炉，“传统中国文化精神与西方现代文明在此交融，造就了魅力四射的国际大都市”。

由一名中国法官和一名西方法官共同主持法庭审判的场景，这是上海租界地区曾采用的司法制度。

Also known as the Shanghai Urban History and Development Museum, it nods at the dire poverty and exploitation that afflicted parts of the Chinese population, but mostly avoids bombastic “patriotic” messaging. Citing an influx of foreign cigarettes as an example of how Westerners inadvertently spurred China’s economic development, one display explains that “foreign competition for the market compelled domestic industry to rise up with spirit to face the adversary.”

展馆虽提及部分中国民众曾深陷赤贫与被剥削的境遇，但整体避开了浮夸的“爱国主义”说教。一处展区以外国香烟涌入为例，说明西方人如何意外推动中国经济发展：“外货抢占市场，迫使国内工业振作精神，挺身应对挑战。”

Among those who thrived was Rong Zongjing, a flour magnate and cigarette producer whose former mansion, originally built by a German but extensively remodeled by an early 20th-century Chinese architect, has now been lavishly restored by the Italian luxury brand Prada. It is used for fashion shows and exhibitions, and has a chic cafe popular with young Chinese eager for a taste of what they imagine as the elegance of old Shanghai.

那个时代的佼佼者中就有面粉大王和烟草生产商荣宗敬。他的旧居最初由德国人建造，后经20世纪初一位中国建筑师大规模改建，如今被意大利奢侈品牌普拉达斥巨资修复。这里时常举办时装秀与展览，还有一家时髦咖啡馆，深受渴望感受老上海风情的中国年轻人青睐。

位于荣宗敬旧宅内的一家咖啡馆。这座昔日的豪宅现已由意大利奢侈品牌普拉达进行了修复。

The glamour of that era gets short shrift in the Shanghai History Museum, housed in the former Shanghai Race Club, once a bastion of foreign privilege next to the city’s long vanished hippodrome. Merged in 2017-18 with the Shanghai Revolutionary History Museum in response to an ideological tightening ordered by China’s current leader, Xi Jinping, this museum leans heavily into politics, decrying foreign misdeeds and the suffering of Chinese under foreign oppression.

而在上海市历史博物馆，那段黄金时代的魅力却被轻描淡写。这座博物馆位于原上海跑马总会大楼，那里毗邻上海早已消失的跑马场，曾是外国特权的象征。2017-2018年，为响应现任领导人习近平收紧意识形态的要求，该馆与上海革命历史博物馆合并，高度侧重政治色彩，痛斥外国的恶行与中国民众在外国压迫下的苦难。

That same reading of history suffuses a must-see stop on China’s Red Tourism trail — the French Concession building where Soviet agitators, Mao and a dozen other Chinese Communists met in 1921 to hold the Party’s founding national congress. The message hammered home here is that Shanghai “suffered greatly under the colonial yoke,” subjected to “plundering, imperialism and exploitation.”

同样的历史解读也贯穿中国“红色旅游” 路线上的必经之地——法租界的建筑群中。1921年，苏联鼓动者、毛泽东与其他十余名中国共产党人在此召开中国共产党的成立大会。这里反复强调的信息是：上海“在殖民枷锁下饱受苦难”，遭受“掠夺、帝国主义与剥削”。

上海市历史博物馆经过重新规划，使其更具“爱国主义”色彩，此举是为了响应中国现任领导人习近平下令加强意识形态管控的号召。一幅描绘1949年革命的画作。

Anti-foreign sentiment reached its peak in Shanghai during the Cultural Revolution, when Red Guards ransacked the homes of residents suspected of harboring fondness for the old days. Any connection to the West — even possession of a piano or foreign books — invited beatings, sometimes to death.

在文化大革命期间，上海的反外国情绪达到了顶峰，红卫兵大肆抄查被怀疑思念旧时代的居民住宅。任何与西方有关的联系——哪怕只是拥有一架钢琴或几本外文书籍——都会招致殴打，有时甚至致死。

The trauma of that decade, however, does not feature in any of the city’s museums or exhibition halls. Red Guard slogans sometimes resurface, briefly, when bulldozers move in to demolish old buildings, dislodging layers of paint and plaster covering up now-taboo calls for merciless struggle against class enemies and imperialists.

但这十年的创伤在上海任何博物馆或展厅中都无迹可寻。推土机拆除老建筑时，偶尔会短暂露出红卫兵标语——随着覆盖在墙上的油漆与石膏层层剥落，那些号召无情打倒阶级敌人与帝国主义、如今已被视为禁忌的口号便得以短暂地重见天日。

描绘这座城市不同历史时期场景的壁画，装饰着这个已人去楼空、静待重新开发的街区的建筑。一个计划进行再开发的旧城区。

Wang Hongwen, a radical textile worker elevated to the rank of China’s vice chairman by Mao during the Cultural Revolution, is never mentioned, despite his being Shanghai’s most prominent representative in the national leadership for years. His former workplace, the Shanghai No. 17 Cotton Textile Mill, a center of Cultural Revolution fervor, has been redeveloped and became the Shanghai Fashion Center, an outlet mall.

王洪文曾是一位激进的纺织工人，文革期间被毛泽东提拔为国家副主席，尽管多年来他是上海在中央领导层最显赫的代表，却从未被提及。他工作过的上海第十七棉纺织厂曾是文革狂热的中心，如今已被改造为上海国际时尚中心，一家品牌折扣购物中心。

With China’s economy cooling amid a prolonged property crisis, the frenzied destruction of Shanghai’s past has slowed. The city government also put a brake on willy-nilly demolition by drawing up a long list of protected heritage sites.

随着中国经济在长期地产危机中降温，上海疯狂摧毁历史的步伐也已放缓。市政府也列出一长串受保护遗产名录，叫停了随意拆除行为。

A big problem today, Professor Wu said, is the decay of districts slated for redevelopment during boom years but which, emptied of residents to make way for bulldozers, are crumbling because developers ran out of money. “Slow decay is sometimes worse than demolition,” he said.

伍江说，如今最大的问题是：繁荣期被划入拆迁范围的街区，居民已被清空，建筑等待被推平，却因开发商资金链断裂而日渐破败。“缓慢的腐朽有时比直接拆除更糟，”他说。

China dominates the global drone industry. But it is fast becoming one of the toughest places to fly one.

中国在全球无人机行业占据绝对主导地位，如今却正迅速成为全球无人机飞行管控最严格的地区之一。

New regulations are sharply tightening rules for recreational and civilian operators. Since January, officials have ramped up the penalties for unauthorized flying of drones to include possible jail time. Starting in May, all drones must be registered with the owners’ real names, requiring operators to link their flight equipment to their official identification or cellphone number.

新出台的规定大幅收紧了针对娱乐及民用无人机操作者的规定。自今年1月起，官方加大了对违规无人机飞行为的处罚力度，处罚措施中甚至包括可能的监禁。从5月开始，所有无人机必须完成所有者实名注册，操作者需将飞行设备与本人官方身份证件或手机号码绑定。

Permits will be required at least a day in advance in restricted zones, which cover most cities. The rules make an exception for small drones flying below 400 feet in some open areas, but those areas are very limited.

覆盖国内绝大多数城市的管控区域内，飞行活动需至少提前一天申请许可。新规仅对部分开放区域内、飞行高度在120米以下的小型无人机设置了许可条款，但这类合规区域极为有限。

Flight data will also be transmitted to the government in real time.

无人机的飞行数据也将实时同步至政府。

Last week, the city government in Beijing went a step further, adopting a near-total ban on drones within the capital’s limits. Under the rules, also set to go into effect in May, drones or their key components may not be sold, rented or brought into Beijing. People entering the city from other provinces will have their bags inspected.

上周，北京市政府进一步加码，在首都范围内实施了近乎全面的无人机禁令。这项同样将于5月正式生效的新规明确，严禁在京销售、出租无人机及其核心零部件，也不得将相关物品带入北京。外省市人员进京时，行李将接受专项检查。

Existing drone owners will be exempt if they register their drones with the police by April 30, though they are also prohibited from having more than three drones at the same address. Drones for special functions, like counterterrorism and research, may be granted exceptions.

现有无人机持有者若在4月30日前向公安机关完成实名登记，可获得合规豁免，但同一地址名下登记的无人机不得超过三架。反恐、科研等特殊用途的无人机，可依规申请许可。

去年在中国南部珠海举办的国际航空展，一个无人机展位。根据新规，用于反恐和科研等特殊用途的无人机可获许可。

China has required drones to be registered and limited to certain areas since 2024. But as the crackdown has escalated in recent months, many drone users say overzealous enforcement has grounded most flights, even for what they believe are legitimate uses. Chinese social media platforms are filled with accounts of users being questioned, fined, detained and having their drones confiscated by the police across the country.

中国自2024年起就已要求无人机完成注册，并限定了合规飞行区域。但近几个月来，随着管控力度持续升级，许多无人机使用者表示，过度严格的执法让绝大多数飞行活动都无法开展，即便是他们认为属于合法用途的情况也不例外。中国各个社交媒体平台上充斥着全国各地用户被警方问询、罚款、拘留，以及无人机被没收的相关描述。

The crackdown has prompted a meme on Douyin, TikTok’s Chinese sister app, featuring a parody of a marketing slogan by the Chinese drone giant DJI — “Don’t let the sky wait too long” — recast as “Don’t let the police wait too long.” A clip featuring the track has been liked and shared more than 60,000 times.

这场严管风潮还催生了抖音上的热门梗：中国无人机巨头大疆的品牌广告语“别让天空等太久”，被网友改编成了“别让（警察）叔叔等太久”。相关配乐视频的点赞和转发量已超6万次。

As of the end of 2025, China had more than three million registered drones, according to official statistics, a 50 percent increase from 2024.

官方统计数据显示，截至2025年底，中国登记在册的无人机数量已超300万架，较2024年增长50%。

The Ministry of Public Security said that tighter regulations were necessary to protect public safety, noting the risks of drone information systems being hacked as well as incidents in which drones had flown at a high altitude, even threatening civil aviation safety. It cited a case in which it said an operator had flown a drone within 800 meters, or about 2,600 feet, of a civil aircraft, and another in which it said a user had flown a drone into a no-fly zone near an airport to film planes’ landing paths. Last year, two drones collided midair and crashed onto a Shanghai skyscraper.

公安部表示，出台更严格的监管规定是保障公共安全的必要举措，并指出无人机信息系统遭黑客攻击的风险，列举了无人机在高空飞行甚至威胁民用航空安全的事件。案例包括一名操作者操控无人机飞至距民航客机不足800米的范围内；另一个案例中，使用者操控无人机闯入机场附近的禁飞区，拍摄飞机降落航线。去年，上海还曾发生两架无人机空中相撞、最终坠落在一栋摩天大楼上的事故。

“The skies are not above the law,” the ministry said.

公安部表示：“天空不是法外之地。”

去年广州某工厂内的一条电动飞行汽车装配线。中国在全球无人机行业占据主导地位。

Officials also said the rules would help pave the way for China’s “low-altitude economy,” the term the government has used for its plans to expand commercial drone usage for purposes including food delivery, power line maintenance and farming. Those plans were highlighted in China’s latest five-year plan, the Communist Party’s economic road map.

官方同时表示，新规将为中国的“低空经济”发展铺平道路。这是政府关于扩大商用无人机应用计划的术语，应用领域包括食品配送、输电线路维护和农业。相关发展规划已被纳入中国最新的五年规划，该规划是中共的国家经济发展蓝图。

Because the government wants to maximize the economic potential of low-altitude airspace, it must first create a better management system for that space, said Li Mo, the director of the Low-Altitude Economy Research Center at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.

香港科技大学低空经济研究中心主任李默表示，政府要最大化低空空域的经济潜力，首先必须为这片空域建立更完善的管理制度。

“Much like tidying the living room before hosting guests, we need to first put the airspace in order before embracing larger-scale, low-altitude economy activities,” he said, though he acknowledged that the restrictions could cause short-term confusion.

“这就像招待客人前先要收拾好客厅，我们需要先理顺空域管理秩序，才能迎接更大规模的低空经济活动，”他同时也承认，这些限制措施短期内可能会引发一定的行业混乱。

China may also be weighing potential national security risks. The wars in Ukraine and Iran have made clear the damage that even inexpensive drones can do.

中国此举或许也在权衡潜在的国家安全风险。乌克兰与伊朗的战事已经清晰表明，即便是价格低廉的无人机也能造成巨大的破坏。

The effectiveness of consumer drones in Ukraine to conduct surveillance and strikes “undoubtedly raises concerns in Beijing about this risk to the physical security of its senior leaders,” said Drew Thompson, a former Pentagon official who is now a senior fellow at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

前美国国防部官员、现任拉惹勒南国际研究院高级研究员德鲁·汤普森表示，消费级无人机在乌克兰战场上执行侦察与打击任务，这样的实战效果“无疑让北京对高层领导人的此类人身安全风险产生了担忧”。

(China, as the world’s largest consumer drone manufacturer, has also been a major supplier of drones or their components used in those conflicts. Beijing says that it strictly controls the export of so-called dual-use objects like drones that can be used militarily, but Ukrainian officials say Chinese companies have cut them off while still supplying Russia.)

（作为全球最大的消费级无人机生产国，中国也是上述冲突中所使用的无人机及其零部件的主要供应方。北京表示，对无人机等可用于军事用途的所谓两用物资实施严格出口管控，但乌克兰官员称，中国企业已切断了对乌供应，却仍在向俄罗斯供货。）

去年，乌克兰中部，一群戴着口罩以掩饰身份的乌克兰平民正在组装无人机。乌克兰和伊朗的战争清楚地表明，即便是廉价的无人机也能造成巨大破坏。

As the crackdown widens, a dozen drone users reached by The New York Times said the rules were hindering routine and lawful flights. Most agreed to speak on the condition of anonymity for fear of harassment from the police.

随着管控范围不断扩大，《纽约时报》联系到的十余名无人机使用者均表示，新规阻碍了他们日常的合法飞行活动。由于担心遭到警方滋扰，大多数人同意接受采访的前提是保持匿名。

Cat Yang, a Shanghai resident, said she received preliminary approval from the city government for her school-age son to fly a drone, but she was denied final clearance on the day of the flight. She said the police had offered no explanation. “The police even made fun of me, telling us to buy a toy instead,” Ms. Yang said.

上海居民凯特·杨（音）表示，她此前为学龄期的儿子申请无人机飞行已获得上海市政府的初步批准，在飞行当日，最终许可却被驳回。她称警方未给出任何解释。“警察甚至还取笑我，让我们去买个玩具代替，”杨女士说。

Another drone owner, from northern China, said that he had submitted more than three dozen applications, but that only two were approved.

另一位来自中国北方的无人机持有者表示，他累计提交了30余份飞行申请，最终仅两份获批。

Those approvals were limited to flights below 30 feet and within line of sight. He said the authorities had told him to obtain additional consent from a military airport they said was in the vicinity. When he tried to call the airport, no one answered.

即便是这两份获批的申请也仅限在10米以下、视距范围内飞行。他称，相关部门要求他从据称位于附近的某军事机场获得额外许可，可当他致电该机场时，始终无人接听。

In Beijing, two residents said they received calls from the police as soon as they powered on their drones, even before the city’s new rules were announced. Another said officers had come to their home to ask about drones they had not flown in years.

在北京，有两名居民表示，甚至在本市新规发布前，他们刚一启动无人机，就接到了警方的电话。还有一位居民称，警察上门询问了他已经数年没有飞过的无人机的情况。

The rules have chilled the market. Multiple drone dealers have told Chinese media that their business has fallen precipitously in recent months, while online listings for used drones have surged.

新规给无人机市场浇了一盆冷水。多家无人机经销商向中国媒体表示，近几个月他们的业务量急剧下滑，二手无人机的线上挂牌量则大幅暴涨。

DJI, the world’s biggest drone manufacturer, is also facing pressure abroad. The United States moved in December to ban foreign-made drones on national security grounds, barring new DJI products from the market. DJI responded with a lawsuit in February, seeking to overturn the decision. (The company did not return a request for comment.)

全球最大的无人机制造商大疆在海外也面临着巨大压力。去年12月，美国以国家安全为由采取行动，禁止进口外国制造的无人机，禁止大疆新品进入美国市场。今年2月，大疆提起诉讼，寻求推翻这一禁令。（该公司未回应置评请求。）

北卡罗来纳州希科里一处农场里的一架大疆无人机。大疆新款机型将不在美国销售。

Some experts have called for more flexibility. The chairman of Xpeng, a Chinese electric vehicle manufacturer that is investing in flying cars, recently proposed delegating some airspace management to regions, rather than the central government, to better stimulate the low-altitude economy.

部分专家呼吁采取更灵活的政策。正投资研发飞行汽车领域的中国电动汽车企业小鹏汽车董事长，近期提议将部分空域管理权下放至地方，而非由中央政府统一管控，以此更好地推动低空经济的发展。

In an online video, Wang Yadi, the president of a drone-related business group in Huainan, a city in Anhui Province, noted the conundrum facing the industry: “We haven’t developed the low-altitude economy yet, but already the sky is locked up.”

安徽淮南市一家无人机相关行业协会的会长王亚迪（音）在一段网络视频中点出了行业面临的核心困局：“低空经济还没发展起来，天空先被锁死了。”

A 35-year-old drone enthusiast based in northeastern China said he had invested about $2,000 in his DJI drone and related equipment, hoping to start a photography business. But after more than two dozen flight applications were rejected, he abandoned the plan.

一位居住在中国东北地区的35岁无人机爱好者表示，他为大疆无人机及相关配套设备投入了约14000元，希望以此开展摄影业务。但在20多次飞行申请接连被驳回后，他彻底放弃了这个计划。

Song Zhongping, an independent military commentator in China, offered a different argument for why the government should loosen up: Expanding access to drones would help nurture a reserve of drone operators for future wars.

中国独立军事评论员宋忠平则从另一个角度论证政府放宽管控的必要性：扩大无人机的民用普及范围有助于为未来战争储备无人机操作人才。

“If ordinary people can use drones and practice using them in peacetime, that will greatly help in selecting more skilled drone operators during critical moments,” he said.

“如果普通人在和平时期就能使用无人机，进行操作练习，这将极大有助于在关键时刻选拔出更熟练的无人机操作员，”他说。

The two crew members ejected from their fighter jet just seconds after it was hit by Iranian fire. The F-15E Strike Eagle, the first fighter jet lost to enemy fire in the war, crashed violently to the ground.

两名机组成员在战斗机被伊朗击中几秒钟后弹射出舱。作为第一架在战争中被敌方火力击落的战斗机，这架F-15E打击鹰急速坠向地面。

The Air Force officers were deep in hostile territory on Friday morning, alone and armed only with pistols. The plane’s pilot was in “constant communication” with his unit and rescued about six hours later by a force that included attack planes and helicopters that came under heavy fire, military officials said.

周五上午，这两名仅佩戴了手枪的空军军官身处敌方领土深处，孤立无援。军方官员表示，飞行员与部队保持了“持续通信”，约六小时后被一支包括攻击机和直升机的救援力量救出，该救援力量遭到了猛烈火力攻击。

But the aircraft’s weapons systems officer was missing. In the chaos of the ejection — a violent, lifesaving maneuver — he had become separated from the pilot, setting off a vast search that became the primary focus for the U.S. military troops and C.I.A. officers across the entire theater for two days.

但该机的武器系统官失踪了。因弹射——一种剧烈的救生机动措施——而起的混乱导致他与飞行员分处两地，从而引发了一场大规模搜救行动，在接下来的两天里，这成为整个战区美军部队和中央情报局官员的首要任务。

This account of the weapons officer’s fight for survival and rescue is based on interviews with about a dozen current and former military and administration officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive operation.

这篇关于武器系统官求生与救援的叙述基于对约十几名现任和前任军方及政府官员的采访，他们要求匿名以讨论这项敏感行动。

Surveillance planes and drones combed the area near where the plane had crashed but could not find the weapons officer or any signs that he was alive, a military official briefed on the rescue said.

军方官员表示，监视飞机和无人机搜寻了飞机坠毁地点附近区域，但未能找到武器系统官或任何他还活着的迹象。

The military described him as “status unknown,” the official said.

该官员说，军方对他的情况判断为“状态未知”。

On the ground in Iran, the downed officer’s mission boiled down to two words: evasion and survival. Surrounded by potential enemies, he hiked up a 7,000-foot ridgeline and wedged himself into a crevice where he hoped he would be safe until American forces found him, U.S. military officials said.

在伊朗地面上，这名坠机军官的任务归根结底就是两个词：规避与生存。美国军方官员表示，面对被敌人包围的可能性，他爬上了一条7000英尺的山脊，挤进一条裂缝，希望在那里安全待到美军找到他。

U.S. Central Command was preparing a statement that the plane had gone down and the pilot had been rescued.

美国中央司令部正准备发表一份声明，称飞机已坠毁，飞行员已被救出。

But just as they were about to release the statement — about 14 hours after the fighter jet was hit — U.S. officials got a lock on the weapons officer’s location via a beacon he was carrying. Air Force fighter pilots and weapons officers are equipped with beacons and secure communications devices for coordinating with their rescuers. But they are trained not to signal their location constantly and to restrict use of the beacon, which can be spotted by the enemy, military officials said.

但就在他们即将发布声明之际——战斗机被击中约14小时后——美国官员通过武器系统官携带的信标锁定了他的位置。空军飞行员和武器系统官都配备了信标和安全通信设备，用于与救援人员协调。但军方官员表示，他们受训不会持续发出信号，并限制使用信标，因为信标可能被敌人发现。

Central Command officials immediately scrapped the statement they were preparing to release. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth called President Trump and told him that as long as there was a chance that they could find the weapons officer, they needed to keep information about the pilot’s rescue secret.

中央司令部官员立即取消了他们正在准备发布的声明。国防部长皮特·海格塞斯致电特朗普总统，告诉他只要还有找到武器系统官的机会，他们就需要对飞行员已被救出的信息保密。

Iran had launched several search parties, one of which had assembled at the base of the mountain where the weapons officer was hiding. For the Iranians, the downed Air Force colonel was a powerful asset they could use as leverage in high-stakes negotiations with the United States.

伊朗已派出几支搜索队，其中一支已在武器系统官藏身的山脚下集结。对伊朗人来说，这名坠机的空军上校在他们与美国的重要谈判中将发挥巨大的作用。

For the U.S. military, which lives by the mantra of “no man left behind,” finding the downed officer was a moral imperative.

对于秉持“绝不抛弃任何人”信条的美国军方来说，找到坠机军官是一项道德义务。

Battered by the force from his ejection, the weapons officer waited. He knew that both U.S. and Iranian forces were racing to find him.

因弹射受伤的武器系统官在等待。他知道美国和伊朗部队都在争相寻找他。

A military official described the weapons officer’s signaling as intermittent. The first task for the military was making sure that the person signaling was the weapons officer and not someone in Iran who had found his equipment.

一名军方官员描述该武器系统官的信号是间歇性的。军方的首要任务是确认发出信号的人是武器系统官，而不是伊朗人找到了他的装备。

On Saturday morning, Mr. Trump was escalating his threats against Iran, vowing to blow up the country’s electrical infrastructure unless its leaders opened the Strait of Hormuz to all traffic. “Time is running out — 48 hours before all Hell will reign down on them,” Mr. Trump wrote on social media.

周六上午，特朗普正在升级他对伊朗的威胁，誓言除非伊朗领导人向所有交通开放霍尔木兹海峡，否则将摧毁该国的电力基础设施。特朗普在社交媒体上写道：“时间不多了——48小时后，地狱将降临在他们头上。”

At that moment, U.S. military officials were in the final stages of preparing a vast and complex rescue mission that involved about 100 Special Operations forces, led by elements of SEAL Team 6, with Delta Force commandos and Army Rangers on standby if needed. A far larger conventional force made up of helicopters, surveillance planes, fighters and aerial tankers was readied to provide support.

此时，美国军方官员正处于一项庞大而复杂的救援行动的最后筹备阶段，该行动涉及约100名特种作战部队人员，由海豹突击队第六分队主导，三角洲部队突击队员和陆军游骑兵待命，必要时提供支援。一支规模比这大得多的常规部队——包括直升机、监视飞机、战斗机和空中加油机——已做好支援准备。

A U.S. military official said it took hours to get the weapons officer’s location and determine that it was him. Military officials were assisted by the C.I.A., which used a special piece of technology unique to the agency to locate the airman hiding in the mountain crevice and confirm his identity. U.S. and Israeli officials gathered intelligence to determine if the airman was alone, surrounded by Iranians or had been captured.

一名美国军方官员表示，确定武器系统官的位置并确认是他的过程花了几个小时。军方官员得到了中央情报局的协助，该机构使用一项其独有的特殊技术，定位了藏在山体裂缝中的武器系统官，并确认了他的身份。美国和以色列官员收集情报，以判断他是独自一人，还是已被伊朗人包围或俘虏。

Once they determined the airman was alone, senior military officials waited until dark to launch a rescue mission. Special Operations helicopters, loaded with commandos, raced to the remote mountain site where he was waiting.

确定独自一人后，高级军方官员等到天黑才发起救援行动。满载突击队员的特种作战直升机迅速赶往他等待的偏远山地地点。

A senior U.S. official described the rescue mission as one of the most challenging and complex in the history of U.S. Special Operations. The commandos had to contend with the mountainous terrain, the Iranian forces that they assumed would rush to attack them and the injured airman’s health, which remained uncertain.

一名美国高级官员将此次救援行动描述为美国特种作战历史上最挑战和最复杂的行动之一。突击队员必须应对山区地形、预计会冲过来攻击他们的伊朗部队，以及伤者不确定的健康状况。

As the commandos landed on the objective, U.S. and Israeli warplanes dropped bombs whose bright orange blasts lit up the silhouettes of the surrounding mountains. From his hiding place, the weapons officer alerted his rescuers to the areas they should target for strikes, where he could see Iranians advancing, one senior military official said. The commandos fired their weapons ferociously to keep any Iranians in the area from advancing toward them.

当突击队员降落在目标地点时，美国和以色列战机投下炸弹，亮橙色的爆炸照亮了周围山脉的轮廓。一名高级军方官员表示，武器系统官从藏身处向救援人员发出警报，指出他们应该打击的区域，他能看到伊朗人正在推进。突击队员猛烈开火，以阻止该区域任何伊朗人向他们靠近。

But they did not engage in a firefight with enemy forces. U.S. officials described the territory where the airman was hiding as strongly opposed to the Iranian regime and said it was unclear how close Iranian forces ever got to the site.

但他们并未与敌方部队发生交火。美国官员述称，这位空军人员的藏身地位于一个强烈反对现政权的地区，并表示不清楚伊朗部队究竟离该地点有多近。

He was rushed to a helicopter that whisked him off to a sandy, austere airstrip inside Iran that Special Operations forces had previously developed for possible rescues or other contingencies.

他被迅速送上一架直升机，带到伊朗境内一个沙地的简易机场，该机场是特种作战部队此前为可能进行的救援或其他应急情况而修建的。

The plan was to immediately load the airman and the rescue force onto two C-130 aircraft that were supposed to carry them out of danger to an airfield in Kuwait. But, in a final twist, the nose gear of at least one, and possibly both, of those planes got stuck in the sandy dirt at the airstrip, military officials said.

原计划是立即将获救人员和救援部队装上两架C-130飞机，将他们带离危险区域，前往科威特的一个机场。但军方官员表示，最后出现意外，至少一架、可能两架飞机的前起落架卡在了机场的沙土中。

Eventually the commandos and the injured weapons system operator were reloaded onto three newly arrived replacement aircraft. After the rescue team left, American warplanes bombed the two disabled planes and four MH-6 Special Operations helicopters rather than let them fall into Iranian hands.

最终，突击队员和受伤的武器系统操作员转而登上三架新抵达的替换飞机。在救援队离开后，美国战机轰炸了那两架无法使用的飞机和四架MH-6特种作战直升机，以免它们落入伊朗手中。

As the sun was rising, the three planes launched in succession from the remote airstrip. The plane carrying the rescued airman went first followed by the others.

太阳升起时，三架飞机从偏远机场相继起飞。载有获救人员的飞机率先出发，其余跟进。

When word reached the White House that the aircraft had cleared Iranian airspace, Mr. Trump announced the mission’s success.

白宫收到飞机已离开伊朗领空的消息后，特朗普宣布任务成功。

“WE GOT HIM!,” Mr. Trump exclaimed in a social media post a few minutes after midnight in Washington. “This brave Warrior was behind enemy lines in the treacherous mountains of Iran, being hunted down by our enemies, who were getting closer and closer by the hour.”

“我们找到他了！”特朗普在华盛顿午夜过后几分钟在社交媒体帖子中惊呼。“这名勇敢的战士在伊朗险恶的山区敌后，被我们的敌人追捕，他们正一点点向他逼近。”

The rescued officer had “sustained injuries,” Mr. Trump wrote, but would be “just fine.”

特朗普写道，获救军官“受了伤”，但他“会没事的”。

All of the commandos were safe and accounted for. There were no U.S. casualties.

所有突击队员都安全无恙。没有美国人员伤亡。

伊朗国家电视台分享的一张图片，声称显示了在伊朗境内寻找一名被困空军人员的任务中被摧毁的美军飞机。

The moment of celebration seemed to pass quickly for Mr. Trump, who on Easter Sunday morning returned to the reality of an unpopular war for which he seemed to have no clear exit strategy. The airman was safe, but the Strait of Hormuz was still in Iranian control, imperiling as much as 20 percent of the world’s oil supply and the global economy.

对特朗普来说，庆祝的时刻似乎很快过去，周日复活节上午，他又回到了现实：一场不受欢迎的战争，而他似乎没有明确的退出策略。武器系统官安全了，但霍尔木兹海峡仍处于伊朗控制之下，危及全球多达20%的石油供应和全球经济。

Mr. Trump had tried bullying America’s allies in Europe and Asia to come to his aid, but his entreaties were ignored.

特朗普曾试图胁迫欧洲和亚洲的美国盟友前来援助，但他的请求遭到无视。

So he threatened Iran’s leaders in an angry and profane social media message.

于是他在一条愤怒且粗俗的社交媒体信息中威胁伊朗领导人。

“Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!!,” Mr. Trump wrote. “Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell — JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP.”

“周二是伊朗的发电厂日和桥梁日，打包到一起了。前所未有！！！”特朗普写道，“打开他妈的海峡，你们这些狗杂种，否则你们将活在地狱里——等着瞧吧！赞美安拉。唐纳德·J·特朗普总统。”

Zhang Xuefeng became famous in China for telling students and their parents what few educators would: which majors were useless, which careers were dead ends and which dreams ordinary families could not afford.

张雪峰之所以在中国走红，是因为他敢于将大多数教育工作者不愿提及的真相告诉学生和家长：哪些专业没用，哪些职业没有前途，以及哪些梦想是普通家庭负担不起的。

“Knock out your children if they want to study journalism,” he famously said.

他说过这样一句广为流传的话：“孩子非要报新闻学，我一定会把他打晕。”

“The humanities all lead to service work, and service work, in one word, is sucking up” to clients.

他还说过：“所有的文科专业都叫服务业，总结成一个字儿，就是‘舔’。”

Critics accused him of reducing education to employability, peddling social Darwinism and teaching students from humble backgrounds to accept the limits of their place.

批评者指责他把教育矮化为就业工具，兜售社会达尔文主义，并教导出身普通的学生接受自身阶层的局限。

But when Mr. Zhang died last month, at 41, something uncommon in today’s China happened. In a country where large-scale, spontaneous public emotion is rarely tolerated, tens of thousands of people from all over the country showed up at his memorial service in the eastern city of Suzhou. They stood in line for hours to pay their respects, some carrying flowers, one clutching a college admission letter. On the Chinese internet, posts and videos about Mr. Zhang and his death drew more than six billion views in a single day, according to a media monitoring firm.

但上个月年仅41岁的张雪峰去世后，当代中国罕见的一幕出现了。在这个通常不允许大规模自发表达公共情绪的国家，来自全国各地的数万人涌向东部城市苏州，参加他的追悼会。他们排队数小时表达哀思，有人手持鲜花，有人紧握大学录取通知书。据一家媒体监测机构的数据，在中国互联网上，关于张雪峰及其去世的帖子和视频在一天之内的浏览量超过了60亿次。

Online, admirers called him a hero, a savior of underprivileged families and even Prometheus.

在网络上，仰慕者称他为英雄、底层家庭的拯救者，甚至是普罗米修斯。

The gratitude directed at Mr. Zhang, who had 27 million followers on the short-video platform Douyin, reflected the fears of ordinary Chinese families trying to navigate an increasingly opaque and unforgiving education system. The extraordinary mourning after his death revealed how much of contemporary China is living with that anxiety.

人们对张雪峰的感激之情（他在短视频平台抖音上拥有2700万粉丝）反映了许多中国普通家庭在面对一个日益封闭、严苛的教育体系时的内心恐惧。他去世后引发的超乎寻常的哀悼恰恰说明了这种焦虑在当代中国有多普遍。

Students and parents thanked him for helping them navigate the high-stakes process of choosing a college major in China. Through livestreams and consulting sessions, he explained which majors led to stable jobs, which industries were declining and which professional certificates were worth pursuing — information readily available to families with connections or advanced education but far harder for everyone else to find.

学生和家长感谢他帮助他们在决定命运的高考志愿选择过程中找到方向。通过直播和咨询，他解释了哪些专业能带来稳定的工作，哪些行业在走下坡路，哪些职业资格证书值得去考——这些信息对于有关系或受教育程度较高的家庭来说唾手可得，但对于其他人来说却难以获取。

The public mourning was by no means an organized protest, but it carried an unmistakable social charge. It was a quiet rebuke to a system that many ordinary families experience as punishing and indifferent to their struggles. The censorship that followed suggested that the authorities recognized this, too. Some posts, videos and hashtags related to Mr. Zhang’s death and funeral were censored across Chinese social media.

这场公众哀悼绝非有组织的抗议，但它无疑承载着一种社会情绪。这是一种无声的谴责，在许多普通家庭看来，这个体系冷酷又傲慢，对他们的困境漠不关心。随之而来的审查举动表明，当局也意识到了这点。与张雪峰的去世和葬礼相关的一些帖子、视频和话题标签在中国的社交媒体上消失了。

2017年，张雪峰给大学生做讲座。对于正在选择大学专业的学生，他的建议直截了当，毫不客气。

Mr. Zhang spoke to a huge constituency in China: people who are neither powerful nor protected and for whom securing a stable future justifies almost any sacrifice. They are acutely aware that idealism is a privilege they cannot afford.

张雪峰的受众是一个庞大的群体：他们无权无势，为了一个安稳的未来，几乎任何牺牲都是值得的。他们清醒地意识到，理想主义是一种他们承担不起的奢侈。

Xu, a 34-year-old civil servant in Beijing, wished he had someone like Mr. Zhang when he was choosing a college major. (Like most of the people I interviewed, Xu asked to be identified by one name for fear of government retribution.) Born in a small town in northern China, he grew up in a family where having a “good job” meant being a civil servant, teacher or doctor.

34岁的北京公务员徐先生表示，当初自己选择大学专业时，能有张雪峰这样的人指点迷津。（像我采访的多数人一样，出于担心政府报复，他只愿公开姓氏。）他出生在中国北方的一个小城，在一个认为“好工作”就是公务员、教师或医生的家庭中长大。

“They have no idea what algorithms or semiconductors are,” he said of his parents, “or what kind of major could lead into those industries.”

“他们根本不知道什么是算法、什么是半导体，”他在谈到父母时说，“也不知道什么样的专业能通向这些行业。”

Mr. Zhang, Xu said, made visible a set of possibilities that had been hidden.

徐先生说，张雪峰让一套原本秘而不宣的可能性变得清晰可见。

“He may not have been a guiding light,” Xu said, “but he worked hard to make the maze navigable.”

“他或许算不上一盏指路明灯，”徐先生说，“但他努力让这座迷宫变得可以穿行。”

For decades, the general college entrance exam, known in Chinese as the gaokao, was widely seen as a pathway to changing one’s fate; it was brutally competitive but capable of delivering upward mobility. As universities expanded and the job market deteriorated, that promise weakened. Getting into college became easier. Turning a degree into security did not.

几十年来，被称为“高考”的普通高校招生全国统一考试一直被视为改变命运的一条途径——尽管竞争残酷，但它确实能提供上升通道。随着高校扩招和就业市场恶化，这一承诺正在动摇。考上大学变得容易了，但把一张文凭转化为稳定的生活并非易事。

In this environment, choosing the right major has become increasingly important, said Wang, a college admissions consultant in northern Hebei Province. In many provinces, families have less than two weeks between getting the results of the exam and the deadline to apply to college. In that time, they need to make sense of hundreds of majors, universities and career paths. Even educated parents often feel overwhelmed by the decisions. Mr. Zhang’s appeal, Wang said, lay in making an opaque system feel interpretable.

在这种环境下，选对专业变得越来越重要，河北北部的一位高考志愿咨询师王先生说。在许多省份，从出分到填报志愿截止，留给家庭的时间不到两周。在这段时间里，他们需要在数百个专业、院校和职业路径之间做出判断。即使是受过良好教育的父母也常常被这些选择压得喘不过气。王先生说，张雪峰的吸引力在于，他让一个不透明的体系变得可以被理解。

前来参加张雪峰追悼会的悼念者。

The families who turn to consultants like Mr. Zhang are not, for the most part, China’s elite. But neither are they the poorest. Wang described his clients as families in the broad middle: small-business owners, office workers, skilled laborers and lower-level state employees. They often have money to pay for guidance but lack the social capital or institutional knowledge needed to navigate the system confidently on their own. They’re buying not just advice but also insurance against making a misstep.

求助于像张雪峰这类咨询师的家庭大多不是中国的精英阶层，但也不是最贫困的那一类。王先生形容他的客户是广泛的中间阶层：小企业主、白领、技术工人和基层体制内人士。他们通常有能力为咨询付费，但缺乏独立应对这套体系所需的社会资本或门道。他们购买的不仅是建议，更是一份防止走错路的保险。

Their anxiety has created a thriving market for people willing to decode the system. The service typically costs about $1,000 at firms like Wang’s. But Mr. Zhang was the industry’s biggest star, and his company charged a steep premium. In the summer of 2024, Mr. Zhang offered two tiers of major-selection counseling services through livestreams, priced at $1,743 and $2,615. All 20,000 slots were snapped up almost immediately.

这种焦虑为愿意解读这套体系的人创造了一个蓬勃发展的市场。在像王先生这样的公司，服务费用通常在7000元左右。但张雪峰是这个行业最大的明星，他的公司收费远高于此。2024年夏天，张雪峰通过直播推出了两个档次的专业选择咨询服务，价格分别为1.2万元和1.8万元。全部2万个名额几乎瞬间售罄。

But Mr. Zhang’s influence cannot be explained by market demand alone. His authority also rested on the perception that, after rising above his own class, he had not pulled the ladder up behind him. He came from the same world they did — a working-class family in China’s industrial northeast — and understood, from experience, how unforgiving the climb could be.

但张雪峰的影响力不能仅仅用市场需求来解释。他的权威还建立在这样一种看法之上：在跨越自身阶层之后，他并没有把梯子抽走。他和他的粉丝来自同一个世界——中国东北工业区的一个工薪家庭，他亲身体会过向上攀爬的艰难。

He often spoke about his early struggles. In one livestream, he said he had been reluctant to bring a college girlfriend home because his family slept on a kang, a heated brick bed common in northern China, where she, too, would have to sleep. He was rejected by the parents of three former girlfriends who saw his background as a liability.

他经常谈到自己早年的挣扎。在一次直播中，他说自己曾经不愿意把大学时期的女友带回家，因为家里人都睡在北方常见的炕上——一种加热的砖床——而她也不得不睡在一起。他曾被三任前女友的父母拒绝，因为他们觉得他的家境是个负担。

That biography helps explain why so many followers saw him not just as an education influencer but also as someone who understood the humiliations and calculations of trying to move up in China.

这段经历有助于解释为什么这么多追随者不仅把他看作一个教育网红，更把他看作一个懂得在中国向上攀爬过程中所经历的屈辱与权衡的人。

One caller from a small town sought Mr. Zhang’s life advice during a livestream. An alumnus of a prestigious military engineering university, he had been admitted to a top graduate program in the same field. Yet he told Mr. Zhang that he felt lost. How much would he make after graduation? Which city should he move to? And how could he tell if it would be welcoming to someone like him?

一次直播中，一位来自小城市的求助者向张雪峰寻求人生建议。他是一所知名军事工程大学的毕业生，已被同专业一个顶尖研究生院录取。但他告诉张雪峰，自己感到迷茫。毕业后能赚多少钱？该去哪个城市？又该如何判断，一个城市是否会接纳像他这样的人？

“People like us, the so-called small-town strivers, often carry a sense of inferiority,” Mr. Zhang replied. Then he reassured the caller that he had already accomplished a lot and had given his family a shot at upward mobility. Just keep trying, he said.

“像我们这样的人，所谓的小镇做题家，常常带着一种自卑感，”张雪峰回答说。然后他安慰这位求助者说，他已经取得了很大的成就，为家庭争取到了向上流动的机会。他说，继续努力就好。

Hala, a college junior in China, wrote to me that nearly every parent he knew had watched Mr. Zhang’s livestreams.

中国一名大三学生哈拉给告诉我，他认识的几乎每一位家长都看过张雪峰的直播。

“People say you don’t necessarily have to study what he recommends,” Hala wrote, “but if he tells you not to study something, you definitely shouldn’t.” Critics accused Mr. Zhang of “selling anxiety,” he added. But for families like his, “the anxiety did not need to be sold.” It came from knowing that one wrong educational choice could close off the future they were struggling toward.

“人们说，你未必一定要学他推荐的专业，”哈拉写道，“但如果他告诉你某个专业不能学，那你绝对不能学。”他补充说，批评者指责张雪峰“贩卖焦虑”。但对他这样的家庭来说，“焦虑不需要贩卖”。焦虑来自一种清醒的认知：在通往未来的道路上，一个错误的教育选择就可能让一切努力前功尽弃。

Hala is majoring in computer science, one of the safest bets in today’s China and exactly the kind of choice Mr. Zhang would have endorsed. “And yet,” he wrote, “I am still anxious about the future. I still can’t see a way forward.”

哈拉主修计算机专业，在当下中国，这被视为最稳妥的选择之一，也正是张雪峰会赞同的那种选择。“然而，”他写道，“我仍然对未来感到焦虑。我仍然看不到前路。”

President Trump intensified his threats to devastate Iranian bridges and power plants if the country did not agree to a cease-fire before Tuesday evening, but he offered few details on what such a deal would achieve beyond restoring oil shipping out of the Persian Gulf — which was open before Mr. Trump’s war began.

特朗普总统加剧了对伊朗的威胁，称如果伊朗不在周二晚间之前同意停火，美国将摧毁伊朗境内的桥梁与发电厂。但对于此类协议除恢复波斯湾石油航运之外还能实现何种目标，他几乎未透露任何细节——而在特朗普发动这场战争之前，该航道处于畅通状态。

“We have to have a deal that’s acceptable to me,” Mr. Trump told reporters at the White House on Monday. “And part of that deal is going to be we want free traffic of oil and everything else.”

“我们必须达成一份我能接受的协议，”特朗普周一在白宫对记者表示。“协议的一部分，就是我们要实现石油以及其他所有物资的自由通行。”

Mr. Trump divulged little about any ongoing cease-fire negotiations, which he said involved Vice President JD Vance. He closed out the news conference with a warning to Europe: “We want Greenland. They don’t want to give it to us.”

特朗普几乎没有披露任何正在进行的停火谈判细节，但他提及副总统万斯参与了谈判。他在新闻发布会结尾向欧洲发出了警告：“我们要格陵兰岛，可他们不肯给我们。”

Trump intensified his threats.

特朗普进一步升级威胁。

Mr. Trump made his threats to attack Iran’s civilian infrastructure more explicit, but said he was still open to an agreement with the country’s leaders.

特朗普对攻击伊朗民用基础设施的威胁愈发直白，但同时声称，他仍愿意与伊朗领导层达成协议。

“Every power plant in Iran will be out of business, burning, exploding and never to be used again,” Mr. Trump said. He added: “We don’t want that to happen. We may even get involved with helping them rebuild their nation.”

“伊朗的每一座发电厂都将停运、燃烧、爆炸，再也无法使用，”特朗普称。他还说：“我们不希望这种事发生。我们甚至有可能参与帮助他们重建国家。”

Mr. Trump set a deadline of 8 p.m. Tuesday, Washington time, for Iran to agree to a cease-fire. He said Iran “would like to be able to make a deal,” but “I can’t say any more than that.”

特朗普给伊朗设定了最后期限，要求它在华盛顿时间周二晚8点之前同意停火。他表示，伊朗“希望能够达成协议”，但是“除此之外我不能再多说”。

He dismissed questions about war crimes.

他对战争罪的相关质疑置之不理。

Mr. Trump brushed off a question about whether he was worried that bombing bridges and power plants could constitute war crimes. International law prohibits attacks on civilian objects.

对于他是否担心轰炸桥梁和发电厂行为会构成战争罪的问题，特朗普不屑一顾。国际法禁止攻击民用目标。

“I hope I don’t have to do it,” Mr. Trump said.

“我希望不必这么做，”特朗普说。

He then launched into a familiar criticism of his predecessors having been “weak, ineffective and afraid” of Iran.

随后，他又开始了一贯的批评，指责历任前总统对伊朗“软弱、无能、畏缩”。

He has ‘a concept’ for the Strait of Hormuz.

他对霍尔木兹海峡有“一个构想”

Mr. Trump has gone back and forth about whether Iran must reopen the Strait of Hormuz as part of any deal, underscoring the strategic quandary for the president as he struggles to restore global oil markets to their prewar status quo.

对于伊朗是否必须将重新开放霍尔木兹海峡作为协议的一部分，特朗普的态度反复摇摆，这也凸显出总统在竭力让全球石油市场恢复至战前状态时面临的战略困境。

Responding to a question about whether he would be willing to end the conflict even if Iran is charging tolls for passage through the strait, Mr. Trump laid out a new ambition: having the United States control the artery out of the Persian Gulf.

有记者问，伊朗仍在对通过海峡的船只收取通行费，他是否即便如此也依然愿意结束冲突，特朗普就此提出了一个全新的野心：让美国掌控这条波斯湾的航运要道。

He did not explain how that could happen, since the United States does not control the strait.

他并未解释这将如何实现，毕竟美国并不掌控这条海峡。

“We have a concept where we’ll charge tolls,” he said.

“我们有一个构想，未来我们要收取通行费，”他说。

He highlighted a daring rescue operation.

他重点宣扬了一次大胆的营救行动。

Mr. Trump’s news conference was called ostensibly to highlight the U.S. military’s daring rescue of an Air Force colonel whose fighter jet had been shot down.

特朗普召开这场新闻发布会，名义上是为了宣扬美军对一名战机被击落的空军上校的大胆营救行动。

At a time when many Americans are expressing uncertainty about the future of the war and concern about fuel prices at home, Mr. Trump described the rescue in dramatic, and even cinematic, terms.

在许多美国人对这场战争的走向心存疑虑，同时对国内的燃油价格深感担忧之际，特朗普用戏剧性的口吻，甚至是电影术语描述了此次营救行动。

“You would call it central casting if you were doing a movie for location,” he said of the part of Iran where the airman was stranded, adding, “Those pilots came in so fast and so quick and got out of there.”

“如果你要给电影选址，会觉得这地方简直是为取景量身定制的，”他在谈及飞行员被困的伊朗区域时说。他还补充说，“那些飞行员飞快地冲进去，然后又撤离出来。”

The president asked Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to reveal more details, including how many people were sent on the rescue mission.

总统要求参谋长联席会议主席丹·凯恩将军透露更多细节，包括执行此次营救任务的人员规模。

“I’d love to keep that a secret,” General Caine responded.

“我还是希望保密，”凯恩回应道。

Turning back to the press, Mr. Trump said that “it was hundreds.”

特朗普转而对媒体称，“有几百人”参与了此次行动。

He threatened to jail a reporter.

他威胁要将一名记者送进监狱。

During the news conference, the president became angry with a member of his staff who he claimed had leaked a story about the downed airman to the news media. He threatened to jail a reporter, whom he did not identify, unless the journalist turned over the identity of the source.

新闻发布会期间，总统对一名白宫工作人员大发雷霆，声称此人向媒体泄露了战机飞行员被击落的相关消息。他威胁要将一名未具名的记者送进监狱，除非该记者交出消息源的身份信息。

“We’re going to find out,” Mr. Trump said, adding, “The person that did the story will go to jail if he doesn’t say.”

“我们会查清楚的，”特朗普称。他还说，“写这篇报道的人如果不交代，就得去坐牢。”

Mr. Trump has long pushed for the jailing of reporters who publish leaked information. Mr. Trump himself was charged federally with mishandling classified documents he kept upon leaving office. That case was later dismissed.

长期以来，特朗普一直主张将发布泄密信息的记者送入监狱。而特朗普本人在卸任后也曾因不当处理机密文件而面临联邦起诉，该案后来被撤销。

He wants to claim Iran’s oil.

他意图夺取伊朗的石油资源。

Mr. Trump continued to make Venezuela the model for his vision of how to deal with Iran, particularly his seizure of some of the country’s oil.

特朗普继续以委内瑞拉为模板，阐述自己对伊朗的的构想，尤其是他此前没收委内瑞拉部分石油资源的做法。

“To the victor belong the spoils,” he said, then suggested he would like to return to a world order of centuries past where conquering nations seized resources from the countries they defeated. “We haven’t heard that in, I think, maybe hundreds of years.”

“战利品归胜利者所有，”他说。随后他还表示，希望回归数百年前的世界秩序——战胜国可以从战败国手中掠夺资源。“我想，我们已经有好几百年没听过这种说法了。”

The energy shock caused by the war in the Middle East caught China, the world’s top buyer of oil, by surprise. But Beijing has been preparing for a crisis like this for years.

中东战争引发的能源冲击让全球最大的石油买家中国措手不及。但北京多年来一直在为这样一场危机做准备。

China has stockpiled increasingly large amounts of oil. It has pursued renewable sources of energy like solar, wind and hydropower so aggressively that its demand for refined oil, diesel and gasoline is falling. And it has harnessed technology to reduce its reliance on the foreign-sourced raw materials that go into the massive output of its factories.

中国不断增加石油储备。它大力发展太阳能、风能和水电等可再生能源，以至于对精炼油、柴油和汽油的需求正在下降。它还利用技术减少对进口原材料的依赖，这些原材料是其工厂大规模生产所必需的。

China’s ruling Communist Party has long viewed its industries as the foundation of its national security strategy. It has sharpened — and expanded — that approach since President Trump’s first term. China has doubled down on policies to build up local industries, in turn strengthening its global dominance over resources and supply chains.

中国共产党长期以来将工业视为国家安全战略的基础。自特朗普总统第一任期以来，这一理念得到加强和扩展。中国愈发推崇发展本土工业的政策，进而增强其在资源和供应链上的全球主导地位。

“You have seen more top-down industrial policy, more guidance from the central government to develop certain strategic sectors that China believes they need to strengthen in order not to be controlled by a Western power,” said Heiwai Tang, director of the Asia Global Institute at the University of Hong Kong.

“我们已经看到更多自上而下的产业政策，中央政府提供更多指导，来发展中国认为需要加强的某些战略部门，以免被西方大国控制，”香港大学亚洲环球研究所所长邓希炜说。

Energy was the linchpin.

能源是关键。

A decade ago, China was the world’s biggest market for internal combustion engine cars. Today, it is the top market for electric vehicles. China used to be the largest buyer of foreign-sourced petrochemicals, the raw materials derived from oil that are used to make plastic, metal, rubber components and other crucial ingredients in the goods its factories churn out. Now it uses mostly domestic coal to make certain chemicals, like methanol and synthetic ammonia. Government planning and investment were crucial to those advances.

十年前，中国是全球最大的内燃机汽车市场。如今，它已成为电动汽车的最大市场。中国曾经是外国石化产品的最大买家，也就是从石油中提取的用于制造塑料、金属、橡胶部件及其他工厂关键原料的原材料。现在，它主要使用国内煤炭来生产某些化学品，如甲醇和合成氨。政府规划和投资对这些进步至关重要。

2023年，中国潍坊的一座燃煤发电厂。

As the Strait of Hormuz, the passageway for virtually all of the oil that flows to Asia, remains largely shut off, China has so far proved more resilient than much of the rest of the world.

几乎所有流向亚洲的石油的必经之地霍尔木兹海峡目前基本处于关闭状态，而中国迄今为止已证明其比世界其他许多地区更有韧性。

China can now power many of its cars and trains with electricity, greatly reducing its reliance on oil. China has also honed the use of coal — and not oil — to produce its own petrochemicals. This technology, developed by Germany and used to sustain its economy during World War II, gives Beijing an alternative to oil to make the raw materials its factories need.

中国现在可以用电力驱动许多汽车和火车，大大减少了对石油的依赖。中国还完善了用煤炭（而非石油）生产本土石化产品的技术。这种最初由德国开发，并在二战期间用于维持其经济的技术，成为石油的替代方案，为北京提供其工厂所需的原材料。

Vietnam and the Philippines, facing severe shortages of oil and other energy sources, appealed to China for help last month. “China stands ready to strengthen coordination and collaboration with Southeast Asian countries and jointly address energy security issues,” a spokesman for China’s foreign ministry said.

上个月，面临严重石油和其他能源短缺的越南和菲律宾向中国求助。“中方愿同东南亚国家加强协调配合，共同应对能源安全问题，”中国外交部发言人表示。

Beijing has long been fixated on addressing its reliance on foreign sources of energy and materials.

北京长期以来一直专注于解决对外国能源和原材料的依赖问题。

At the turn of the century, officials worried about another narrow passageway through which oil traveled to China: the Strait of Malacca, which separates Indonesia and Malaysia from Singapore. In 2004, China created an emergency petroleum stockpile to address those concerns. In recent months, it has been expeditiously adding to its stockpile.

本世纪初，另一条将石油运往中国的狭窄通道——将印度尼西亚、马来西亚与新加坡分隔开的马六甲海峡——引起了官员们的担忧。2004年，中国建立了紧急石油储备以应对这些担忧。最近几个月，这一储备得到了迅速扩大。

As China was becoming a factory powerhouse for the world in the late 1990s, it needed foreign chemical companies like DuPont, Shell and BASF to set up plants to supply the chemicals its factories needed. In recent years, Chinese companies have come to dominate much of the world’s chemical supplies. Three-quarters of the world’s polyester and nylon, for example, are made in China.

上世纪90年代末，正在成为世界工厂的中国需要杜邦、壳牌和巴斯夫等外国化工公司在中国设厂，以供应工厂所需的化学品。近年来，中国公司已主导了全球大部分化工供应。例如，全球四分之三的聚酯和尼龙是在中国生产的。

去年在中国青海省，将阳光直接转化为电能的光伏太阳能板。

China is still the world’s largest buyer of oil and gas, and three-quarters of its oil is imported. While Beijing does not disclose the size of its reserves, its crude oil imports increased 4.4 percent in 2025 over the previous year, while its consumption grew 3.6 percent, according to the Chinese government. But after billions of dollars in direct subsidies to electric vehicle makers and hundreds of billions invested in renewable sources of energy, China’s efforts have paid off. Demand for refined oil, gasoline and diesel has fallen two years in a row, prompting experts to forecast that China’s oil and gas consumption has peaked.

中国仍是全球最大的石油和天然气买家，其四分之三的石油依赖进口。虽然北京不披露储备规模，但根据中国政府数据，2025年其原油进口较上年增长4.4%，而消耗增长3.6%。但在向电动汽车制造商提供数十亿美元直接补贴并在可再生能源上投入数千亿美元之后，中国的努力已见成效。对精炼油、汽油和柴油的需求已连续两年下降，专家预测中国的油气消费已达峰值。

At the same time, China’s oil consumption is growing in the petrochemicals industry as it further secures its supply chains.

与此同时，中国石化工业的石油消费仍在增长，以进一步巩固其供应链。

China’s industry boomed as the government invested heavily, provided cheap loans and encouraged universities to cater to chemical engineering, said Joerg Wuttke, who served as the chief representative in China for BASF, the German chemical company, for 27 years.

任德国化工公司巴斯夫驻华首席代表27年的伍德克(Joerg Wuttke)表示，这些努力得益于政府大量投资，提供廉价贷款，并鼓励大学培养化工人才，从而推动了中国工业的繁荣。

These efforts accelerated under Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, and during Mr. Trump’s first presidency.

这些努力在习近平领导下以及特朗普第一任期期间加速推进。

“Everything that Trump does triggers even more self-reliance from Beijing,” said Mr. Wuttke, who is now a partner at DGA-Albright Stonebridge Group, a consultancy firm.

“特朗普所做的任何事都会促使北京更加自力更生，”现为咨询公司奥尔布赖特石桥集团合伙人的伍德克说。

During his first term, Mr. Trump confronted China on economic and business issues, setting off a trade war and a technology showdown.

特朗普在第一任期内就经济和商业问题与中国对抗，引发了一场贸易战和技术较量。

Mr. Trump’s confrontational approach to China set off alarms.

特朗普的对抗性策略为中国敲响了警钟。

中国一直在大力开发风能及其他可再生能源。

Chinese leaders began to send out signals. In 2019, Li Keqiang, the premier at the time, called for China to use coal to make both electricity and chemicals as part of an effort to reduce its dependence on seaborne oil. It was a deviation from China’s focus on eliminating coal.

中国领导人开始发出信号。2019年，时任总理李克强呼吁中国用煤炭发电和生产化学品，以减少对海运石油的依赖。这偏离了中国此前淘汰煤炭的关注。

By late 2020, as the pandemic raged, causing major disruptions to shipping and global trade, and tensions with the United States reached new heights, China put out an official road map, attributed to Mr. Xi, for how to get through the period of turbulence.

到2020年底，随着疫情肆虐导致航运和全球贸易严重中断，以及与美国的紧张关系达到新高，中国发布了一份据称由习近平主导的官方路线图，指导如何度过动荡时期。

Published in Qiushi, the Communist Party’s leading theoretical journal, the text was a call to arms for Chinese industries to hunker down. They were told to develop technologies faster than competitors overseas to achieve self-reliance and insulate China from supply chain disruptions.

这篇文章发表在中共主要理论刊物《求是》上，号召中国工业“卧薪尝胆”。文章要求业界比海外竞争对手更快地发展技术，以实现自力更生，并使中国免受供应链中断的影响。

“Trump 1.0 was a very clear rupture that changed China’s geopolitical calculus, and it reactivated old fears,” said Lauri Myllyvirta, a co-founder of the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air, an independent research organization, who has tracked China’s growing use of coal to make petrochemicals.

“特朗普1.0是一场非常明确的决裂，改变了中国的地缘政治计算，并重新激活了旧有的忧虑，”独立研究机构能源与清洁空气研究中心联合创始人柳力(Lauri Myllyvirta)说，他对中国石化生产中的煤炭使用增加进行了追踪。

“Xi himself had spoken about supply chain resiliency,” Mr. Myllyvirta said. “All of this just enabled a petrochemicals boom to gain steam.”

“习近平曾亲自谈及供应链韧性，”柳力说。“所有这些都为石化产业的繁荣提供了助力。”

The signals from the top allowed the industry to expand and build plants to use coal instead of oil to make petrochemicals.

来自高层的信号让该行业得以扩张，并建设工厂，用煤炭而非石油生产石化产品。

去年，中国某农村庭院里的煤炭。

In 2020, China used 155 million tons of standard coal equivalent to make chemicals. By 2024, it was using 276 million tons. By 2025, that figure increased another 15 percent, eclipsing the total coal consumption in the United States of 230 million tons.

2020年，中国用1.55亿吨标准煤当量生产化学品。到2024年，这一数字增至2.76亿吨。到2025年，又增加了15%，超过了美国全年2.3亿吨的煤炭消费总量。

Chinese officials have said using coal is a temporary bridge to being more reliant on renewables, and they have also invested in technology that uses electricity to make petrochemicals. But using coal as an alternative to oil for now is paying off as shortages of oil and gas have sent prices surging.

中国官员表示，使用煤炭是转向更多依赖可再生能源的过渡，他们还投资了用电生产石化产品的技术。但目前，用煤炭作为石油的替代品正在发挥作用，因为石油和天然气的短缺导致价格飙升。

Take nitrogen fertilizer. China produces a third of the global supply, and 80 percent of it is made with coal instead of oil. Since the war in the Middle East began, international prices for urea, the main chemical in fertilizer, have surged by over 40 percent, while China’s domestically produced equivalent has stayed at less than half of the global rate.

以氮肥为例。全球三分之一的供应来自中国，其中80%是用煤炭而非石油制成的。自中东战争爆发以来，肥料中的主要化学品尿素的国际价格上涨超过40%，而中国国内生产的同类产品价格仍不到全球价格的一半。

Even before the American and Israeli militaries started exchanging combat fire with Iran, threatening one of the world’s most important regions for resources that power countries, China had a dominant position, said Johanna Krebs, an analyst at the Mercator Institute of Chinese Studies, a German think tank.

德国智库墨卡托中国研究所分析师约翰娜·克雷布斯说，甚至在美国和以色列军队开始与伊朗交火，威胁全球最重要的资源产区之前，中国就已经占据主导地位。

“The Chinese,” she said, “most likely will see this as encouragement on the path to self-sufficiency.”

“中国人大概率会把这件事看作是一种激励，”她说，“推动他们继续在自给自足的道路上走下去。”

It’s easy to feel hypnotized by the quivering wheat fields and frosty forests of “Living the Land,” a patient, multigenerational drama that immerses viewers in the traditions and labor practices of a farming community in China’s Henan Province. Cycles of weddings, funerals and harvests take place with the changing seasons, yet the forces of modernity and globalization seep into the villagers’ lives in subtle ways. The radio broadcast shares news of civil unrest in Ethiopia and Kuwait, and talk of machines that can “do the work of a whole village” leave some wondering: What would that leave for the workers to do?

《生息之地》里随风起伏的麦田、覆着霜雪的林地，很容易让观众深深沉醉其中。这部节奏舒缓、横跨代际的剧情片将观众彻底带入中国河南省一个农耕村落的传统习俗与劳作日常。婚丧嫁娶、春种秋收的轮回随四季更迭往复，而现代化与全球化的浪潮正以微妙的方式悄悄渗透进村民的生活。收音机里播报着埃塞俄比亚与科威特的内乱新闻，而关于那些“能干一整个村子的活”的机器的议论，让一些人心里犯起了嘀咕：真到了那一天，劳动者还能做什么？

The year is 1991, the beginning of a decade when modern technologies began spreading to rural parts of the country for the first time; and when economic reforms accelerated, causing agricultural families to split apart as their members moved to the city in search of better jobs.

故事发生在1991年，一个时代的开端：在这十年里，现代科技首次开始向中国农村地区普及，经济改革也持续提速，许多农户家庭因成员前往城市寻找更好的工作而分居两地。

This is the case with the parents of 10-year-old Chuang (Wang Shang), who now lives with his extended family in Henan. The writer-director Huo Meng takes an observational approach, capturing village life mostly from Chuang’s naïve point of view as he attends the local school and spends time with his cousins, one of whom is developmentally disabled, as well as his great-grandmother (Zhang Yanrong) and his favorite “auntie,” Xiuying (Zhang Chuwen).

10岁的闯（汪尚饰）的父母就是如此，他留在河南，和一大家子亲人一同生活。编剧兼导演霍猛采用了观察式的手法，大多透过闯天真的视角捕捉乡村生活：他去村里的学校上课，和表兄弟姐妹们相伴——其中一人患有发育障碍——还有他与太姥姥（张彦荣饰）和他最亲近的秀英小姨（张楚文饰）相处的点滴日常。

The film tracks about a year in Chuang’s life in a sober, sociological style of long takes and smooth pans. The story feels loose, intentionally directionless, at first, but as it winds toward the cooler months, its collection of small details builds up to big-picture revelations about the imminent rise of China as a global superpower. Chuang’s great-grandmother talks to him about college and the newlywed Xiuying considers divorce. Their community’s centuries-old customs may soon be endangered, but change comes with its burdens and blessings.

影片以冷静的社会学视角，通过长镜头与平稳摇镜，记录了闯生命中约一整年的时光。故事起初看似松散，似乎有意不设置明确的方向，但随着故事逐渐走向寒冷的季节，无数细碎的日常细节层层堆叠，最终勾勒出中国即将崛起为全球超级大国的宏大图景。闯的太姥姥总跟他念叨着将来要考大学，新婚不久的秀英正动着离婚的念头。这个村落里传承了数百年的习俗，或许很快就将面临消亡，而时代的变革，从来都是既会带来负担，也会带来福祉。

Living the LandNot rated. In Mandarin, with subtitles. Running time: 2 hours 12 minutes. In theaters.

《生息之地》。无分级。普通话对白，配字幕。片长2小时12分钟。正在院线上映。

The first time humans flew to the moon, it came at the end of a rotten year. War, political violence, racial strife, protesters in the streets — it felt like everything was coming unraveled. Yet when Apollo 8 splashed down, it proved so inspiring that one American summed up the feeling with a telegram thanking the astronauts: “You saved 1968.”

人类首次飞向月球时，正值一个糟糕年份的尾声。战争、政治暴力、种族冲突、街头抗议——仿佛一切都在分崩离析。然而当“阿波罗8号”溅落归航时，它如此激励人心，以至于一位美国人用一封电报总结了当时的心情，感谢宇航员说：“你们拯救了1968年。”

Fifty-eight years later, another U.S. spacecraft hurtled toward the heavens this week to begin a journey back to the moon amid deep divisions at home. For a brief moment, the talk was again about courage, exploration, national ambition and common purpose. But it was no fault of the four astronauts of Artemis II that the planet they left behind remains riven by war, strife and violence or that 2026 has not, as yet, been saved.

58年后，又一艘美国航天器于本周冲向太空，开启重返月球的旅程，而此时国内同样深陷分裂。有那么一刻，人们又谈起了勇气、探索、国家雄心和共同目标。但“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的四位宇航员无法为他们身后这颗依然被战争、冲突与暴力撕裂的星球负责，也无法为2026年尚未被拯救这一事实负责。

The launch of Artemis II on Wednesday evening captured the tenor of the times in a country that can still do big things but seems forever mired in big problems. The roar of the rocket managed to hold the spotlight for less than 2 1/2 hours before President Donald Trump came on the screen to change the subject. While he congratulated the astronauts at the top, he quickly turned the nation’s attention back to the latest war dividing Americans and the economic turmoil it has wrought here and around the world.

周三晚间“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的发射映射出一个国家的时代基调：它依然能够成就大事，却似乎始终困于巨大的麻烦之中。火箭的轰鸣声占据聚光灯的时间甚至没能超过两个半小时，特朗普总统便出现在屏幕上，改变了话题。尽管他一开始向宇航员表示了祝贺，但很快就把国家的注意力拉回到那场正在分裂美国的最新战争及其在国内和全球造成的经济动荡上。

This is, it seems, a country impervious to unity these days, led by a president with little interest in pursuing it. Rather than take advantage of the moment to try to bring Americans together behind a fresh leap back into the next frontier, Trump focused on what has torn Americans apart. He did not have to give that speech just after the launch. It did not say anything new. He chose that particular moment to draw the cameras back to himself so that he could “tell everybody how great I am,” as he described his goal beforehand.

如今的美国似乎难以实现团结，而领导它的总统也几乎无意推动团结。特朗普并没有利用这个契机引导美国人团结在重返未知疆域的壮举之后，而是专注于那些撕裂美国的事物。他本不必在发射后紧接着发表那场演讲，而且讲话内容也没有新意。他选择那个特定的时刻，是为了将镜头拉回自己身上，以便他能够“告诉大家我有多伟大”——正如他事先所说。

“Had he said more about it last night in the speech, that would have been a unifying factor,” said Roger D. Launius, a retired NASA chief historian. “Everybody likes this stuff. You might question the cost, but generally we all sort of like it. There’s not a lot of NASA haters out there. It’s nonpartisan.”

“如果他昨晚在讲话中多谈一些这件事，本可以成为一种凝聚人心的因素，”NASA前首席历史学家罗杰·劳尼乌斯说。“大家都喜欢这种事情。你或许会质疑成本，但总体来说，我们都挺喜欢的。几乎没有什么人反对NASA。这是超越党派的。”

Still, Launius said, the Artemis II launch did remind him of that brief moment of shared endeavor in 1968. “I think there were a lot of people who paused to see that,” he said. “Now they immediately got back to other things. Within a half-hour, it was over. But I do think there was a similar camaraderie.”

不过劳尼乌斯也表示，“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的发射让他想起了1968年那个短暂的共同奋斗时刻。“我觉得很多人都停下来关注了这件事，”他说。“但很快大家又回到了别的事情上。不到半小时就结束了。但我确实认为当时存在一种类似的休戚与共的情谊。”

To be sure, Artemis is not Apollo, and going back to the moon does not fire the imagination like going there in the first place. For many Americans, it seems like a rerun, even if most were not old enough to remember the last time humans ventured beyond Earth’s orbit. Like Apollo 8, which paved the way for Apollo 11 to actually land on the moon, Artemis II will circle the satellite without actually touching down, leaving that to a successor craft in the coming years.

诚然，“阿尔忒弥斯”并非“阿波罗”，重返月球也不像人类首次登月那样能激发想象力。对许多美国人来说，这看起来像是一场“重播”，即使大多数人年纪尚轻，并未亲历人类首次飞离地球轨道。正如为“阿波罗11号”真正登月铺平道路的“阿波罗8号”一样，“阿尔忒弥斯2号”只是环月飞行，而不会真正着陆，着陆的任务将留给未来几年的后续飞行器。

Moreover, for all the wonder of those iconic launches in the 1960s and early 1970s, the sense of coming together did not last long. Apollo did not end the turmoil over the Vietnam War or civil rights or the assassinations of the era. And once Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin took that great leap for humanity and beat the Russians — which, after all, was John F. Kennedy’s real goal — the magic ended for many ready to move on.

此外，尽管20世纪60年代和70年代初那些标志性的发射壮举令人惊叹，但那种团结感并未持续太久。阿波罗计划并没有结束围绕越战、民权运动或那个时代的政治暗杀造成的动荡。而一旦尼尔·阿姆斯特朗和巴兹·奥尔德林完成了那次“人类的一大步”并击败了苏联人——这终究才是约翰·肯尼迪的真实目标——对于许多准备好转向其他事务的人来说，那份魔力也就此消散。

Yet there was still something awe-inspiring about reaching out again after so long, as enthusiastic crowds gathered in Florida and online around the world concluded this week. It is no small feat to travel 250,000 miles from the Earth. Only 24 humans have ever visited our nearest neighbor, 12 of whom actually landed on the moon, and none in more than half a century.

然而，在阔别多年后再次触碰深空，依然有着某种震撼人心的力量，正如本周在佛罗里达集结的热情人群以及全球在线关注者所感受到的那样。从地球启程飞行40万英里绝非易事。历史上仅有24人造访过我们最近的邻居，其中只有12人真正登上了月球，且半个多世纪以来再无人踏足。

Under its commander, Reid Wiseman, Artemis II is bringing the first woman (Christina Koch), the first Black man (Victor Glover) and the first non-American (Jeremy Hansen of Canada) to another world.

在指令长里德·怀斯曼的带领下，“阿尔忒弥斯2号”正将首位女性（克里斯蒂娜·科赫）、首位黑人（维克多·格洛弗）以及首位非美国人（来自加拿大的杰里米·汉森）带往另一个世界。

And this time, NASA says, humans are traveling to the moon to stay. Artemis IV and Artemis V are supposed to land on the dusty surface in 2028, and future expeditions are meant to serve as a springboard toward the even more ambitious mission of sending humans for the first time to Mars.

而这次，NASA表示，人类前往月球是为了留下。“阿尔忒弥斯4号”和“5号”预计将于2028年在这片布满尘埃的表面着陆，未来的远征将作为跳板，向着更雄心勃勃的首次载人登陆火星任务迈进。

“We need this,” Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., said in an interview Thursday, a day after attending the launch with his twin brother and fellow former astronaut Scott Kelly. “Right now, with the division in our country, just everything seems to be one side or the other and politicized and just like the chaos in the world right now. On top of it, we’ve got a war in Europe, people can’t afford their lives, election coming up. It’s just a crazy time. It’s moments like this that I think give people hope.”

“我们需要这个，”亚利桑那州民主党参议员马克·凯利在周四的采访中说道。就在前一天，他与双胞胎兄弟、同为前宇航员的斯科特·凯利共同出席了发射仪式。“眼下，随着我们国家的分裂，似乎所有事情都非此即彼、被政治化，就像现在世界的混乱局势一样。除此之外，欧洲还有战争，人们生活不堪重负，大选也近在眼前。这真是一个疯狂的时代。正是这样的时刻，我认为能给人们带来希望。”

There are so few things that bring Americans together these days. Public faith in the presidency, Congress, the Supreme Court, business, the police and the media has fallen. Establishments and endeavors that were once widely respected are now seen through partisan or ideological lenses. Even institutions like Harvard University, the FBI and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are now distrusted by wide swaths of Americans on one side of the aisle or the other.

如今，能把美国人凝聚在一起的事情少之又少。公众对总统、国会、最高法院、企业、警察和媒体的信任度都在下降。曾经广受尊敬的机构和事业现在都被打上了党派或意识形态的烙印。甚至像哈佛大学、联邦调查局和疾控中心这样的机构，现在也被两党中一方的广大美国人所不信任。

While Americans used to rally around the president at the start of a war, Trump’s attack on Iran was the first major conflict in the history of polling not to have public support from the beginning. Trump is a historically unpopular president, but according to Gallup polling, every president over the past two decades has governed without the support of a majority of Americans for most of their tenures.

虽然过去美国人习惯在战争爆发之初团结在总统周围，但特朗普对伊朗的袭击却是民意调查史上首次在开战之初就未获得公众支持的重大冲突。特朗普是一位在历史上不受欢迎的总统，但根据盖洛普民意调查，过去二十年里的每一位总统，在其大部分任期内都未能在获得多数美国人支持的情况下执政。

NASA has been an outlier. While many Americans question whether the moon should be a high priority, the space program has high ratings. Of 16 federal agencies tested by the Pew Research Center in 2024, NASA was seen favorably by more Americans than all but two others (the National Park Service and the U.S. Postal Service), with 67% positive versus just 12% negative.

NASA是一个例外。尽管许多美国人质疑是否应将登月作为高度优先事项，但航天计划却拥有极高的支持率。皮尤研究中心在2024年对16个联邦机构进行的调查中，NASA的好感度排在第三位（仅次于国家公园管理局和美国邮政署），有67%的美国人对其持正面看法，而只有12%持负面看法。

To listen to the astronauts themselves describe their hopes for their mission in the months before the launch was to hear the palpable desire not just to depart the Earth but to heal it. In a series of interviews with The New York Times in January, the space-farers gave voice to distinctly terrestrial aspirations.

在发射前几个月聆听宇航员们描述他们对任务的希望，就能感受到一种强烈的渴望——不仅是离开地球，更是治愈地球。在今年1月接受《纽约时报》的一系列采访中，这些太空旅行者表达了明显属于地球上的愿望。

Koch talked about how the moon mission would be “celebrating the fact that we recognize that we can go farther when we go together.” Glover compared it to 1968 when “it was a tough time in the country” and said that he hoped “that we can create a touchpoint for our generation that’s equal to or maybe even, maybe there’s a path to be even greater” than Apollo 8.

科赫谈到，登月任务将是“为了庆祝这样一个事实：我们意识到，当我们共同进发时，可以走得更远”。格洛弗将其比作1968年，那时“国家正处于艰难时期”，并表示他希望“我们能够为我们这一代人创造一个与‘阿波罗8号’同等，甚至可能更伟大的连接点”。

Wiseman acknowledged that even amid all the technological tests and flight simulations, he had been mulling over the state of society. “I’ve been thinking — in the world that it is today, what are the things that we can best do to lift up our friends on planet Earth?” he said. “I hope we have a great impact on bringing the world together even just for a minute.”

怀斯曼承认，即使在所有的技术测试和飞行模拟中，他也一直在思考社会的现状。“我一直在想——在当今这个世界，我们最能做些什么来最好地鼓舞我们在地球上的朋友们？”他说。“我希望我们能对世界团结产生巨大作用，哪怕只是片刻。”

在指令长里德·怀斯曼的带领下，“阿尔忒弥斯2号”正将首位女性（克里斯蒂娜·科赫）、首位黑人（维克多·格洛弗）以及首位非美国人（来自加拿大的杰里米·汉森）带往另一个世界。

That is perhaps an even heavier lift than the Space Launch System achieved above Florida this week. Even more than in 1968, America is a country splintered into tribal factions. Americans who watched Apollo 8 take off mainly did so on one of three major broadcast networks or one public network. An estimated 1 billion people around the world watched or listened as Frank Borman, James Lovell and William Anders read from the Book of Genesis on Christmas Eve.

这或许比本周在佛罗里达州升空的“空间发射系统”火箭所承载的任务还要艰巨。与1968年相比，现在的美国更像是一个分裂成部落式派系的国家。当年观看“阿波罗8号”发射的美国人主要通过三大广播网或一个公共网络观看。据估计，当年全球有10亿人在圣诞夜收看或收听了弗兰克·博尔曼、詹姆斯·洛威尔和威廉·安德斯朗读《创世记》中的章节。

The revival of the space exploration program has been a priority of Trump’s since his first term, the kind of grand project that fits his vision of making America great again. Yet with the war on Iran disrupting markets and economies, he devoted just 35 seconds to the launch at the start of his nationally televised address shortly after takeoff. “It’s amazing,” he said, praising NASA and the astronauts. “They are on the way, and God bless them. These are brave people.”

自特朗普第一个任期以来，重启太空探索计划就是他的优先事项之一，这类宏大项目符合他“让美国再次伟大”的愿景。然而，由于对伊朗的战争扰乱了市场和经济，他在全国电视讲话中只在开场时用35秒提到了这次发射。“太了不起了，”他称赞了NASA和宇航员。“他们正在路上，上帝保佑他们。这些都是勇敢的人。”

Kelly said he hoped the spirit of Artemis II would invigorate Americans for more than a day. “It’s a way they all get to see some of the great things that our country can do,” he said. “So it definitely is a unifying event. We’ll see how unifying it is and how long it lasts.”

凯利表示，他希望“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的精神能激励美国人不止一天。“这能让所有人都有机会亲眼目睹，我们的国家依然有能力成就一番伟业，”他说。“所以这绝对是一个团结人心的盛事。我们将拭目以待它究竟能有多大的凝聚力，以及能持续多久。”

周三晚间，执行“阿尔忒弥斯2号”任务的火箭在升空后划破天际。

It came as no surprise that the discussion of birthright citizenship at the Supreme Court this week focused on the landmark 1898 precedent set by Wong Kim Ark, which ruled that a child born in San Francisco to Chinese parents was a citizen.

本周，最高法院就出生地公民权展开的讨论毫无意外地聚焦于1898年的黄金德案这一里程碑式判例，该案裁定一对华裔夫妇在旧金山所生的孩子拥有美国公民身份。

But notably peppered throughout the oral arguments Wednesday were many references to lesser-known cases: Fong Yue Ting. Lau Ow Bew. Yick Wo. Bhagat Singh Thind.

但值得注意的是，在周三的口头辩论中，冯越亭案、刘敖标（音）案、益和案、巴哈特·辛格·廷德案等一系列鲜为人知的判例被反复提及。

Each of these names refers to an Asian immigrant at the center of a Supreme Court case in the late 19th century or early 20th century.

这些名字背后，都是19世纪末至20世纪初最高法院案件核心中的亚裔移民。

In the decades before and after the Wong lawsuit, immigrants from China, Japan and India fought an immigration system that tried to keep people like them from entering the United States and from becoming American citizens. Taken together, the cases reflect a body of case law, beyond that of Wong Kim Ark, that has shaped the American immigration system for more than 100 years.

在黄金德提起诉讼前后的数十年间，来自中国、日本、印度的移民与试图阻止他们入境、剥夺他们成为美国公民资格的美国移民体系展开了长期抗争。这些案件与黄金德案共同构成了一套完整判例法，在过去一个多世纪里塑造了美国的移民制度。

“The reason why there are so many cases involving Asian immigrants or the children of Asian immigrants,” said Amanda L. Tyler, a constitutional law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, “is because immigration law in this country for a very long time was incredibly unreceptive to Asian immigration and naturalization.”

“之所以出现这么多涉及亚裔移民或其子女的判例，”加州大学伯克利分校宪法学教授阿曼达·泰勒表示。“是因为长期以来，美国移民法对亚裔移民与入籍申请极度排斥。”

The web of federal immigration restrictions was so comprehensive that, throughout the first half of the 19th century, there were relatively few Asians in the United States. Starting in 1882, virtually all Chinese people were barred from entering the country, and by the 1930s, that had broadened to cover most people from Asia. Asian immigrants also faced bans on becoming naturalized citizens.

联邦移民限制体系极为严密，19世纪上半叶，在美亚裔人口数量寥寥。1882年起，美国事实上禁止所有中国人入境；到20世纪30年代，这一禁令范围扩大至绝大多数亚洲国家。亚裔移民还面临着无法入籍的禁令。

During this era, many Asians turned to their communities for help in challenging these laws, said Gabriel J. Chin, a law professor at the University of California, Davis.

加州大学戴维斯分校法学教授加布里埃尔·秦（音）表示，这一时期，许多亚裔转而依托社群力量，挑战这些法律。

The powerful Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, a group of family and hometown organizations also known as the Six Companies, hired high-profile white lawyers to work on these cases. Led by wealthy Chinese merchants, the association was motivated not just by a desire to protect its community, but also to preserve its access to Chinese labor.

势力强大的中华会馆（又称“六大公司”）是由宗亲与同乡会馆组成的联合组织。该机构聘请知名白人律师代理这些诉讼。在富有的华商领导下，会馆的动机不仅是保护社群，还在于维持获取中国劳工的渠道。

All told, Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits at the local, state and federal levels during the period of exclusion, historians say.

历史学家称，排华时期，华裔移民在地方、州与联邦各级法院提起的诉讼超过1万起。

“Because of the economic and political importance of Chinese immigration, high-quality U.S. citizen lawyers were hired to litigate cases large and small,” Chin said.

“由于华人移民具备重要的经济与政治价值，各方聘请了高素质的美国公民律师，代理大大小小的各类案件，”加布里埃尔·秦说。

In 1886, the Six Companies helped find lawyers for Lee Yick, the owner of Yick Wo laundry in San Francisco, after he was arrested for violating a local law requiring permits for all laundry businesses in wooden buildings. While neutral on its face, the law was disproportionately used to target Chinese laundry owners.

1886年，六大公司协助旧金山益和洗衣店老板李益找到律师。李益因违反当地一项法令被捕，该法令要求所有木质建筑内的洗衣店必须申请经营许可。尽管法令表面中立，但实际执行中被过度用于针对华裔洗衣店老板。

Lee prevailed under the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause. The decision became a landmark civil rights case because it extended equal protection to noncitizens.

最终，李益依据宪法第十四修正案的平等保护条款胜诉。该案成为民权领域的里程碑判例，因为它将平等保护权延伸至非公民群体。

In 1892, the organization also won a case for Lau Ow Bew, an affluent Chinese merchant in San Francisco who was detained and blocked from reentering the country by U.S. customs officials because he lacked a required certificate proving that, as a merchant, he was exempt from federal Chinese exclusion laws.

1892年，该组织又为旧金山富商刘敖标赢得诉讼。此前，美国海关官员以他未持有证明其作为商人可豁免联邦排华法的必要证书为由，将其扣留并阻止其重新入境。

And the next year, they lost a case for a Chinese laborer in New York City named Fong Yue Ting, who had been arrested and faced deportation for not having a mandatory residence certificate that required the corroboration of at least one white witness. The ruling affirmed the broad scope of federal power to regulate immigration.

次年，他们为纽约市华工冯越亭辩护的案件败诉。冯越亭因未持有强制要求的居住证（需至少一名白人证人作证）被捕，并面临驱逐出境。最高法院的裁决确认了联邦政府在移民管控领域的广泛权力。

Several years later, the Six Companies hired some of the same lawyers to defend Wong Kim Ark.

数年后，六大公司又聘请了部分原班律师为黄金德辩护。

As Chinese people were increasingly shut out of the country, U.S. immigration and naturalization laws began to target the growing numbers of immigrants from Japan, and later, India.

随着华人入境渠道被持续封堵，美国移民与入籍法开始将矛头指向日益增多的日本移民，随后又针对印度移民。

In 1922, the Supreme Court ruled that Takao Ozawa, a Japanese immigrant, was not white within the meaning of the Naturalization Act of 1790 — which restricted who could become an American to “free white persons” — and was therefore ineligible to become a citizen. Even though Ozawa was Christian, spoke English fluently and, as he argued, had skin that was lighter than even some white people, he was not Caucasian, the court said.

1922年，最高法院裁定，日本移民小泽孝雄因不符合1790年《归化法》对“白人”的定义（该法将美国公民资格仅限于授予“自由白人”）而无资格入籍。尽管小泽是基督徒、英语流利，且辩称自己的肤色比部分白人更浅，但法院认定他不属于高加索人种。

The next year, in an infamous case mentioned by Justice Sonia Sotomayor on Wednesday, the court shifted its reasoning. Bhagat Singh Thind, who had immigrated from India and fought in the U.S. Army during World War I, argued that he was technically Caucasian and so was qualified to become a naturalized citizen. But the court said he was not actually white as understood by the “common man.”

次年，在一桩周三被索尼娅·索托马约尔大法官提及的恶名昭彰的判例中，最高法院改变了推理逻辑。印度移民巴哈特·辛格·廷德曾在一战期间服役于美国陆军，他辩称自己严格意义上属于高加索人种，因此符合归化公民资格。但法院认为，按“普通人”的理解，他并非白人。

The ruling led the government to strip citizenship retroactively from Thind, his lawyer and more than 50 other naturalized citizens of Indian heritage.

该裁决导致美国政府追溯性地剥夺了廷德、其律师及另外50多名印度裔归化公民的公民身份。

The court decisions in Thind and Ozawa were ultimately rendered obsolete by Congress, which passed a series of laws lifting naturalization restrictions under a broader effort to improve geopolitical ties during World War II and the Cold War. But some immigration cases involving Asians, most notably Wong Kim Ark, remain the controlling precedent in U.S. immigration law.

最终，国会通过一系列立法，废除了入籍限制，这是二战与冷战期间，美国为改善地缘政治关系推行的更广泛举措的一部分，廷德案与小泽案的裁决因此失效。但部分涉及亚裔的移民判例，尤其是黄金德案，至今仍是美国移民法中的主导先例。

“Many Asian plaintiffs helped to set precedent with immigration cases,” said Bethany Li, executive director of the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund. “Asian American history is immigration history.”

“许多亚裔原告通过移民诉讼帮助树立了先例，”亚美法律辩护与教育基金执行董事贝瑟妮·李表示。“亚裔美国人的历史，就是移民史。”

In 1965, Congress passed landmark legislation that fully abolished immigration quotas based on national origin, opening the door to an unprecedented influx of immigrants from Asia, among other regions.

1965年，国会通过一项里程碑式立法，全面废除基于国籍的移民配额，为亚洲及其他地区前所未有的移民潮打开了大门。

Today, a vast majority of the 24.8 million Asians in America arrived in the last half-century or are descendants of those post-1965 immigrants. As of last year, they made up 7% of the population and were the country’s fastest-growing racial group.

如今，美国2480万亚裔人口中绝大多数是过去半个世纪内入境的移民，或是1965年后移民的后代。截至去年，亚裔占美国总人口的7%，是美国增速最快的族裔群体。

If the Supreme Court eliminates near-universal birthright citizenship, a right affirmed by Wong Kim Ark’s landmark victory, there could be a disproportionate effect on Asians who are in the country lawfully, according to a new study.

一项最新研究显示，如果最高法院废除由黄金德案胜诉确立的、近乎普遍适用的出生地公民权，受影响最严重的将是合法居留在美国的亚裔群体。

But some advocacy groups say that galvanizing Asian American communities around the issue has been a challenge, in part because many were not directly affected by that early period of discrimination and because that history is not widely taught in schools.

但部分倡导组织表示，围绕这一议题动员亚裔社群一直面临挑战，部分原因在于，许多亚裔并未直接受到早期歧视时期的影响，且这段历史在学校教育中鲜有普及。

Many Americans of Asian heritage do not even see themselves as Asian Americans.

许多亚裔美国人甚至不将自己视为亚裔美国人群体的一员。

“Some Asian Americans think, ‘Well, you know that’s about undocumented people, it’s not about us,’ but the reality is, ‘No, we’re all in this together,’” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, which was among the groups challenging President Donald Trump’s executive order on birthright citizenship.

“有些亚裔美国人会觉得，‘这是关于那些无证移民，跟我们没关系’，但现实是，‘不，我们所有人休戚与共’，”亚美法律中心执行董事阿蒂·科利表示。该中心是挑战特朗普总统出生地公民权行政令的组织之一。

President Trump has unapologetically wielded the power of the United States on the global stage, taking a much more belligerent approach economically and militarily to try to dictate the actions of other countries.

特朗普总统在全球舞台上理直气壮地挥舞着美国的权力大棒，在经济与军事领域采取更为好战的强硬姿态，试图左右他国的行动。

From high tariffs to the war with Iran, Mr. Trump has claimed that this aggressive behavior internationally has only upsides, and that past leaders were fools for refusing to tap into America’s power.

从高额关税到对伊朗开战，特朗普声称，这种在国际上咄咄逼人的做派只有好处，没有坏处；而往届美国领导人不愿动用美国的实力，在他看来愚蠢至极。

But one clear drawback of the strategy is emerging. While many countries have acceded to the president’s demands, some have found a highly effective new way to fight back. Mr. Trump’s aggression has given them the opportunity to test their control over choke points, threatening the United States and the global economy.

但如今，这一策略的一个明显弊端正逐渐显现。尽管许多国家屈从于特朗普的要求，但部分国家已找到极具效力的全新反击方式。特朗普的强硬挑衅恰好给了它们检验自身对战略阻塞点控制权的机会，从而威胁美国与全球经济。

One such choke point is the Strait of Hormuz. Iran, which accounts for less than 1 percent of global economic output, has control over the shipping lane that transports a fifth of the world’s oil and gas. Its closure since the United States and Israel began attacking Iran at the end of February has blocked shipments of fuel, fertilizer and other goods, sending gas prices sharply higher and spreading anxiety among U.S. farmers and manufacturers.

霍尔木兹海峡便是这样一处战略阻塞点。伊朗的经济总量占全球比重不足1%，却掌控着这条承载全球五分之一石油与天然气运输的航道。自2月底美以联合对伊朗发动袭击以来，这条航道已被封锁，燃料、化肥及其他商品的运输受阻，导致全球油价大幅飙升，在美国的农场主与制造商中引发普遍焦虑。

Another experiment in retaliatory coercion began one year ago on Thursday, when Mr. Trump walked into the Rose Garden and unveiled tariffs on what he called “Liberation Day.” While many governments — even powerful economies like the European Union — complied with U.S. demands, China was a notable exception. Beijing rolled out a licensing system for exports of rare-earth minerals and magnets that has given China unparalleled control over the global manufacturing system.

另一轮报复性反制的实验始于一年前的一个周四。当天，特朗普走进白宫玫瑰园，宣布对多国加征关税，并将那一天称作“解放日”。尽管包括欧盟这样的强势经济体在内的多国政府都顺从了美国的要求，但中国是个明显的例外。北京随即推出稀土矿产与稀土磁体出口许可制度，这使中国对全球制造业体系拥有了无与伦比的控制力。

Makers of cars, semiconductors, fighter jets and other goods — the backbone of a U.S. factory system that Mr. Trump wants to revive — depend on rare earths, most of which are processed in China.

汽车、半导体、战斗机等产品的制造商正是特朗普希望重振的美国制造业支柱，它们都高度依赖稀土，而全球绝大多数稀土都在中国加工。

While China is approving some licenses and allowing some rare earths to flow, supplies for many manufacturers are running short. And China has cut off exports of these materials to companies that work for the U.S. military, leaving them struggling to find other suppliers. Mr. Trump’s decision to delay a visit to China by roughly six weeks until mid-May worried some executives who hoped that his meeting with Xi Jinping, the Chinese leader, could alleviate the pressure.

尽管中国正在批准部分许可证并放行部分稀土出口，但许多制造商的供应仍然紧张。此外，中国已全面切断为美国军方供货企业的稀土供应，导致这些企业不得不竭力寻找其他供应商。特朗普将原计划访华行程推迟约六周、延至5月中旬，这一决定让部分企业高管忧心忡忡——他们原本寄望于特朗普与中国国家主席习近平的会晤能缓解当前的供应压力。

The difficulties underscore an inconvenient truth for the president: As powerful as the American economy is, its inextricable links with the rest of the world can still bring it to its knees.

这些困境凸显出一个令特朗普难堪的事实：即便美国经济实力再强，它与全球经济千丝万缕的联系，仍可能让它陷入被动、难以招架。

Edward Fishman, the author of “Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare,” said the rest of the world had seen how the mineral controls had gotten Mr. Trump to back off China last year. Since Mr. Trump threatened in January to take over Greenland, even European officials had been searching for potential choke points in U.S. trade, Mr. Fishman said.

《阻塞点：经济战时代的美国实力》(Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare)一书作者爱德华·菲什曼表示，全球各国都已看到，中国的矿业管控如何迫使特朗普去年在对华政策上做出让步。菲什曼称，自今年1月特朗普威胁接管格陵兰岛以来，就连欧洲官员也开始积极寻找美国贸易体系中的潜在阻塞点。

“The lesson is that the way to deal with American economic coercion is to fight back,” he said. “Iran now is proving that again.”

“现在的教训是，应对美国经济胁迫的办法就是反击，”他说。“伊朗如今正在再次证明这一点。”

China began designing a system of rare-earth controls before the re-election of Mr. Trump, whose strategy is not entirely new: The United States has a long history of weaponizing supply chains, from using its control of the global banking system to punish enemy nations to trying to halt the flow of advanced artificial intelligence technology to China.

中国早在特朗普连任前就开始设计稀土管控体系。而特朗普的这套策略其实并非首创：美国将供应链用作武器的历史由来已久——从利用对全球银行体系的控制权来制裁敌对国家，到试图阻止先进人工智能技术流向中国，手段不一而足。

But Mr. Trump stepped up American antagonism, with tools ranging from tariffs to military strikes. One of his basic principles has been that the United States should do a better job of leveraging its power. He argues that, as the world’s biggest consumer market, the United States can force other countries to trade on terms less favorable for them, and that with the world’s most powerful military, it can remove heads of state from Venezuela to Iran.

但特朗普通过从关税到军事打击等手段，加剧了美国的对抗姿态。他奉行的核心原则之一就是美国必须更充分地利用自身实力。他声称，作为全球最大消费市场，美国可以强迫其他国家接受对自身不利的贸易条款；而凭借全球最强的军事力量，美国可以推翻从委内瑞拉到伊朗的各国政权。

多艘船只停泊在阿曼马斯喀特附近、霍尔木兹海峡附近的海域。该水道关闭导致石油、天然气、化肥及其他货物的运输受阻。

Mr. Trump has dismissed any criticism that those actions violate international alliances, laws or conventions, preferring to see the world in terms of raw power. The countries that have done best against him, like China, seem to recognize that same principle, responding in economically destructive ways to try to force him to back down.

对于外界批评这些行动违背国际同盟、国际法或国际公约的声音，特朗普一概不屑一顾，他更愿意用纯粹的实力逻辑看待世界。而像中国这样能有效对抗他的国家，似乎也深谙这一原则，它们以同样具有经济破坏力的手段反击，迫使特朗普做出让步。

It remains to be seen whether Iran’s control over the Strait of Hormuz persuades Mr. Trump to call off his campaign. But the disruption appears to be encouraging him to try to bring the war to a quicker end.

伊朗对霍尔木兹海峡的封锁能否说服特朗普叫停军事行动，仍有待观察。但目前的干扰似乎正推动他寻求更快结束这场战争。

In an address to the nation on Wednesday night, Mr. Trump said that the United States received “almost no oil” through the strait, and that countries that did “must take the lead in protecting the oil that they so desperately depend on.”

在周三晚间的全国讲话中，特朗普表示，美国通过该海峡进口的石油“几乎为零”，而依赖这条航道的国家“必须主动站出来，保护他们这么迫切依赖的石油”。

“In any event, when this conflict is over, the strait will open up naturally,” he added.

“无论如何，等这场冲突结束，海峡自然会重新开放。”他补充道。

Oil prices surged and stocks sank on Thursday after the address.

讲话发布后，周四全球油价飙升、股市下跌。

The United States has been more insulated from the economic aftershocks of the shutdown of the strait than closer economies in Europe, Asia and Africa. But more expensive global energy and tighter supplies of fertilizer, aluminum, helium and other products from the Middle East are still pushing up prices and slowing economic activity in the United States, creating a problem for the Republican Party as midterm elections approach. Higher fuel costs are trickling into the price of fresh food, and rates for international shipping have risen sharply, adding to the cost of importing goods to the United States.

相比欧洲、亚洲与非洲等邻近经济体，美国受霍尔木兹海峡封锁引发的经济余波影响相对较小。但全球能源价格上涨、中东地区化肥、铝、氦气等产品供应收紧，仍在推高美国国内物价、放缓经济活动，给中期选举临近的共和党带来麻烦。燃油成本上涨正逐步传导至生鲜食品价格，国际航运费率也大幅攀升，进一步抬高美国进口商品成本。

Analysts at Evercore ISI projected on Wednesday that the U.S. economy would grow 2.2 percent this year, rather than 2.8 percent, because of the war and the accompanying energy shock, while core inflation would tick up 0.2 percentage points.

独立研究机构Evercore ISI的分析师周三预测，受战争及伴随而来的能源冲击影响，美国今年经济增速将从2.8%降至2.2%，核心通胀率则将上升0.2个百分点。

“The U.S. is now heading for a subpar year relative to its potential rather than a strong and above-trend year,” they wrote.

“美国今年的经济表现将低于自身潜在增长水平，而非强劲的超预期增长。”他们在报告中写道。

U.S. manufacturers have been quieter about the effect of Chinese rare-earth restrictions, to avoid panicking investors or angering the Chinese government. But many industries are deeply worried about limitations on those shipments and a thinning supply.

为避免引发投资者恐慌、或激怒中国政府，美国制造商对中国稀土限制的影响大多保持低调。但多个行业对稀土出口管控与供应趋紧的局面深感担忧。

China’s controls are having some effect on companies that make M.R.I. and CT machines that use rare earths to do imaging, as well as those that make the magnets inside the machines, said Geoff Martha, the chief executive of Medtronic, a U.S. medical equipment manufacturer, at an event on Monday at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington.

美国医疗设备制造商美敦力首席执行官杰夫·玛莎周一在华盛顿外交关系协会的活动上表示，中国的稀土管控，已对生产核磁共振、CT扫描仪造成影响，这类设备需用稀土实现成像功能；同时也影响了生产设备内部磁铁的公司。

The industry has engaged with the Trump administration and the Chinese government to try to obtain licenses for exports, he said.

他称，该行业已与特朗普政府及中国政府沟通，争取稀土出口许可。

“What we’re finding, it takes work, it creates supply chain disruption, it’s a distraction. But we’re seeing an ability to work through these so far,” Mr. Martha added.

“我们发现，这需要耗费精力，扰乱了供应链，也分散了企业的注意力。但到目前为止，我们仍有办法逐步解决这些问题，”玛莎还说。

Gina M. Raimondo, who was secretary of commerce in the Biden administration, said at the same event that the Trump administration had seemed surprised by China’s move to weaponize mineral supply chains. She was not, she said.

拜登政府时期的商务部长雷蒙多在同一场活动上表示，特朗普政府似乎对中国将矿产供应链用作武器的举动感到意外，但她说，她本人对此并不意外。

“It is a huge leverage point that China has over the United States,” she said. She argued that there were plenty of other levers that the U.S. should be attuned to.

“这是中国牵制美国的一个巨大筹码。”她说。她还指出，美国还需警惕其他大量筹码。

For a typical artificial intelligence data center, for example, “most Americans would be alarmed of the dependency we have on China,” Ms. Raimondo said, adding, “China is very aware of that, and they’re going to do everything they can do to maintain that advantage.”

例如，对于一个典型的人工智能数据中心而言，“大多数美国人如果知道我们对中国的依赖程度，都会感到震惊，”她还说。“中国对此心知肚明，也会竭尽全力维持这一优势。”

More than a month into a war that he insists will come to an end within two or three weeks, President Donald Trump has put himself in a strategic box from which he is finding no easy exit.

在这场他坚称将在两到三周内结束的战争已过去一个多月之际，特朗普总统把自己置于一个战略困局之中，找不到轻易的脱身之路。

Talks with Iran about a deal to end the conflict, to the degree they are substantive, have so far shown little promise. The key metrics of success described at various points by Trump — keeping Iran from possessing the fuel to make a nuclear weapon, helping the Iranian people topple a government much of the populace despises and reopening the Strait of Hormuz — remain in the distance, at best.

与伊朗就结束冲突而进行的谈判，就其实质性程度而言，到目前为止基本没看到什么希望。特朗普在不同阶段描述的成功关键指标——阻止伊朗拥有制造核武器的燃料、帮助伊朗人民推翻一个广受民众唾弃的政府，以及重新开放霍尔木兹海峡——即便往好了说，也仍然遥不可及。

Iran’s tolerance for pain appears far higher than Trump anticipated, and despite devastating losses to its arsenal, it retains some ability to strike Israel with missiles. It did so even while Trump spoke about the war Wednesday evening.

伊朗对痛苦的承受力似乎远高于特朗普的预期，尽管其军火库遭受重创，但仍保有对以色列实施导弹打击的能力。甚至在特朗普周三晚间谈及战争时，伊朗还发动了袭击。

That televised, prime-time address was intended to reassure Americans that the costs of the war would be transitory, that an end to hostilities and a return to normal economic life were imminent. But the markets responded to his speech with deep skepticism.

那场在黄金时段播出的电视讲话原本意在安抚美国民众，让人相信战争代价只是暂时的，敌对行动将很快结束，经济生活也将恢复正常。但市场对他的反应是深深的怀疑。

Oil prices surged 8% in the hours after his 19-minute address, largely because he described no plan to end what amounts to a tanker hostage crisis in the Strait of Hormuz that is now rippling across the global economy. The strait, he insisted, would “open up naturally” when the conflict is over.

在这段19分钟的讲话之后数小时，油价飙升了8%，很大程度上是因为他并未提出任何方案来解决正在波及全球经济、如今几乎演变为霍尔木兹海峡油轮挟持危机的问题。他只是坚持称，海峡会在冲突结束后“自然开放”。

At this stage, Trump appears to be offering a host of sometimes contradictory paths forward and faces the possibility that at the end of his own two-to-three-week window, nothing much will have changed. And his promise to send Iran back to the “Stone Ages” if it did not agree to his terms — which he did not specify Wednesday night — would amount to an expansion of the war, not a winding down.

在这个阶段，特朗普似乎提出了一系列有时相互矛盾的出路，并面临着一个可能性：在他自己设定的两到三周窗口期结束时，局势可能不会有太大改变。而他承诺如果伊朗不同意他的条件——他在周三晚并未具体说明——就将伊朗打回“石器时代”，这将意味着战争的升级，而非逐步结束。

Trump has never been troubled by internal contradictions, of course. He is the master of raising and dispensing with arguments to fit the moment. In the opening moments of the war, he urged Iranians to rise up and take over their government, but he hasn’t mentioned that approach since, other than to say it would probably lead to the slaughter of the Iranian protesters.

特朗普当然从来不会被自身的内在矛盾所困扰。他善于根据当下需要提出或抛弃各种论点，堪称此道高手。战争刚开始时，他曾呼吁伊朗民众起来推翻政府，但此后便不再提及这一方式——除了表示这可能导致伊朗抗议者遭到屠杀之外。

On Wednesday evening, he said that “regime change was not our goal,” although he had called for just that after the initial attack by the United States and Israel on Feb. 28. He now claims that “regime change has occurred because of their original leaders’ death,” as if a change of personnel was same as a change of regime. (When Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini died in 1989, only to be succeeded by another supreme leader, few argued that it constituted a change of the governing structure.)

周三晚间，他称“政权更迭并非我们的目标”，尽管在2月28日美以发动最初打击后，他曾明确呼吁政权更迭。他如今又声称，“政权更迭已经发生，因为他们原有领导人已经死了”，仿佛人员更替就等同于政权更迭。（1989年霍梅尼去世、由另一位最高领袖接任时，几乎没有人认为这构成了治理结构的改变。）

In weaving back and forth, Trump is relying on techniques he honed in the New York real estate world, where he often succeeded at creating his own reality. But war is different. The enemy gets to shape the environment as well, and the Iranians apparently sense they can wait Trump out. And while Iran has precious few allies — even its biggest oil customer, China, has kept its distance — Iranian leaders seem to be counting on declining stock markets and rising oil prices to speed Trump’s exit from the conflict.

在反复摇摆中，特朗普依靠的是他在纽约房地产界磨练出的那套手法——在那里，他经常能成功地创造出属于自己的现实。但战争不同。敌人同样拥有塑造环境的能力，而伊朗人显然觉得自己能耗到特朗普认输。尽管伊朗的盟友少得可怜——就连其最大的石油买家中国也与其保持距离——但伊朗领导人似乎正指望股市下跌和油价上涨来加速特朗普退出这场冲突。

So whether the U.S. forces pull back in two or three weeks, as Trump predicted, or whether Washington escalates the fighting and gets stuck, here is a look at the challenges that seem unlikely to be resolved anytime soon.

因此，无论美军会如特朗普所预言的那样在两到三周内撤出，还是华盛顿会升级战事并深陷其中，以下这些挑战看起来都不太可能在短期内得到解决。

‘Shortly, Very Shortly’

“很快，非常快”

That is how Trump described on Wednesday night the length of time required to “complete all of America’s military objectives.” Earlier that day, he said it would be “two weeks,” or maybe just a bit longer, before he began to withdraw.

这是特朗普周三晚间用来形容“完成美国所有军事目标所需时间”的说法。就在当天早些时候，他还表示，大约“两周”，或者稍长一点时间后，他就会开始撤军。

Set aside for the moment the fact that Trump frequently criticized former President Joe Biden for setting a firm deadline for exiting Afghanistan, saying such information would only help the enemy. But Trump had earlier set a deadline of his own to leave Afghanistan. And in the case of Iran,  Trump’s goal is to reassure the markets that normality, and an open strait, is on the horizon.

暂且不论特朗普曾频繁批评前总统拜登为撤离阿富汗设定明确期限（称此类信息只会对敌人有利）这一事实。实际上，特朗普早前也曾为撤离阿富汗设定过自己的期限。而在伊朗问题上，特朗普的目标是让市场放心：正常状态以及海峡的开放指日可待。

But at other moments, he has described military missions that could stretch to months or years. He has mused openly about “taking” Kharg Island, where Iran loads 90% of its oil bound for export. “I don’t think they have any defense,” he told The Financial Times. “We could take it very easily.”

然而在其他时刻，他描述的军事任务却可能延长至数月甚至数年。他曾公开表示考虑“拿下”哈尔克岛——伊朗90%的出口原油都在那里装船。“我认为他们没有任何防御能力，”他告诉《金融时报》。“我们可以轻而易举地拿下它。”

Holding it, however, is another matter. The island is just 16 miles from the Iranian coast. The oil pipelines feeding the port would be an easy target for sabotage.

然而，拿下是一回事，守住则是另一回事。该岛距离伊朗海岸仅25公里，向港口输送石油的管道很容易成为破坏行动的目标。

Trump not only needs to get the strait open; he needs to keep it open. In the same speech in which he said the problem would more or less take care of itself, he also told allies who rely on getting their oil through the strait that they should “build up some delayed courage” and go “grab it and cherish it.”

特朗普不仅需要让海峡开放，还需要保持其开放。在同一场讲话中，他一方面表示问题大致会自行解决，另一方面又对那些依赖该海峡运输石油的盟友说，他们应该“鼓起一点迟来的勇气”，去“把它夺过来并守住”。

But the Europeans are so angry at him — for not consulting them before initiating a conflict that triggered an economic and energy crisis, for conducting what many of them consider to be an illegal attack — that they are meeting this week to discuss their next steps without the presence of American representatives. “This is not our war, and we’re not going to get dragged into it,” Keir Starmer, the British prime minister, said Wednesday.

但欧洲方面对他极为不满——因为他在发动这场引发经济与能源危机的冲突前没有征求他们的意见，也因为他发动了一场他们中许多人认为是非法的攻击。本周，欧洲国家将召开会议讨论下一步行动，但没有美国代表参加。“这不是我们的战争，我们不会被拖进去，”英国首相斯塔默周三表示。

Trump can barely contain his fury at such remarks, which have led to his threat to leave NATO. Yet in an Easter-related event at the White House on Wednesday, which was closed to the press but was videotaped and mistakenly posted to YouTube by the White House, Trump seemed to acknowledge that the United States would need some help. He mockingly referred to phone conversations with President Emmanuel Macron of France.

特朗普几乎难以掩饰对这些言论的愤怒，甚至威胁要退出北约。不过，在周三白宫一场与复活节相关的活动上（该活动未对媒体开放，但被录像并被白宫误传到了YouTube上），特朗普似乎也承认，美国需要一些帮助。他还带着嘲讽地提及与法国总统马克龙的通话。

“I said, ‘No, no, I don’t need after the war is won, Emmanuel,’” Trump said, recalling his conversation. In fact, his aides concede, any patrol of the strait could last for years.

“我说，‘不，不，埃马纽埃尔，我不需要在赢得战争后再让你帮忙，’”特朗普回忆道。事实上，他的助手们也承认，任何海峡巡逻任务都可能持续数年。

‘I Don’t Care About That’

“我不在乎那个”

1962年，肯尼迪总统与空军参谋长柯蒂斯·李梅上将在佛罗里达观看B-52轰炸机。

It was only a few weeks ago that Trump repeated, in a social media post, his primary goal for the war: “Never allowing Iran to get even close to Nuclear Capability,” he wrote, “and always being in a position where the U.S.A. can quickly and powerfully react to such a situation.”

就在几周前，特朗普还在社交媒体上重申他这场战争的首要目标：“绝不允许伊朗哪怕接近拥有核能力，”他写道，“并始终确保美国能够迅速而有力地应对这种情况。”

None of the past five American presidents would disagree with that goal, which has been attempted via many paths. The United States sabotaged Iran’s nuclear centrifuges during the administrations of Barack Obama and George W. Bush. Obama negotiated a broad accord in which Iran gave up 97% of its uranium stockpile. In his first term, Trump withdrew from that accord, imposing crushing sanctions on Iran but paving the way for the country to build up its current stockpile of near-bomb-grade uranium.

过去五位美国总统都不会反对这一目标，他们曾尝试过多种路径来实现它。在奥巴马和布什执政期间，美国曾对伊朗的核离心机进行过破坏。奥巴马谈判达成了一项广泛协议，让伊朗放弃了97%的铀库存。在特朗普的第一个任期内，他退出了该协议，对伊朗实施了严厉制裁，却也为伊朗积累如今接近武器级的浓缩铀库存铺平了道路。

When the war started Feb. 28, Trump justified it by making an argument that the presence of that stockpile, enriched to 60% purity, was intolerable, even if it was in tunnels whose entrances were buried under the rubble created by a U.S. air attack in June 2025. U.S. intelligence officials said there was no evidence that the Iranians had recovered the casks of nuclear material, though everyone agreed that sooner or later, the Iranians would likely dig them out.

当战争于2月28日爆发时，特朗普给出的理由是：伊朗拥有纯度高达60%的浓缩铀库存是不可容忍的——即便这些库存存放在地下隧道中，而隧道的入口已在2025年6月美军的空袭中被掩埋在废墟之下。美国情报官员表示，目前没有证据表明伊朗人已经取回了那些核材料桶，尽管所有人都认为，伊朗人迟早会把它们挖出来。

So it was pretty shocking to hear Trump, on Wednesday morning, telling Reuters in an interview that he didn’t really care about the stockpile because it is “so far underground.” What made his statement particularly stunning was that Trump has spoken for more than a decade about the need to block Iran from producing uranium, which it could stockpile and enrich to a form usable in a bomb. It has been a constant theme for Trump as he has made the case that a nuclear-armed Iran would be an existential threat to the United States and the world.

因此，周三上午听到特朗普在接受路透社采访时表示他并不真正在乎这批库存，因为它“埋得太深了”，着实令人震惊。特朗普的言论尤其令人瞠目结舌之处在于，十多年来他一直在谈论必须阻止伊朗生产铀——伊朗可以储存铀并进一步浓缩成制造核武器所需的材料。这一直是他反复强调的论点：一个拥有核武器的伊朗将对美国乃至世界构成生存性威胁。

“We’ll always be watching it by satellite,” the president said. He repeated a similar line in his speech.

“我们会一直用卫星监视它，”总统说道。他在演讲中也重复了类似的说法。

今年2月卫星拍摄的伊朗伊斯法罕核设施的受损情况。

His statement naturally raised the question about whether he had deliberately hyped the threat that an Iranian nuclear bomb was “imminent” — an echo of the Bush administration’s case for invading Iraq in 2003.

他的这番表态自然引发了一个疑问：他是否刻意夸大了伊朗核武器“迫在眉睫”的威胁——这让人联想到布什政府在2003年为入侵伊拉克所提出的理由。

More than half a century after the United States put humans on the moon, it is once again locked in a space race. This one is with China.

在实现人类登月半个多世纪后，美国再次卷入了一场太空竞赛，而这一次的对手，是中国。

NASA sent astronauts on a lunar flyby on Wednesday, a milestone toward grander ambitions. Both the United States and China want to build outposts around the moon’s south pole and hope to tap frozen water, hydrogen and helium there. Both countries plan to build nuclear reactors to power lunar bases from which they can launch missions into deep space.

NASA于周三将航天员送入绕月轨道，这是迈向更宏伟目标的一个里程碑。中美两国都计划在月球南极附近建立前哨基地，希望开采那里的冰冻水、氢与氦资源；双方均规划建造核反应堆，为月球基地供能，并从那里发射深空探测任务。

It is a new frontier, and whoever gets there first will have a big say in setting the rules.

这是一片全新的前沿领域，谁先抵达，谁就将在规则制定中拥有更大的话语权。

NASA’s program, known as Artemis, has hit repeated snags. The United States wants to be back on the moon by 2028, two years ahead of China’s target, but even NASA acknowledges that it may not win.

NASA的计划名为“阿尔忒弥斯”，屡屡遭遇阻碍。美国计划在2028年前重返月球，比中国的既定目标早两年，但就连NASA自己也承认，这场竞赛它未必能赢。

“They may be early,” Jared Isaacman, the NASA administrator, said last week. “And recent history suggests we might be late.”

“他们很可能提前完成计划，”NASA局长贾里德·艾萨克曼上周表示。“而过往的记录告诉我们，我们大概率会延期。”

China is pursuing its lunar ambitions with a singular, formidable focus. Its program has several advantages over its American rivals.

中国正以一种独特而强大的专注力推进着自己的登月愿景。与美国的竞争对手相比，中国的探月工程拥有多项独特优势。

Experts say China’s edge lies in its centralized control, which allows it to plan and fund projects for decades at a time. Its robotic space missions have already gone where the United States has not.

专家表示，中国的核心优势在于集中的管控机制，这让它能够为项目制定数十年的长期规划和资金投入。中国的机器人航天探测任务已经抵达了美国从未涉足的区域。

China is the only nation to land on and retrieve samples from the far side of the moon, the hemisphere that always faces away from Earth. This summer, China’s seventh robotic mission, Chang’e 7, will explore the lunar south pole.

中国是全球唯一一个在月球背面（即永远背向地球的一面）实现软着陆并完成采样返回的国家。今年夏天，中国第七次月球机器人探测任务“嫦娥七号”将奔赴月球南极开展探测。

It helps China that its immediate ambition is leaner. Chinese astronauts plan to land on the relatively accessible near side of the moon. That’s where Neil Armstrong took “one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind” in 1969.

另一个对中国有利的因素是，中国现阶段的核心目标更为务实。中国航天员计划率先在登陆难度相对较低的月球近侧着陆，1969年尼尔·阿姆斯特朗正是在这里，迈出了“对个人来说是一小步，对全人类来说是巨大的一步”。

American astronauts are aiming for the moon’s south pole.

美国航天员的目标则是月球南极。

A recent program overhaul could speed Artemis along. The new plan includes more launches to test components, gain confidence and lower risks, Mr. Isaacman said. After returning astronauts to the moon, NASA plans to launch missions every six months and sustain a presence there.

近期的项目调整有望加快阿尔忒弥斯计划的推进节奏。艾萨克曼表示，新方案包含更多发射任务，用于测试组件、增强信心、降低风险。在实现航天员重返月球后，NASA计划每半年执行一次发射任务，并在月球上维持存在。

“This time the goal is not flags and footprints,” Mr. Isaacman said. “This time the goal is to stay.”

“这一次，我们的目标不是插上国旗、留下脚印，”艾萨克曼说。“这一次，我们的目标是长久驻留。”

China is pursuing similar goals through two programs that will likely merge: Crewed missions under the military’s purview, and civilian robotic missions.

中国正通过两个可能合二为一的项目追求类似目标：分别是军方主导的载人航天任务，以及民用领域的机器人任务。

Both programs rely on components built mainly by the China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation, an enterprise that combines industry and military expertise. That means they share key technologies.

这两大项目所使用的核心组件，主要由中国航天科技集团有限公司研制生产。这家企业兼具工业与军事专长，意味着两大项目共享关键技术。

NASA relies more heavily on private vendors.

NASA则更依赖私营商业航天供应商。

Yuqi Qian, a lunar geologist at the University of Hong Kong who works on China’s lunar missions, said that because China’s first crewed mission is treading some of the same ground covered by Apollo missions long ago, scientists have more freedom to experiment. Chinese exploration programs will keep moving at a cadence set years earlier, regardless of what Artemis does, he said.

参与中国探月任务的香港大学月球地质学家钱煜奇表示，由于中国首次载人登月任务在一定程度上重走阿波罗任务多年前走过的路，科研人员拥有更大的实验自由度。他表示，无论阿尔忒弥斯计划进展如何，中国的探月工程都将按照数年前定下的节奏稳步推进。

“There is actually no burden on the Chinese side,” Dr. Qian said in an interview. “We are doing this more freely.”

“中方其实没有任何压力，”钱煜奇在采访中表示。“我们更自由地开展这项工作。”

“I don’t think China regards this as a race,” he added.

“我不认为中国把这件事当成一场竞赛，”他还说。

Here’s what we know about China’s crewed lunar mission, and how its components compare to their NASA counterparts.

以下是我们所了解的关于中国载人登月任务的详细信息，以及其组件与NASA对应装备的对比。

The Launcher

运载火箭

China plans to use a government-built rocket, the Long March 10, for the moon landing. It is about as tall as a 30-story building and has seven engines at its base, the section known as the first stage.

中国计划使用政府研制的火箭“长征十号”执行载人登月任务。火箭高度约相当于30层楼，其底部（即芯一级）配备七台发动机。

In initial tests, Chinese scientists fired up the rocket’s engines while it was tethered in place. Then, in February, they fired five of the seven engines and launched the first stage to a height of just over 65 miles.

在前期测试中，中国科研人员完成了火箭发动机的地面系留点火试验。今年2月，科研人员完成七台发动机中的五台联合点火试验，将火箭芯一级发射至约合105公里的高度。

It splashed down in the sea, where scientists retrieved it.

最终箭体在海上溅落，被科研人员成功回收。

China is behind the United States on rocket technology, a gap that has slowed its bid to compete with SpaceX’s Starlink satellite network in low-earth orbit. China does not have a reusable rocket to match SpaceX’s Falcon 9.

中国的火箭技术整体落后于美国，这一差距也拖慢了它在近地轨道与SpaceX的星链卫星网络竞争的步伐。目前，中国尚无一款可重复使用火箭能对标SpaceX的猎鹰九号火箭。

Parts of the Long March 10 may eventually become reusable, but that matters less for lunar missions, which are less frequent than launches to put satellites in orbit.

长征十号的部分组件未来有望实现可重复使用，但这一点对登月任务的影响相对有限因为登月任务的发射频次，远低于近地轨道卫星发射任务。

The American launcher — the Space Launch System — is a marked improvement on the system that first sent astronauts to the moon. It is a powerful and complicated rocket cobbled together from components made by NASA and multiple contractors.

美国的运载火箭是太空发射系统(SLS)，相较于初代送人类登月的火箭，实现了显著的改进。这款火箭动力强劲、系统复杂，由NASA与多家承包商制造的组件整合而成。

The rocket has not been used many times, but on Wednesday, it blasted off for its first crewed mission against a backdrop of a clear blue sky. It was a big win for NASA and more frequent launches in the new Artemis plan are expected to work out any remaining kinks.

这款火箭的实际发射次数并不多，但在周三，它搭载航天员执行了首次载人任务发射，在澄澈的蓝天下直冲云霄。这是NASA的一次重大胜利，而按照阿尔忒弥斯计划的新方案，后续更频繁的发射将有助于解决剩余的技术问题。。

“It’s a big celebration in launch control for the rocket guys,” Amit Kshatriya, the NASA associate administrator, said after the launch.

“发射控制室里，火箭研发团队的所有人都在热烈庆祝，”NASA副局长阿米特·克沙特里亚在发射成功后表示。

“The rocket guys can go out and play now,” he said.

“火箭团队现在可以出去放松一下了，”他说。

The Spacecraft

飞船

China is developing a new spacecraft called the Mengzhou or “Dream Boat” that can carry up to seven astronauts. It is designed for both lunar missions and trips to the Chinese space station, about 280 miles above Earth.

中国正在研发新一代飞船“梦舟”，最多可搭载七名航天员，设计兼顾月球探测任务与距地约450公里的中国空间站往返任务。

The spacecraft will carry astronauts to a lunar orbit. Once there, it will rendezvous with a lander that will take the astronauts to the moon’s surface. China is planning to conduct the moon mission with two launches, in part because it does not have a big enough launcher.

该飞船将把航天员送入环月轨道，抵达预定轨道后与登月着陆器完成交会对接，再由着陆器将航天员送至月球表面。中国计划通过两次发射完成一次完整的载人登月任务，部分原因在于目前尚无足够大的运载火箭。

China will test the Dream Boat’s ability to rendezvous and dock with the Chinese space station later this year. Similar in-orbit meet-ups have already been tested in robotic missions to the moon.

今年晚些时候，中国将测试梦舟飞船与中国空间站的交会对接能力。类似的在轨交会对接技术已在机器人探月任务中完成验证。

Dream Boat passed its most recent test, in February, when it demonstrated its ability to abort within the first minutes of a launch. The spacecraft successfully detached from a rocket under maximum pressure conditions, according to government media.

今年2月，梦舟飞船完成了最新一次测试，验证了发射前数分钟内的中止任务能力。据官方媒体报道，在火箭在最大压力条件下，飞船成功与火箭分离。

The American spacecraft, Orion, was first tested in 2014 and is farther along in its development. Orion carried the four astronauts on the Artemis II mission on Wednesday. NASA will test its life support and environmental control systems during this mission.

美国的猎户座飞船于2014年完成首次测试，研发进度更为领先。在周三的阿尔忒弥斯二号任务中，猎户座飞船搭载四名航天员升空，NASA将在本次任务中，全面测试飞船的生命支持系统与环境控制系统。

The Lander

登月着陆器

Anyone who has watched footage of the Apollo 11 mission will remember the lander — a scientific wonder that looked like a janky assemblage of golden foil and flimsy metal.

任何看过阿波罗11号任务影像的人都会对那款着陆器印象深刻——它是一项科学奇迹，外观却像用金箔与轻薄金属板材拼凑而成的简易装置。

China’s version of the lunar lander, called Lanyue or “Embracing the Moon,” incorporates decades of improvements.

中国的登月着陆器名为“揽月”，融合了数十年的技术改进。

According to the mission design, after the astronauts hop aboard in orbit, the lander will head to the lunar surface. There, it will serve them as a temporary home, data center and energy source.

根据任务设计，航天员在环月轨道进入着陆器后，着陆器将带着他们降落到月球表面。在月面停留期间，着陆器将作为航天员的临时居所、数据处理中心与能源供给站。

For the astronauts’ return, the lander will take off and rendezvous with the spacecraft in the moon’s orbit .

航天员完成月面任务准备返回时，着陆器将从月面起飞，在环月轨道与载人飞船完成交会对接。

China tested a prototype in August, navigating to a surface that was built to imitate the moon’s craters and bumps.

去年8月，中国测试了一台原型机，在模拟月球陨石坑与崎岖地形的试验场完成了导航。

The U.S. does not have a lander yet, in part because of the complexity of its planned mission. SpaceX is developing its version, Starship, and will test it again in April. Blue Origin is developing another lander.

美国目前尚无可用的登月着陆器，部分原因是其规划的任务复杂度极高。SpaceX正在研发其星舰着陆器，计划于今年4月开展新一轮测试；蓝色起源公司也在研发另一款着陆器。

NASA plans to launch a mission called Artemis III next year that will test the landers' operation closer to Earth. The agency will go with whichever lander is ready first, according to Lori Glaze, a NASA official.

NASA计划在明年执行阿尔忒弥斯三号任务，在更接近地球的环境中测试着陆器的运行情况。NASA官员洛里·格雷兹表示，哪款着陆器率先就绪，就优先选用哪一款。

The Spacesuits

舱外航天服

Chinese astronauts will be fitted with spacesuits called Wangyu or “Gazing into the Cosmos” for their spacewalks.

中国航天员执行太空行走活动时将身着名为“望宇”的新一代舱外航天服。

Wangyu suits will be slimmer versions of the spacesuits used on the Chinese space station. They will have an anti-glare visor, a camera on each side of the helmet and a control consol on the chest.

望宇航天服是中国空间站现役舱外航天服的轻量化改进版本，配备防眩光面窗，头盔两侧各搭载一台摄像机，胸前设有操作控制台。

The suits’ design will echo traditional armor to make the astronauts look “more spirited and imposing,” one official told government media. The spacesuits are expected to undergo more testing this year.

一名官方人员对官媒表示，航天服的设计借鉴了中国传统铠甲的元素，让航天员看起来“更硬朗刚毅”。这款航天服预计将于今年开展更多测试。

The United States will upgrade its suits to make them more flexible and provide greater protection from the harsh environment on the moon. NASA has contracted for spacesuits that can support astronauts for up to eight hours outside their vehicle.

美国将对现役航天服进行全面升级，提升服装的灵活度，为航天员提供更强的防护，抵御月球的恶劣环境。NASA已签约采购的新款航天服，可支持航天员在舱外连续活动最长八小时。

Multiple U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed in recent days that the Iranian government is not currently willing to engage in substantial negotiations over ending the U.S.-Israeli war, according to U.S. officials.

据美国官员称，多个美国情报机构近日评估认为，伊朗政府目前不愿就结束与美以的战争进行实质性谈判。

The assessments say the Iranian government believes it is in a strong position in the war and does not have to accede to America’s diplomatic demands, the officials said. And while Iran is willing to keep channels open, they said, it does not trust the United States and does not think President Trump is serious about negotiations.

这些评估指出，伊朗政府认为自己在这场战争中处于有利地位，因此无需接受美国的外交要求。评估还认为，尽管伊朗愿意保持沟通渠道畅通，但并不信任美国，认为特朗普总统对谈判缺乏诚意。

In the last year, Mr. Trump has ordered attacks on Iran twice in the middle of negotiations over the country’s nuclear program.

在过去一年中，特朗普两次在伊朗核计划谈判期间下令对伊朗发动打击。

The assessments align with recent statements from Iranian officials, who reject Mr. Trump’s assertion that the two sides are making progress in discussions mediated by other countries. A spokesman for Iran’s foreign ministry said on Wednesday that the government in Tehran had not asked for a cease-fire, despite a statement from Mr. Trump that morning that it had, an Iranian state news agency reported.

这些评估与伊朗官员近期的表态一致，伊朗方面否认了特朗普关于双方在其他国家斡旋的谈判中取得进展的说法。据伊朗官方通讯社报道，伊朗外交部发言人周三表示，德黑兰政府并未要求停火，尽管特朗普当天上午声称伊朗已提出停火请求。

Mr. Trump told reporters on Tuesday that the U.S. military would wrap up its campaign against Iran in two to three weeks. But any decision by Iran that it should continue fighting would complicate that objective. The president said in a speech on Wednesday night that “if there is no deal,” the U.S. military would strike “each and every one” of Iran’s power plants, an act that would be widely considered a war crime.

特朗普周二对记者表示，美军将在两到三周内结束对伊朗的军事行动。但伊朗若决定继续作战，将使这一目标变得复杂起来。总统在周三晚间的讲话中表示，“如果没有达成协议”，美军将打击伊朗“每一座”发电厂，此举将被广泛视为战争罪行。

The Iranian government could engage diplomatically under the right conditions, said two Iranian officials and a Pakistani official. Tehran wants to see that Washington is willing to talk seriously about ending the war and not just negotiate a temporary cease-fire, they said. They added that the language in public statements from Iran has been harsher than that of private messages it has passed to the United States.

两名伊朗官员和一名巴基斯坦官员表示，在适当条件下，伊朗政府仍可能进行外交接触。他们表示，德黑兰希望看到华盛顿愿意认真讨论结束战争，而不仅仅是谈一个临时停火协议。他们还说，伊朗对外公开表态的措辞要比通过私下渠道向美国传递的信息强硬。

Those officials and American ones spoke on the condition of anonymity for this article because of the sensitivities around wartime diplomacy and intelligence.

由于战时外交和情报问题的敏感性，这些官员及美方官员均要求匿名接受本文采访。

伊斯兰革命卫队指挥官的葬礼于周三举行。革命卫队内部的一个强硬派系已成为政府中最有影响力的声音，该派系更不可能做出让步。

Mr. Trump wrote on social media on Wednesday that Iran’s “New Regime President, much less Radicalized and far more intelligent than his predecessors, has just asked the United States of America for a CEASEFIRE!” But he said he would not consider that until Iran allowed ships to safely cross the Strait of Hormuz, which the Iranian military has effectively closed by attacking oil tankers.

特朗普周三在社交媒体上写道，伊朗“新政权的总统远没有前任们激进，也聪明得多，刚刚向美利坚合众国请求停火！”。但他表示，在伊朗允许船只安全通过霍尔木兹海峡之前，他不会考虑这一请求。通过袭击油轮，伊朗军方实际上已使该海峡处于关闭状态。

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman, Esmail Baghaei, said on Wednesday that Mr. Trump’s claim that his country had asked for a cease-fire was “false and baseless,” according to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting, or IRIB, the state news organization.

据伊朗官方的伊朗伊斯兰共和国广播电视台报道，伊朗外交部发言人伊斯梅尔·巴加埃周三表示，特朗普关于伊朗请求停火的说法是“虚假且毫无根据的”。

The dilemma over the strait has become a pivot point in the war, as its closure roils global markets and forces countries around the world to make plans to ration fuel.

霍尔木兹海峡的困局已成为事态发展的关键节点，海峡的关闭扰乱了全球市场，迫使世界各国制定燃料配给计划。

It was also unclear to whom Mr. Trump was referring when he said “New Regime President.” The initial attacks by the United States and Israel killed Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and some senior officials, but the president of Iran since 2024, Masoud Pezeshkian, is alive and remains in office. Iranian clerics have appointed a new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, the hard-line son of the deceased ayatollah who suffered leg injuries in the first strikes and has not been seen in public, according to Iranian and Israeli officials.

目前也不清楚特朗普所说的“新政权的总统”具体指谁。美国和以色列的初期袭击击毙了伊朗最高领袖哈梅内伊及一些高级官员，但自2024年起担任伊朗总统的马苏德·佩泽希齐扬仍在世且仍在任。据伊朗和以色列官员称，伊朗神职人员已任命新的最高领袖，即已故最高领袖的强硬派儿子穆杰塔巴·哈梅内伊，他在首轮袭击中腿部受伤，此后未再公开露面。

The United States and Iran are exchanging messages through intermediaries and perhaps directly, but are not in negotiations over terms of a cease-fire or ending the war, U.S. and Iranian officials said.

美国和伊朗官员表示，美伊双方正通过中间渠道甚至直接渠道互通信息，但双方并未就停火条款或结束战争展开谈判。

Mr. Pezeshkian, the Iranian president, on Wednesday released a letter addressed to the American people that suggested diplomacy might be possible, while also saying Iran would defy hostile powers. It was unclear whether the letter represented a consensus among Iranian leaders. On Tuesday, Mr. Pezeshkian said that the Trump administration’s attacks during previous negotiations demonstrated that the United States “does not believe in diplomacy and is merely seeking to impose its own interests.”

伊朗总统佩泽希齐扬周三发布了一封致美国民众的公开信，暗示外交途径仍有可能，同时也表示伊朗将对抗敌对势力。目前尚不清楚这封信是否代表伊朗领导层的共识。周二，佩泽希齐扬表示，特朗普政府在此前谈判期间发动攻击，说明美国“并不相信外交，只图自身利益”。

Mr. Trump has repeatedly spoken of the possibility of ending the war with a diplomatic settlement, but he has also threatened to escalate the war and expand the range of U.S. targets to energy infrastructure and desalination plants, attacks that many legal experts say would be war crimes.

特朗普多次提及通过外交途径结束战争的可能性，但同时也威胁要升级战争，将美国的打击范围扩大至能源基础设施和海水淡化厂——许多法律专家表示，这类攻击将构成战争罪。

The intelligence assessments, which appear in multiple reports, have been consistent since the beginning of the conflict, one official said.

一名官员表示，多份报告中的情报评估自冲突爆发以来一直保持一致。

Senior Iranian officials continue to resist making the kinds of concessions on its nuclear program and ballistic missile production that the Trump administration has demanded.

伊朗高级官员仍然拒绝在核计划和弹道导弹生产方面作出特朗普政府所要求的那类让步。

Iran says it has a right to build a civilian nuclear program by enriching uranium, which U.S. officials oppose. And Iranian officials see the military’s ballistic missiles as the country’s main form of deterrence, analysts say. Iranian officials perceive the United States and Israel pressuring Iran to give up both of those as an infringement on the country’s sovereignty.

伊朗表示，其通过铀浓缩发展民用核计划是正当权利，但这一点遭到美国官员反对。分析人士称，伊朗方面将军方的弹道导弹视为国家主要的威慑手段。伊朗官员认为，美国和以色列施压要求放弃这两者，是对伊朗国家主权的侵犯。

上海的储油罐。中国是伊朗石油的最大买家。

Mr. Trump and his top aides have vacillated in their public statements on their war goals and whether the U.S. military has already achieved them, which complicates any efforts at diplomacy.

特朗普及其高级助手在公开声明中，关于战争目标以及美军是否已实现这些目标的问题上摇摆不定，这使得任何外交努力都变得复杂。

In recent days, Mr. Trump has said that the United States has already destroyed two regimes in Iran in this war, and that a third, more compliant one is now in place. However, the current government, led by Mr. Khamenei, remains theocratic, authoritarian and anti-American, and has vowed to carry on the fight against the Americans.

近日，特朗普表示，美国在这场战争中已经摧毁了伊朗的两个政权，而第三个、更为顺从的政权现已就位。然而，由哈梅内伊领导的现任政府仍然是神权专制、反美的，并誓言将继续与美国人作战。

Mr. Trump has pointed to other goals: He has said he wants to seize Iran’s oil, and he brings up the nuclear program regularly. He also has discussed with U.S. military leaders whether American troops could enter Iran to seize a stockpile of highly enriched uranium that is believed to be in tunnels sealed by rubble as a result of American airstrikes last June.

特朗普还提出了其他目标：他表示希望掌控伊朗的石油资源，并经常提及核计划问题。他还曾与美军领导人讨论，是否派遣美军进入伊朗，夺取一批被认为储存在隧道中的高浓铀库存——这些隧道因去年6月美军空袭而被碎石封堵。

Iranian officials think they are fighting for the government’s very survival, given the strength of the American and Israeli attack, according to current and former officials. Some Iranian officials are skeptical that any peace deal would be lasting. Their leadership fears Israel could carry out a new attack months later even if Iran were to enter into a deal, U.S. officials said.

现任及前任官员称，鉴于美以攻击的强度，伊朗官员认为自己是在为政权的生存而战。一些伊朗官员对任何和平协议的持久性持怀疑态度。美国官员表示，伊朗领导层担心，即便达成协议，以色列也可能在数月后再次发动攻击。

The U.S. intelligence assessments saying that Iran is not currently ready to make a deal have not been previously reported. The Washington Post earlier reported that U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed that Iranian officials think they have the upper hand in the war.

有关美国情报评估认为伊朗目前不准备达成协议的报道此前尚未公开。《华盛顿邮报》早些时候报道称，美国情报机构评估认为，伊朗官员认为自己在这场战争中占了上风。

Pakistan has become an intermediary in the diplomatic efforts because of ties between Pakistani and Iranian military leaders. In recent days, Pakistan has persuaded China to join it in publicly calling for an end to the war. China has commercial and military ties to Iran and is the biggest buyer of Iranian oil, but has been reluctant to engage in substantial diplomacy on the war.

由于巴基斯坦与伊朗军方领导人之间的密切联系，巴基斯坦已成为外交斡旋的中间方。近日，巴基斯坦说服中国与其一道公开呼吁结束战争。中国与伊朗在商业和军事上都有联系，也是伊朗石油的最大买家，但一直不愿就这场战争展开实质性的外交斡旋。

China and Pakistan put out a joint five-point statement on Tuesday that called for, among other things, a cessation of hostilities and a reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to ship traffic. Iran has been letting China-bound ships cross the strait, but countries across Asia and elsewhere are starting to plan for dire fuel shortages.

中国和巴基斯坦周二发布了一份五点联合声明，其中呼吁停止敌对行动，并重新开放霍尔木兹海峡的航运。伊朗目前允许前往中国的船只通过该海峡，但亚洲及其他地区的国家已开始为严重的燃料短缺做准备。

Asked whether China could be a guarantor of a diplomatic agreement, Liu Pengyu, spokesman for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, said in a statement that “China supports all efforts conducive to easing tensions, de-escalating the situation and restoring dialogue.”

当被问及中国是否可以成为外交协议的担保方时，中国驻华盛顿大使馆的发言人刘鹏宇在声明中表示：“中国支持一切有助于缓和紧张局势、推动局势降温并恢复对话的努力。”

“We call on parties to start peace talks as soon as possible,” he added. “We stand ready to enhance communication and coordination with Pakistan and others to jointly work for a cease-fire and peace and stability in the region.”

他还补充说：“我们呼吁有关各方尽快启动和平谈判。中方愿同巴基斯坦及其他各方加强沟通协调，共同推动停火，实现地区和平稳定。”

President Trump asserted the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran was “nearing completion” during a prime-time address on Wednesday, even as he offered no clear path out of the war and committed to bombing the nation “back to the Stone Ages where they belong.”

特朗普总统在周三的黄金时段全国讲话中宣称，美以针对伊朗的战争“即将结束”，但他并未给出清晰的战争退出路径，同时还放话要将这个国家炸回“它本该待着的石器时代”。

Mr. Trump did not make any revealing announcements in the speech. Instead, he described the military action against Iran as an overwhelming success and seemingly pleaded for concerned Americans uneasy about its costs and open-ended timeline to “keep this conflict in perspective.”

特朗普在讲话中并未发布任何具有实质性内容的声明，反而将对伊朗的军事行动形容为一场压倒性的胜利，同时似乎在呼吁那些对战争成本和无期限战事感到不安的美国民众“客观看待这场战事”。

Mr. Trump ticked through the durations of the United States’ involvement in past conflicts, including the wars in Iraq and Vietnam, for the purpose of reminding Americans that the campaign against Iran had just entered its second month. But as he has done throughout the war, Mr. Trump did not offer a clear exit strategy and issued ambiguous and conflicting statements weaving diplomatic overtures with threats of escalating attacks.

特朗普逐一列举了美国过往参与冲突的持续时长，包括伊拉克战争与越南战争，意在提醒美国民众，针对伊朗的军事行动才刚进入第二个月。但与他在整场战争期间的表态一致，特朗普并未给出清晰的退出战略，反而发表了模棱两可、前后矛盾的言论，一边释放外交和解的信号，一边又发出升级打击的威胁。

“We’re going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks,” Mr. Trump said in the 19-minute address. “If there’s no deal, we are going to hit each and every one of their electric generating plants very hard and properly simultaneously.”

“未来两到三周，我们将对他们发动极为猛烈的打击。”特朗普在这场19分钟的讲话中表示。“如果无法达成协议，我们将对他们的每一座发电厂同步实施精准强力的打击。”

Mr. Trump demanded that Iran negotiate to end the war, just a day after he suggested to reporters in the Oval Office that he did not need Iran to reach a deal to end the conflict.

特朗普要求伊朗通过谈判结束这场战争，而就在一天前，他还在白宫椭圆形办公室对记者表示，美国结束这场冲突无需与伊朗达成协议。

Mr. Trump framed the opening of the Strait of Hormuz, a major conduit for oil worldwide, as an issue for other nations, even though earlier on Wednesday he said on social media he would not agree to any cease-fire deal unless it opened. Iran has choked off oil shipments through the strait, causing oil and natural gas prices to surge.

霍尔木兹海峡是全球石油运输的核心要道，特朗普将恢复该海峡通航描述为其他国家的问题，尽管周三早些时候他还在社交媒体上表示，除非海峡恢复通航，否则他不会同意任何停火协议。伊朗已切断了该海峡的石油运输，导致全球石油与天然气价格大幅飙升。

“We will be helpful, but they should take the lead in protecting the oil that they so desperately depend on,” he said of other nations.

谈及其他国家时，他表示：“我们会帮忙，但他们应该主动站出来，保护自己这么迫切依赖的石油运输通道。”

Mr. Trump also said that Iran’s “ability to launch missiles and drones is dramatically curtailed.” The U.S. and Israeli militaries have destroyed many of Iran’s ballistic missiles and launchers in airstrikes. But a large number are undamaged, and Iran continues to fire missiles in the region.

特朗普还称，伊朗“发射导弹与无人机的能力已遭到大幅削弱”。美以两军已通过空袭摧毁了伊朗的大量弹道导弹与发射装置，但仍有大量设施完好无损，伊朗也仍在该地区持续发射导弹。

The speech at times resembled the kind of sober address Americans might expect to see at the start of a war, or even before it, when a president makes a case for why the time for military action is necessary. Mr. Trump did not travel the country delivering extensive speeches laying out that justification before the war, and the speech Wednesday night was his first prime-time address from the White House since the attacks on Iran began on Feb. 28.

这场讲话有时让人联想到美国民众通常在战争爆发之初、甚至开战前会听到的那种严肃讲话——总统会在这类讲话中详细阐述采取军事行动的必要性。开战前，特朗普并未在全美各地巡回演讲、系统说明开战的正当性；而周三晚间的这场讲话是自2月28日对伊朗发动袭击以来，他首次在白宫发表黄金时段全国讲话。

Mr. Trump argued that Iran was on the cusp of building a weapon. That is disputed: Iran certainly could have produced bomb-grade nuclear fuel within days or weeks. But it would take months or more than a year to fashion that fuel into a nuclear weapon, American intelligence agencies concluded.

特朗普声称，伊朗已濒临造出核武器的边缘。这一说法存在争议：伊朗确实有可能在数天至数周内生产出武器级核燃料，但美国情报机构的结论是，要将这些燃料制造成核武器，还需要数月甚至一年以上的时间。

Here’s what else we’re covering:

我们还报道了以下内容：

• Diplomatic freeze: While Mr. Trump insisted that talks were continuing with Iran, multiple U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed in recent days that Tehran is not currently willing to engage in substantial negotiations. The assessments say the Iranian government believes it is in a strong position in the war and does not have to accede to America’s diplomatic demands, officials said. Read more ›

· 外交僵局：尽管特朗普坚称与伊朗的谈判仍在进行，但美国多家情报机构近日评估认为，德黑兰方面目前无意开展实质性谈判。相关官员透露，评估报告显示，伊朗政府认为自身在战争中处于优势地位，无需屈从于美国的外交要求。阅读更多›

• War objectives: Mr. Trump laid out five goals for the war on Feb. 28, just hours after joining with Israel to carry out the first strikes. While those attacks have done significant damage to Iran’s military capabilities, it still fires missiles, has nuclear material and coordinates with militias in the region. Read more ›

· 战争目标：2月28日，在美国联合以色列发动首轮空袭仅数小时后，特朗普为这场战争定下了五大目标。尽管空袭已对伊朗的军事能力造成重创，但伊朗仍在持续发射导弹、保有核材料，并与该地区的民兵组织保持协同行动。阅读更多›

• Strait of Hormuz: Earlier Wednesday, an Iranian official emphasized that the United States would not regain access to the strait, saying in a social media post: “The Strait of Hormuz will certainly reopen, but not for you.”

· 霍尔木兹海峡：周三早些时候，一名伊朗官员在社交媒体发文强调，美国将无法重新获得该海峡的通行权，称“霍尔木兹海峡一定会重新开放，但不是为你们开放。”

• Death tolls: The Human Rights Activists News Agency said at least 1,606 civilians had been killed, including 244 children, in Iran since the war began. Lebanon’s health ministry said that more than 1,318 Lebanese had been killed as of Wednesday, with more than 3,935 others wounded, since the latest fighting between Israel and Hezbollah began. In Iran’s attacks across the Middle East, at least 50 people have been killed in Gulf nations. In Israel, at least 17 had been killed as of Friday. The American death toll stands at 13 service members, with hundreds of others wounded.

· 伤亡数据：人权活动人士新闻社表示，自战争爆发以来，伊朗境内已有至少1606名平民丧生，其中包括244名儿童。黎巴嫩卫生部称，自以色列与黎巴嫩真主党爆发新一轮冲突以来，截至周三，黎巴嫩已有超1318人丧生，另有超3935人受伤。在伊朗于中东各地发动的袭击中，海湾国家已有至少50人丧生。截至上周五，以色列境内至少有17人丧生。美军方面的死亡人数为13名现役军人，另有数百人受伤。

One of the world’s largest experiments in driverless cars suffered an embarrassing setback as a number of robot taxis abruptly stopped moving in traffic on Tuesday evening in Wuhan, China, stranding their passengers and sometimes blocking other vehicles.

全球规模最大的无人驾驶汽车实验项目之一遭遇了令人尴尬的挫折。周二晚间，中国武汉多辆自动驾驶出租车在道路车流中突然停下，导致车内乘客被困，部分车辆还阻挡了其他车辆通行。

The police in Wuhan, a large metropolis in central China, announced on Wednesday that it had received a “succession” of reports that self-driving cars had stopped. The cars were part of the extensive Apollo Go program of self-driving cars run in Wuhan by Baidu, a large Chinese internet company.

中国中部特大城市武汉警方于周三通报，“陆续接到”报警，称自动驾驶汽车发生停驶。涉事车辆均来自中国大型互联网企业百度在武汉运营的大规模自动驾驶出行项目萝卜快跑。

The police said an unspecified “system failure” had occurred, and did not say how many cars had been affected. Baidu has hundreds of the cars in Wuhan, where they have become a common sight.

警方表示，事故原因为未明确具体细节的“系统故障”，未披露受影响的车辆数量。百度在武汉已投放数百辆该类自动驾驶车辆，成为当地的常见景象。

“Following established contingency plans, the public security traffic control and transportation departments quickly mobilized forces to the scene to dispose of the situation in coordination with Apollo Go company staff,” the police statement said.

警方在通报中称：“公安交管、交通运输部门按照预案迅速调集力量赶到现场，会同萝卜快跑公司工作人员开展处置。”

Baidu did not have an immediate comment.

百度暂未立即就此作出回应。

Waymo, an American provider of robot taxis, had a somewhat similar incident last December in San Francisco, when an hourslong power failure prompted Waymo cars there to pull over and stop. Robot taxis are typically programmed to stop if they encounter a completely unfamiliar situation.

美国自动驾驶出租车运营商Waymo去年12月在旧金山也曾发生过类似事件：当时一场持续数小时的停电事故导致当地的Waymo自动驾驶车辆纷纷靠边停车。按照常规程序设定，当自动驾驶出租车遇到完全无法识别的陌生场景时，会触发停车指令。

However, in the Wuhan incident, a video circulated on Chinese social media shows what appears to be a passenger stranded in an Apollo Go car that has stopped in the least fast lane, but not on the shoulder, of a broad expressway as trucks hurtle past. Two photos on Chinese social media show another Apollo Go car that has stopped in the middle of a highway and appears to have been hit on the back left corner by an orange sport utility vehicle that sits nearby with considerable damage to its right front corner.

而武汉此次事件中，中国社交媒体上流传的一段视频显示，一辆萝卜快跑车辆停在了宽阔快速路的最右侧最慢车道，而非应急车道，车内乘客被困，卡车从旁呼啸而过。社交媒体上的另外两张图片显示，另一辆萝卜快跑车辆停在高速公路中央，车左后角似乎被一辆橙色运动型多用途车撞击过，该车停在附近，右前角受损严重。

China’s regulators told automakers in early December to delay their plans for the sale of cars with a wide range of self-driving features. The authorities pulled back following a crash of a Xiaomi SU7 a year ago killed three women, all university students. The car disengaged from self-driving mode and asked the driver to take control of the vehicle one second before it hit a concrete construction barrier at 72 miles an hour.

去年12月初，中国监管部门曾要求车企推迟销售具备多种自动驾驶功能的汽车的计划。当局这一举措的背景是此前一年的一起小米SU7交通事故，造成三名女大学生身亡。涉事车辆在以约每小时116公里的速度撞上混凝土施工护栏的前一秒，自动驾驶模式解除，系统要求驾驶员接管车辆。

In July, China’s state-run television reported that tests on 36 car models from 20 brands had found that slightly fewer than half the cars could safely avoid a crash when they encountered trucks near a construction site at night. Only the two models by Tesla, the American company, had assisted-driving systems that were reliable in a wide range of safety situations, according to the report, which was widely viewed on the Chinese internet.

今年7月，中国中央电视台报道称，针对20个品牌的36款智驾车型开展的测试显示，当车辆在夜间靠近施工现场遇到卡车时，仅有略低于半数的车辆能够实现安全避让。这份在国内互联网上广泛传播的报道显示，只有美国特斯拉公司的两款车型配备的辅助驾驶系统在各种安全情境下都表现可靠。

Many auto analysts and executives believe that self-driving, which works best with electric cars, could be the next big advance for the industry. They envision hundreds of millions of drivers deciding in the years ahead to leave the driving to computers.

众多汽车行业分析师与企业高管认为，与电动汽车适配性最佳的自动驾驶技术或将成为汽车行业下一个重大技术突破。他们预计，未来数年，将有数亿车主选择将驾驶权交给计算机系统。

The rise of self-driving technologies threatens to leave behind those automakers in the West and northeast Asia that still emphasize sales of gasoline-powered cars. Gas engines respond much more slowly than electric motors to computerized driving instructions, making it difficult to design a gasoline-powered robot taxi.

自动驾驶技术的崛起可能会让欧美、东北亚地区那些仍主打燃油车销售的车企被时代抛下。燃油发动机对计算机驾驶指令的响应速度远慢于电动机，这也为燃油动力自动驾驶出租车的研发设计带来了极大难度。

China had a late start in driverless technology but has been quicker to approve widespread testing, while censoring reports of safety problems. In the United States, Waymo and Tesla are making major investments in self-driving. Waymo is also starting to roll out a fleet of robot taxis in London in a highly anticipated program.

中国在无人驾驶技术领域起步较晚，但在大规模落地测试的审批上节奏更快，同时对相关安全问题的报道实施审查。在美国，Waymo与特斯拉均在自动驾驶领域投入了巨额资金；备受市场关注的是，Waymo也已启动在伦敦投放自动驾驶出租车车队的项目。

Baidu announced last August that it would supply Lyft, an American ride-hailing service, with robot taxis to be operated this year in Germany and Britain, subject to regulatory approval. Momenta, a Chinese autonomous driving company, and Uber, the ride-hailing giant, announced last year that they planned a small experiment in Europe with self-driving cars. WeRide, another Chinese company, has begun driverless vehicle projects in Abu Dhabi and Singapore as well as several Chinese cities.

去年8月，百度宣布将为美国网约车服务商Lyft供应自动驾驶出租车，计划于今年在德国和英国投入运营，相关计划尚待监管部门审批。中国自动驾驶企业魔门塔与网约车巨头优步于去年宣布，计划在欧洲开展小规模自动驾驶汽车试点项目。另一家中国企业文远知行已在阿布扎比、新加坡以及中国多个城市启动了无人驾驶车辆项目。

The timing of the incident in Wuhan is particularly awkward for Baidu and for China, as it comes three weeks before thousands of executives and engineers from automakers around the world are set to converge on Beijing for the city’s auto show. The exhibition has become the world’s premier showcase of automotive innovation as the Chinese government has pushed foreign and domestic manufacturers alike to showcase their latest electric vehicles and other technologies.

武汉此次事故发生的时间点对百度乃至中国而言都尤为尴尬：三周后，全球车企的数千名高管与工程师将齐聚北京，参加北京国际车展。随着中国政府推动国内外车企集中展示最新的电动汽车及其他前沿技术，该车展已成为全球首屈一指的汽车创新展示平台。

Sandra Wong was at her father’s funeral, looking at a display of mementos, when she saw a newspaper clipping and learned something surprising: She was a direct descendant of Wong Kim Ark, a cook in San Francisco who was behind the landmark 1898 Supreme Court decision granting citizenship to virtually anyone born on American soil.

桑德拉·黄在父亲的葬礼上看着陈列的家族纪念品时，一张剪报让她得知了一个惊人的事实：她是黄金德的直系后代。黄金德曾是旧金山的一名华人厨师，正是他促成了1898年那项具有里程碑意义的最高法院裁决，该裁决赋予几乎所有在美国本土出生的人自动获得美国公民身份。

Before that day in 2011, she had never even heard of the name Wong Kim Ark. Nor had she known that birthright citizenship was a contentious issue, as it is now once again. On Wednesday, the Supreme Court will hear arguments on the constitutionality of President Trump’s executive order last year rolling back birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants and temporary visitors, including international students.

在2011年的那一天之前，她从未听过黄金德这个名字，也从不知道出生公民权曾是争议话题——如今，这一议题再次掀起轩然大波。本周三，美国最高法院将开庭听证，就特朗普总统去年发布的一项行政命令的合宪性展开辩论。该命令取消了无证移民、临时访客（包括国际留学生）在美国所生子女的出生公民权。

“I always thought that if you were born in America, you were a citizen,” she said.

“我一直以为，只要生在美国，就是美国公民，”她说。

That Ms. Wong was not aware of her genealogical link is partly a measure of how deeply ingrained birthright citizenship has become in the American consciousness and how rarely Wong Kim Ark’s case is taught in schools.

桑德拉此前对自己的家族渊源一无所知，这一方面印证了出生地公民权早已深深植根于美国人的集体认知，另一方面也体现出，黄金德案在美国校园教育中极少被提及。

黄氏兄妹得知，黄金德于1870年出生在旧金山唐人街，那里距离他们长大的地方仅几公里之遥。

As Ms. Wong dug more into her family history, she found a rich and complex legacy — one that shows how birthright citizenship gave her family members a powerful legal foothold in the country, but not complete acceptance, which they struggled to attain.

随着桑德拉深入挖掘家族历史，一段厚重而复杂的家族遗产在她面前展开——这段历史表明，出生公民权为她的家族成员在美国立足提供了强有力的法律支撑，却没能为他们换来完全的接纳，而这份接纳是他们一直都在奋力争取的东西。

Discrimination and bias continued. Family members were separated across oceans. And, caught between the pressure to assimilate and the desire to maintain ties to their heritage, the descendants of Wong Kim Ark had to make difficult choices about which stories and traditions to pass down to their children — and which to withhold.

歧视与偏见依然存在，家族成员被迫远隔重洋、天各一方。在同化压力与维系自身传统纽带的愿望之间，黄金德的后代们不得不做出艰难的抉择：哪些故事与传统该传给下一代，哪些又该隐去。

“We tend to sell this idea of American citizenship as the pinnacle in an immigrant story that somehow marks your complete acceptance in society,” said Hardeep Dhillon, a history professor at the University of Pennsylvania. “But in reality, you can be a U.S. citizen and still have very differentiated rights.”

“我们总在宣扬一种观念，把美国公民身份塑造成移民故事的顶峰，仿佛它标志着你被这个社会彻底接纳了，”宾夕法尼亚大学历史学教授哈迪普·迪隆说。“但现实是，即便你是美国公民，所享有的权利依然存在显著差异。”

Growing up in San Francisco, Ms. Wong and her three brothers did not hear much about either side of their family.

桑德拉和三个兄弟在旧金山长大，父母双方的家族往事他们都知之甚少。

Their mother, Kimiko Takeuchi, who was Japanese American, had been interned along with her family in an incarceration camp in Utah during World War II, but did not speak often about that experience.

他们的母亲竹内喜美子（音）是日裔美国人，二战期间曾和家人一同被关押在犹他州的日裔拘留营，却极少向孩子们提起这段经历。

Their father, Wong Yook Jim, also rarely talked about the past. He worked as a ship steward and traveled for long stretches at a time. They knew that he was Chinese, but didn’t know much more.

他们的父亲黄沃沾也几乎从不谈及过往。他是一艘船上的乘务员，常常一出海就是数月之久。孩子们只知道他是华人，除此之外，对他的过去知之甚少。

Later, they learned that he had known about the Supreme Court case. But he never mentioned it to his children.

后来他们才知道，父亲其实知道最高法院的这起案件，却从未对孩子们提起过。

“You could tell there was a lot of pain,” said one of his sons, Norman Wong, now 76.

“你能感觉到，那段往事里藏着太多的痛苦，”他的儿子、如今76岁的诺曼·黄说。

The Wongs have since learned that their grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, was born in 1870 in San Francisco’s Chinatown, just a few miles from where they grew up. His parents had come as part of a wave of Chinese workers who flocked to the United States starting in the mid-1800s.

此后，黄家兄妹才慢慢了解到，他们的祖父黄金德1870年出生于旧金山唐人街，距离他们长大的地方只有几公里。19世纪中期开始，大批中国劳工涌入美国，他的父母是这股移民潮中的一员。

But these laborers soon encountered virulent racism and violence, and increasing restrictions in the form of federal laws like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which barred most Chinese people from entering the country.

但这些劳工很快就遭遇了恶毒的种族歧视与暴力袭击，联邦法律也对他们施加了越来越严苛的限制，例如1882年出台的《排华法案》禁止大多数中国人入境。

Around that time, Mr. Wong went back to China with his family. But he soon tried to return to the United States, lured by the promise of higher wages.

大约就在那段时期，黄金德随家人回到了中国。但不久后，他被更高薪资的诱惑所吸引，试图重返美国。

After being denied re-entry in 1895, he took the extraordinary step of suing the United States government. He was only 24 years old, a cook in Chinatown who wore a braided queue.

1895年，他再次入境美国时遭到拒绝，随后做出了一个惊人的决定：起诉美国政府。那一年，他只有24岁，只是唐人街的一个厨师，还留着辫子。

Even after he won the case, Mr. Wong’s struggles continued. Like most Americans of Chinese descent at the time, he was repeatedly subject to interrogations by border officials and had to obtain letters from white witnesses attesting to his birth in America, said Beth Lew-Williams, a history professor at Princeton University.

普林斯顿大学历史学教授贝丝·廖-威廉姆斯介绍，即便赢下了这场官司，黄金德的困境也未结束。和当时绝大多数美籍华人一样，他屡屡遭到边境官员的盘问，还必须拿到白人证人的书面证词，来证明自己确实出生在美国。

Mr. Wong also tried to bring his sons from China, where they were born, to the United States, which had better economic opportunities.

黄金德还试图把自己在中国出生的儿子们带到有更多经济机遇的美国。

Because Mr. Wong was an American citizen, his children should also have been considered citizens. But officials denied entry to one son after days of interrogation. His three other sons were also subject to intense questioning, but were ultimately permitted entry.

按照法律规定，黄金德是美国公民，他的子女理应也被认定为美国公民。但他的一个儿子在经过连日盘问后，依然被拒绝入境。另外三个儿子也经历了严苛的审讯，最终才获准进入美国。

The youngest was Yook Jim, Sandra and Norman’s father, who was admitted in 1926 at the age of around 11. (The Wong family and some experts now believe that Yook Jim may not have been Wong Kim Ark’s son, but rather his grandson, based on the timing.)

最小的那个孩子就是桑德拉和诺曼的父亲黄沃沾。1926年，年仅11岁左右的他获准入境美国。（如今，黄家后人与部分专家根据时间线推断，黄沃沾可能并非黄金德的儿子，而是他的孙子。）

Even though Kim Ark eventually moved to China, Yook Jim stayed. Still a child, he settled with distant relatives in the Midwest, Norman said. Like many Chinese boys at the time, he would have been expected to work and send money back home to relatives.

诺曼说，尽管黄金德最终定居中国，黄沃沾却留在美国。诺曼·黄说，当时还是个孩子的他在美国中西部的远亲家安顿下来。和当时很多华人男孩一样，他注定要去打工，把钱寄回给家乡的亲人。

He later moved to San Francisco and married Ms. Takeuchi, with whom he had four children, including Norman and Sandra.

后来他搬到旧金山，与竹内喜美子结婚，两人育有四个孩子，其中就包括诺曼和桑德拉。

In 1945, he enlisted in the U.S. Navy under the name James Yuen Wong. Decades later, he would still speak proudly of his service, Ms. Wong recalled.

1945年，他以詹姆斯·元·黄(James Yuen Wong)这个名字加入美国海军。桑德拉·黄回忆，几十年后，他仍会自豪地谈起自己的服役经历。。

But he also held on to his Chinese roots. Ms. Wong recalled seeing the flag of the People’s Republic of China flying outside his home in Rio Linda, Calif. He later took a second wife in Hong Kong, and had another child.

但他也始终守着自己的华人根脉。桑德拉·黄记得，在加州里奥林达的家中，他曾在屋外悬挂中华人民共和国国旗。后来，他在香港娶了第二任妻子，又生了一个孩子。

Now, almost 130 years since Wong Kim Ark successfully won the right to be an American, some of his descendants have only faint ties to their ancestral homeland.

如今，距离黄金德成功获得美国公民身份已经过去了近130年，他的部分后代与祖籍国的联结早已变得十分淡薄。

Growing up in San Francisco, Norman and Sandra spoke English at home. They watched Disney movies and westerns on television.

诺曼和桑德拉在旧金山长大，在家只说英语，在电视上看迪士尼电影和西部片。

They didn’t celebrate any Chinese holidays and knew only vaguely about anti-Chinese exclusion laws.

他们不过任何中国传统节日，对当年的排华法案也只有模糊的认知。

They went to college. Norman attended the University of California, Berkeley, and went on to work in different jobs, including as a carpenter. Sandra went to San Francisco State University, and worked in marketing.

两人都读完了大学。诺曼就读于加州大学伯克利分校，毕业后从事过多种工作，其中包括木匠。桑德拉毕业于旧金山州立大学，从事市场营销相关工作。

It never occurred to them that they might be anything other than American. They know whom to thank for that.

他们从未怀疑过自己美国人的身份。他们也知道，这应该归功于谁。

“If he had not fought for that right,” Mr. Wong said. “I probably wouldn’t have existed.”

“如果当年他没有为这份权利而抗争，”诺曼·黄说。“我可能根本不会来到这个世界上。”

A towering orange-and-white NASA rocket blasted off from Florida on Wednesday evening, lifting four astronauts toward space and transporting spectators’ imaginations to a future in which Americans may again set foot on the moon.

周三傍晚，一枚高大的橙白相间NASA火箭从佛罗里达州发射升空，将四名宇航员送往太空，同时也把围观者的思绪带向美国人可能再次登月的未来。

As they did during the heyday of the Apollo program, which first put men on the lunar surface, spectators squeezed onto the beaches along Central Florida’s Space Coast. The crowds cheered when the powerful vehicle launched into the clear, twilight sky at 6:35 p.m. Eastern time. It traveled eastward, over the Atlantic Ocean, on a journey that is to go around the moon but not land there.

正如当年阿波罗计划鼎盛时期一样（当时人类首次登上月球表面），围观者挤满了佛罗里达中部太空海岸的海滩。当这枚强大的运载火箭于美国东部时间下午6点35分冲入澄澈的暮色天空时，人群爆发出欢呼。火箭向东越过大西洋，执行一次绕月飞行但不登陆的任务。

The flight aboard a spacecraft named Integrity is taking Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, Christina Koch and Jeremy Hansen on what is expected to be a round trip of more than 695,000 miles to clear a path for more exploration, and eventually a new lunar landing.

此行搭载的飞船名为“诚信号”，上面有里德·怀斯曼、维克多·格洛弗、克里斯蒂娜·科赫和杰里米·汉森四名宇航员，预计他们将完成超过112万公里的往返旅程，为未来的进一步探索铺平道路，并最终实现新的登月任务。

The mission, known as Artemis II, is the 21st century equivalent of Apollo 8, when NASA astronauts Frank Borman, James Lovell and William Anders captured the rapt attention of the world. When they launched in December 1968, it was the first time that astronauts rode on top of NASA’s mighty Saturn V rocket. For that mission, instead of just a short test flight around Earth, the space agency audaciously decided to send the crew all the way to the moon and back, the first time that another celestial body became a destination that humans could reach.

这次任务名为“阿尔忒弥斯2号”，相当于21世纪的“阿波罗8号”——当年的宇航员弗兰克·博尔曼、詹姆斯·洛弗尔和威廉·安德斯曾吸引全世界的目光。1968年12月的发射是宇航员首次搭乘美国航天局强大的“土星五号”火箭进入太空。那次任务中，航天局并未进行绕地短途测试，而是直接将宇航员送往月球并返回，这是人类首次将另一个天体作为可抵达的目的地。

Like Apollo 8, Artemis II aims to similarly check that the spacecraft can safely make the journey and keep its crew alive during the 10 days it is expected to take to go to the moon and return. Under those plans, the trip will conclude with a splash in the Pacific Ocean on April 10.

与“阿波罗8号”一样，“阿尔忒弥斯2号”旨在检验飞船能否安全完成旅程，在预计约10天的往返飞行中保障宇航员的生命安全。按照计划，飞船将于4月10日在太平洋溅落，结束任务。

Unlike the Apollo astronauts, who were all white men, this mission sets a number of firsts: Mr. Glover of NASA will be the first Black man to venture into deep space and Ms. Koch of NASA will be the first woman to do so, while Mr. Hansen of the Canadian Space Agency will be the first person on a moon mission who is not an American. Mr. Wiseman of NASA is the commander of Artemis II.

不同于当年的阿波罗宇航员全部为白人男性，这次任务创下多项“第一”：美国航天局的格洛弗将成为首位进入深空的黑人男性，科赫将成为首位进入深空的女性，而来自加拿大航天局的汉森则将成为首位参与登月任务的非美国人。美国航天局的怀斯曼担任“阿尔忒弥斯2号”任务的指令长。

In the 1960s, NASA was racing to beat the Soviet Union to the moon. This time, NASA does not want to fall behind the space ambitions of China, which is aiming to land its astronauts on the moon by the end of 2030. But the goal is not to win the sprint. It is to establish a continuing presence on the lunar surface, building an outpost over the next decade.

20世纪60年代，美国航天局与苏联赛跑，力争抢先登月。这一次，美国航天局不想落后于中国的太空雄心——中国计划在2030年底前将宇航员送上月球。但此次目标并不是赢得短跑，而是要在月球表面建立持续的存在，在未来十年里打造一个前哨基地。

Jared Isaacman, a billionaire entrepreneur who became NASA administrator in December, has announced major revisions to the Artemis program and rallied a work force that was battered by uncertainty and downsizing last year to focus on putting new footprints on the moon by the end of 2028.

亿万富翁企业家贾里德·艾萨克曼于去年12月出任美国航天局局长后，宣布对“阿尔忒弥斯计划”进行重大调整，并重整了在去年因不确定性和裁员而受挫的队伍，将重点放在2028年底前再次实现登月。

Here’s what else you need to know about Artemis II:

关于“阿尔忒弥斯2号”任务，还有几点值得了解：

• All Aboard: The rocket was filled with propellants and the astronauts on Wednesday afternoon were seen seated in the capsule well ahead of the launch. Forecasters predicted an 80 percent chance of favorable conditions during the two-hour launch window, which was set to start at 6:24 p.m. The window allowed wiggle room to resolve last-minute glitches or wait for a threatening cloud to pass by.

登舱就位：周三下午，火箭已加注推进剂，宇航员在发射前早早于舱内就位。气象预报显示，在长达两小时的发射窗口期内，有利天气条件的概率为80%。发射窗口从下午6点24分开启，为排除临阵故障或等待危险云层通过留出了缓冲余地。

• Technical Hiccups: Problems that have snarled scheduled launch attempts in the past, like hydrogen leaks and helium leaks, did not recur. But there were other issues. First, NASA engineers resolved a problem with the rocket’s flight termination system, which destroys the rocket in the event that the crew capsule is ejected during flight. Then, around 5:30 p.m. Eastern, NASA said it was working on a problem with a battery in that crew capsule ejection system. Learn how NASA keeps astronauts safe ›

技术故障：过去曾使发射计划受阻的问题，如氢气和氦气泄漏，这次没有出现。但仍出现了其他问题。首先，航天局的工程师解决了火箭飞行终止系统的一个故障——如果飞行中载人舱被弹出，该系统会摧毁火箭。随后，在美东时间下午5点30分左右，航天局表示正在处理载人舱弹射系统一块电池的问题。了解NASA如何保障宇航员安全 ›

• Firsts in Flight: The Artemis II crew included several firsts. Mr. Glover, the pilot, is to be the first Black man to travel around the moon. Ms. Koch is to be the first woman, and Mr. Hansen would be the first Canadian to make the journey. While Mr. Wiseman, Mr. Glover and Ms. Koch have spent time on the space station, this will be Mr. Hansen’s first time off the planet. Learn more about the crew ›

此次发射创下多项“第一”：“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的宇航员创下多项纪录。飞行员格洛弗将成为首位绕月飞行的黑人男性，科赫将成为首位绕月飞行的女性，汉森则将成为首位完成此旅程的加拿大人。怀斯曼、格洛弗和科赫都曾在空间站工作，而汉森将是首次离开地球。了解此次宇航员的更多信息 ›

• Rocket and Capsule: The astronauts will get to space aboard the Space Launch System. The rocket is the equivalent of the Saturn V that NASA used during the Apollo moon landings. The S.L.S. is 322 feet tall and weighs 5.75 million pounds when filled with propellants. Once in space, the crew will separate from the rocket and travel toward the moon in the Orion capsule. It has the interior volume of about two minivans. Read more ›

火箭与飞船：宇航员将搭乘“太空发射系统”（SLS）进入太空。这枚火箭相当于阿波罗登月时期使用的“土星五号”。SLS约98米高，加注推进剂后重量约为2607吨。进入太空后，宇航员将与火箭分离，乘坐“猎户座”飞船前往月球，其内部空间大致相当于两辆小型面包车。了解更多 ›

• 10 Days to the Moon and Back: The path of Artemis II is unlike any moon mission in the past and probably unlike any moon mission in the future. During the crew’s first few hours in space, they will test Orion’s systems while swinging out to about 43,000 miles above the Earth. That will set them up to begin their journey around the moon. The astronauts are expected to set a record for the farthest anyone has ever been from Earth, surpassing the distance reached by Apollo 13 in 1970 when the astronauts had to abort their mission and return back to Earth. Read more ›

10天往返月球：“阿尔忒弥斯2号”的飞行轨道不同于以往任何一次登月任务，也可能不同于未来的任务。在进入太空后的最初几个小时里，宇航员将在距地球约6.9万公里的高度测试“猎户座”的各项系统，为绕月之旅做准备。宇航员预计将创下人类距离地球最远的纪录，超过1970年“阿波罗13号”任务中达到的距离——当时宇航员被迫中止任务返回地球。了解更多 ›

China nabbed on Wednesday the leader of a Cambodian financial conglomerate that was at the heart of a global money-laundering network, in its latest show of force against cross-border organized crime in Southeast Asia.

周三，中国抓获了柬埔寨一家金融集团的负责人，该集团是一个全球洗钱网络的核心枢纽。这是中国对东南亚跨境有组织犯罪的最新一次震慑行动。

The man, Li Xiong, a Chinese national, is the former chairman of Huione Group and is suspected of committing fraud, concealing criminal proceeds, and operating casinos and other illegal businesses, Chinese state media reported. He was extradited from the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh, with the help of the authorities there, the reports said.

据中国官方媒体报道，这名男子名叫李雄，系中国公民，曾任汇旺集团董事长，涉嫌实施诈骗、掩饰隐瞒犯罪所得以及开设赌场等多项犯罪。报道称，他是在柬埔寨有关部门的协助下从该国首都金边引渡回国的。

China has conducted sporadic crackdowns on scammers in Southeast Asia as well as those who facilitate such crime by providing money laundering and other services. The criminals target victims across the world, swindling them online from the relative safety of heavily guarded compounds. Many of the scammers and their victims are Chinese nationals. Some are trafficked into the job and held against their will.

中国此前曾不定期地打击东南亚的诈骗分子，也对那些通过提供洗钱等服务为这类犯罪提供便利的人采取过行动。这些犯罪分子从戒备森严的园区内，在相对安全的环境下，通过网络诈骗世界各地的受害者。许多诈骗者和受害者都是中国公民，其中一些人是被拐骗后被迫从事这一工作。

Last year, a New York Times investigation found that Huione’s group of companies operated a global money laundering network used by online scammers and other criminals.

去年，《纽约时报》的一篇调查报道发现，汇旺集团旗下的公司运营着一个被网络诈骗分子及其他犯罪分子使用的全球洗钱网络。

The Chinese authorities identified Mr. Li’s company, Huione, as a subsidiary of Prince Group, which was sanctioned by the United States last year. U.S. federal prosecutors accused it of bilking victims out of billions of dollars through investment scams. The chairman of Prince Group, Chen Zhi, was extradited to China from Cambodia in January.

中国有关部门认定，李雄的汇旺集团是太子集团的子公司，后者在去年受到美国制裁。美国联邦检察官指控其通过投资诈骗从受害者手中骗取了数十亿美元。太子集团董事长陈志已于今年1月从柬埔寨引渡至中国。

On Wednesday, Chinese state television showed Mr. Li disembarking from a plane handcuffed and hooded, escorted by several Chinese police officers who then removed the hood for the cameras.

周三，中国国家电视台播放的画面显示，在数名中国警察的押送下，李雄戴着手铐和头罩被带下飞机，随后警察为他摘下头罩以面对镜头。

The Ministry of Public Security said in a short statement that it had arrested “several key members of Chen Zhi’s criminal gang.”

中国公安部在一份简短声明中表示，“陈志犯罪集团已有多名骨干成员”陆续到案。

For a while, Chinese law enforcement officials’ collaboration with their Cambodian counterparts netted only lower-level criminals, leaving the scamming and money-laundering industries intact.

曾有一段时期，中国执法部门与柬埔寨同行的合作只抓获了一些外围成员，诈骗和洗钱产业得以完整保留。

The kingpins of the Huione and Prince Group, in particular, operated without censure and enjoyed the Cambodian government’s protection. Mr. Chen was an adviser to the prime minister and a relative of the Cambodian prime minister was a director of one of Mr. Li’s companies.

汇旺集团和太子集团的头目尤其肆无忌惮，并享有柬埔寨政府的保护。陈志曾担任柬埔寨首相的顾问，而柬埔寨首相的一名亲属则在李雄旗下的一家公司担任董事。

The latest extraditions indicate that Cambodia is giving in to pressure from Beijing.

最近的引渡行动表明，柬埔寨正在向北京的压力让步。

“We are willing to continue increasing the intensity of law enforcement cooperation with neighboring countries including Cambodia,” China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on Wednesday.

中国外交部周三表示：“中方愿同包括柬埔寨在内的周边国家加大执法合作力度。”

As well as sanctioning Prince Group and its affiliates, subsidiaries and associates last year, the U.S. government seized nearly $15 billion in bitcoin from Mr. Chen’s group of companies, the largest seizure ever, according to the U.S. Justice Department. American prosecutors also filed an indictment against Mr. Chen, accusing him of wire fraud and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

美国政府去年除了制裁太子集团及其附属机构、子公司和关联方外，还从陈志的企业集团查获了近150亿美元的比特币，据美国司法部称，这是有史以来最大规模的查缴。美国检察官还对陈志提起了公诉，指控其涉嫌电信诈骗和合谋洗钱罪。

U.S. authorities did not explicitly establish a link between the Huione and Prince groups but the Trump administration separately blacklisted Huione as a money-laundering operation last year, shutting it out of the U.S. financial system.

美国当局并未明确证实汇旺集团与太子集团之间存在关联，但特朗普政府去年已单独将汇旺列为洗钱机构黑名单，将其排除在美国金融体系之外。

Until recently, Huione was a mighty constellation of companies that sucked in money from criminals, washed it clean and moved it across borders at stunning speed.

直到不久前，汇旺仍是一个实力雄厚的企业集群，吸纳来自犯罪活动的资金，将其“洗白”，并以惊人的速度跨境转移资金。

The company had legitimate business — its QR codes were ubiquitous across Cambodia and customers used them to settle their bills in supermarkets, restaurants and hotels. It also offered other banking and insurance services.

该公司拥有合法业务——其二维码在柬埔寨随处可见，顾客在超市、餐馆和酒店中常用其进行结账。它还提供其他的银行和保险服务。

Its less-legitimate underbelly, though, was the primary moneymaker. One affiliate of the company offered bespoke money-laundering services. Another ran an open online bazaar that served as matchmaker between criminals and money launderers.

然而，其见不得人的一面才是主要的盈利来源。它的一家关联公司提供定制化洗钱服务，另一家则运营一个开放的线上交易平台，充当犯罪分子与洗钱者之间的撮合中介。

Huione Group and its affiliates have laundered at least $4 billion for criminals, including hackers in North Korea and scammers in Southeast Asia, according to the U.S. Treasury. That figure could be higher — the online marketplace alone hosted nearly $27 billion in transactions until last spring, although some of those transactions may have been legitimate, according to the analytics firm Elliptic.

根据美国财政部的数据，汇旺集团及其关联公司已为犯罪分子洗钱至少40亿美元，其中包括朝鲜黑客和东南亚诈骗团伙。实际数字可能更高——据分析公司Elliptic称，仅该在线平台在去年春天之前就促成了近270亿美元的交易，尽管其中部分交易可能是合法的。

In December, the Cambodian National Bank said Huione had gone into liquidation after the government revoked its license to operate.

去年12月，柬埔寨国家银行表示，在政府吊销营业执照后，汇旺已进入清算程序。

President Trump said on Tuesday that the United States would wrap up its military campaign in Iran in two or three weeks, and the White House said he would address the nation about the war on Wednesday evening.

特朗普总统周二表示，美国将在两到三周内结束对伊朗的军事行动，白宫同时宣布，总统将于周三晚间就这场战争向全国发表讲话。

“We will be leaving very soon,” Mr. Trump told reporters in the Oval Office.

“我们很快就会撤军，”特朗普在白宫椭圆形办公室对记者表示。

It was not immediately clear what message Mr. Trump intended to deliver in his national address, and he has left open the potential for escalating military action. But he and top aides have increasingly been suggesting that he sees justification for claiming to have achieved his main objectives and would like to extricate the United States from the conflict.

目前尚不清楚特朗普打算在全国讲话中传递何种信息，他也并未排除军事行动升级的可能性。但他与高层幕僚近期频频表示，他认为已有足够理由宣称已实现主要目标，并希望让美国从这场冲突中抽身。

Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said Mr. Trump would be providing “an important update” on the war.

白宫新闻秘书卡罗琳·莱维特表示，特朗普将就这场战争发布“重要进展通报”。

Mr. Trump told reporters that he had attained his goal of dealing with Iran’s nuclear program and that gasoline prices in the United States would come down as soon as the United States ended the conflict, which he said would be soon. Dealing with the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, choking off the global energy trade, was a problem for other countries to deal with, Mr. Trump said.

特朗普对记者称，他已经达成了应对伊朗核计划的目标，并称美国一旦结束这场冲突——他表示这很快就会发生——美国国内的汽油价格就会回落。他还表示，霍尔木兹海峡实质关停导致全球能源贸易受阻的问题，应该由其他国家来解决。

In a video published on Tuesday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio sought to make the case that Mr. Trump had succeeded in his primary goal of keeping Iran from being able to build a nuclear weapon. But Mr. Rubio’s argument was built on the assertion that degrading Iran’s conventional weapons was enough to keep Tehran from building a bomb.

在周二发布的一段视频中，国务卿鲁比奥竭力论证，特朗普已经达成了阻止伊朗制造核武器的首要目标。但鲁比奥的论断建立在削弱伊朗常规武器力量就足以阻止德黑兰制造核弹这一前提之上。

“That is the goal of this operation, to destroy their conventional missiles and their drone program so they can’t hide behind it,” Mr. Rubio said.

“本次行动的目标，就是摧毁他们的常规导弹和无人机项目，让他们无法再以此为掩护，”鲁比奥说。

霍尔木兹海峡的实质性封锁已导致全球能源贸易陷入瘫痪。

But even as the administration sent signals of de-escalation, Mr. Trump has left open the possibility of military escalation as U.S. forces continue to reach the region.

但即便政府释放了局势降级的信号，随着美军持续向该地区部署，特朗普仍未排除军事升级的可能性。

While Mr. Trump has touted that the military has hit more than 11,000 targets, Iran still has near-bomb-grade nuclear material at the Isfahan site. The president is weighing whether to approve a risky operation to seize or destroy the material.

尽管特朗普大肆宣扬美军已打击了超过1.1万个目标，但伊朗在伊斯法罕核设施内仍储存着接近武器级的核材料。目前总统正在权衡，是否批准一项高风险行动，以夺取或销毁这批核材料。

Mr. Trump has also floated the idea of invading or attacking Kharg Island, the heart of Iran’s oil export capacity in the Persian Gulf, or seizing other islands in the gulf to help restore the flow of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has used as a choke point for Middle East oil shipments.

特朗普还提出其他构想——入侵或袭击伊朗在波斯湾的石油出口核心哈尔克岛，或是夺取波斯湾内的其他岛屿，以此推动恢复霍尔木兹海峡的航运通行。伊朗一直将这条海峡作为阻断中东石油运输的咽喉要道。

At the same time, Mr. Trump continues to suggest that a negotiated settlement with Tehran is possible, though not necessary for the United States to step back from the war that it has been waging alongside Israel for the last month.

与此同时，特朗普仍表示，有可能与德黑兰通过谈判达成和解，不过对于美国而言，想要从这场与以色列联合发动、已持续一个月的战争中抽身，谈判并不是必需的。

But Mr. Trump has yet to fully achieve many of the goals he set out when he entered the conflict, including ousting the theocratic government in Iran and ensuring that it could never achieve a nuclear weapon. Nor has he resolved problems created by the war, including the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the increased regional instability caused by Iran’s missile attacks on neighboring countries.

但特朗普当初宣布介入冲突时定下的诸多目标，至今仍未完全实现，包括推翻伊朗的神权政府、确保伊朗永远无法获得核武器。他也未能解决这场战争引发的一系列问题，包括霍尔木兹海峡实质关停，以及伊朗对邻国发动导弹袭击所导致的地区动荡加剧。

Mr. Rubio on Monday stated four goals for the war in interviews with ABC News and Al Jazeera. An official State Department account posted on social media a video clip from one of the interviews and a bullet-point list of the goals, saying: “You should write them down.”

周一，鲁比奥在接受ABC新闻与半岛电视台采访时列出了这场战争的四大目标。美国国务院官方账号在社交媒体上发布了其中一段采访的视频片段以及目标要点清单，并配文：“建议你们记下来。”

The goals were the destruction of Iran’s air force, the destruction of its navy, the “severe diminishing” of its capability to launch missiles, and the destruction of its factories.

这四大目标分别是：摧毁伊朗空军、摧毁伊朗海军、“大幅削弱”伊朗的导弹发射能力，以及摧毁伊朗的工厂。

Absent from the list are some of the goals that Mr. Trump has stated recently: “regime change,” seizing Iran’s oil, forcing the Iranian military to allow ships through the Strait of Hormuz and completely eradicating Iran’s nuclear program, which includes stockpiles of highly enriched uranium buried in underground sites that were struck by American bombs last summer.

这份清单并未纳入特朗普近期多次提及的部分目标：“政权更迭”、夺取伊朗石油、迫使伊朗军方放行霍尔木兹海峡的通航船只，以及彻底根除伊朗的核计划——其中包括去年夏天遭美军炸弹袭击的地下设施中储存的高浓缩铀。

Mr. Rubio’s list of four goals — all conventional and relatively modest — was similar to a list of three objectives he put out on March 9, in the second week of the war, with two notable differences: the addition of the destruction of Iran’s air force, and also a walking back of an earlier stated goal to “destroy their ability to launch missiles.” The new phrase, “severe diminishing” of that capability, indicates that U.S. officials no longer think it is feasible to completely destroy Iran’s missile program.

鲁比奥列出的这四大目标均为常规军事目标，尺度也相对保守，与他在3月9日（战争第二周）提出的三大目标很相近，但有两处显著差异：新增了“摧毁伊朗空军”的目标，同时收回了此前提出的“摧毁伊朗导弹发射能力”的说法。新的表述“大幅削弱”这一能力，意味着美国官方已不再认为彻底摧毁伊朗导弹项目具备可行性。

In laying out the four goals, Mr. Rubio appeared to be giving Mr. Trump an off-ramp that the president could decide to take. Mr. Trump could say the United States had achieved the goals and end U.S. combat operations, even if Israel, Saudi Arabia and some other Arab nations in the region are pressing him to continue the conflict until the violence forces a deeper structural change to Iran’s government and leadership.

鲁比奥列出这四大目标似乎是在为特朗普提供一条可供选择的退路。特朗普完全可以宣称美国已达成既定目标，就此结束美军的作战行动——尽管以色列、沙特阿拉伯及该地区其他部分阿拉伯国家仍在向他施压，要求他将冲突持续下去，直到通过武力迫使伊朗政府与领导层发生更深层次的结构性变革。

“We will achieve those objectives,” Mr. Rubio said on Al Jazeera about the four goals. “We are well on our way or ahead of schedule. We will achieve them in weeks, not months.”

“我们一定会实现这些目标，”鲁比奥在半岛电视台的采访中谈及这四大目标时表示。“目前相关行动进展顺利，部分甚至超前于计划。我们将在几周内完成目标，而不是几个月。”

But White House officials, including Ms. Leavitt, the press secretary, have reiterated the president’s more expansive goals of dismantling Iran’s missile and drone production infrastructure, weakening their proxies and preventing Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear weapon.

但包括新闻秘书莱维特在内的白宫官员仍在重申总统范围更广的目标：摧毁伊朗的导弹与无人机生产基础设施、削弱伊朗的代理人势力，以及阻止伊朗获得核武器。

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump said the United States had already accomplished “regime change,” even though a theocratic leadership that is authoritarian and anti-American remains in place.

周二，特朗普宣称美国已经实现了在伊朗的“政权更迭”，尽管伊朗那个反美的威权神权领导层依然牢牢掌握权力。

“We’ve knocked out one regime, then we knocked out the second regime,” Mr. Trump said. “Now we have a group of people that are very different, they are much more reasonable, I think, much less radicalized. We have had regime change.”

“我们先是打败了第一个政权，然后又打败了第二个，”特朗普说。“现在我们面对的，是一群完全不同的人，我认为他们理性得多，也远远没那么激进。我们已经实现了政权更迭。”

If Mr. Trump does follow through on his threat to end the military campaign without reopening the Strait, he will leave the global economy in disarray. Oil prices have skyrocketed around the world, including in the United States, and European officials are urging countries to cut back on energy use.

如果特朗普真的兑现他的威胁，在霍尔木兹海峡通航未恢复的情况下结束军事行动，全球经济将陷入持续的混乱。目前全球各地油价已大幅飙升，包括美国在内，欧洲官员正呼吁各国削减能源使用。

But Mr. Trump, who said on Tuesday that “all I have to do is leave Iran” for oil prices to drop, has put the onus on other countries, including NATO allies, to reopen the strait.

但特朗普在周二表示，“只要我从伊朗撤军”，油价就会回落，同时他将恢复海峡通航的责任推给了包括北约盟友在内的其他国家。

“Build up some delayed courage, go to the Strait, and just TAKE IT,” he wrote on Truth Social on Tuesday morning. “You’ll have to start learning how to fight for yourself, the U.S.A. won’t be there to help you anymore, just like you weren’t there for us. Iran has been, essentially, decimated. The hard part is done. Go get your own oil!”

“拿出你们迟来的勇气，去海峡，直接拿下它！”他周二早上在Truth Social平台上写道。“你们必须学会为自己而战，美国不会再去帮你们了，就像你们当初也没帮过我们一样。伊朗基本上已被摧毁，最难的部分已经做完了。自己去拿你们的石油吧！”