From a lonely hilltop in Myanmar, an unlikely commander peered at the enemy on the next crest. He squinted through dust-covered glasses. As the wind whipped up dry earth, Dr. Lone Lone, a rebel leader of five years’ vintage, swallowed a cough, then emitted a slight wheeze.

在缅甸一座孤零零的山头上，一位看上去并不像军官的指挥官正凝视着毗邻山脊上的敌人。他透过沾满灰尘的眼镜眯起眼睛。随着风刮起干燥的泥土，有着五年资历的反抗军领袖能能医生压下了自己的咳嗽，发出一声轻微的喘息。

His men saluted. Their bearing was impeccable, even if their weaponry was not.

他的部下向他敬礼。他们的军姿无可挑剔，尽管他们的武器装备并非如此。

Throughout Myanmar’s heartland, where a civil war rages fierce and forgotten, rebel groups are outgunned and undermanned. The civilians who support them face unrelenting raids by the military, which abruptly ended a brief period of electoral governance with a coup in 2021. Myanmar’s generals returned the country to full army dictatorship, fractured the nation and ignited a humanitarian crisis.

在缅甸腹地，一场激烈但不受关注的内战正在肆虐，反抗军组织在武器和人力上都处于劣势。支持他们的平民面临军方无休止的袭击，军方在2021年通过一场政变突然结束了短暂的民选政府治理。缅甸的将军们让国家重新回到了完全的军队独裁统治，使国家陷入分裂并导致人道主义危机。

Far from the spotlight fixed on Iran, Ukraine, Lebanon and other global conflicts, Myanmar, a Southeast Asian nation of about 50 million people, has quietly collapsed.

在伊朗、乌克兰、黎巴嫩和其他全球冲突的聚光灯之外，缅甸这个有约5000万人口的东南亚国家已在悄无声息中崩溃。

Recently, The New York Times photographer Daniel Berehulak and I traveled with Dr. Lone Lone to a rebel-held region. It was in Anyar, a part of central Myanmar where the rebels say no foreign journalists had gone since the military toppled the civilian government and erased political and economic reforms.

近期，《纽约时报》摄影记者丹尼尔·贝雷胡拉克(Daniel Berehulak)和我随同能能医生前往一个由反抗军控制的地区。它位于缅甸中部的阿尼亚，反抗军表示，自军方推翻文职政府、抹杀政治和经济改革以来，还没有外国记者去过那里。

A rebel soldier — a boy, really — pointed to the sky where he had been told an armed drone was prowling. Over the previous three days, Dr. Lone Lone and a group of his men had evaded drones, fighter jets, attack helicopters and even paraglider pilots intent on chucking hand-held bombs at them. They had passed through villages that had been assaulted by howitzers or set on fire by the Myanmar military. A drone somewhere in the distance was not Dr. Lone Lone’s biggest concern.

一名反抗军士兵——实际上是个男孩——指向天空，有人告诉他一架武装无人机正在空中游弋。过去几天里，能能医生和他的几名部下躲过了无人机、战斗机、攻击直升机，甚至还有企图向他们投掷炸弹的动力滑翔伞飞行员。他们穿过了遭到榴弹炮打击或被缅甸军队纵火焚烧的村庄。远处某个地方的无人机并不是能能医生最担心的问题。

Still, he urged us to retreat.

尽管如此，他还是督促我们撤退。

“I wish you could come to Myanmar without the bombs,” he said. “I love my country.”

“我希望你们能来到一个没有炸弹的缅甸，”他说。“我爱我的国家。”

After the 2021 coup, anti-military forces rose up and took control of more than half the country. Some of the rebel groups say they are fighting for Myanmar to become a federal democracy, with more rights for individual regions.

2021年政变后，反军事武装力量奋起反抗并控制了该国一半以上的领土。一些反抗军组织表示，他们正在为缅甸成为一个联邦制民主国家而战，从而让各个地区拥有更多权利。

Rebel groups have worked with a government in exile to set up schools and hospitals in a series of disparate territories they call “Free Myanmar.” They hoped that these liberated zones would expand and merge until the military, which has kept Myanmar cowering since it first seized power from a democratically elected government in 1962, would be forced to relinquish control.

反抗军组织与流亡政府合作，在他们称为“自由缅甸”的一系列零散领土上建立了学校和医院。他们希望这些解放区能够扩大并合并，直到迫使军方交出控制权。自1962年首次从民选政府手中夺权以来，军方一直高压统治缅甸，令民众陷入恐惧。

Anyar, in the nation’s arid central region, is one of the most formidable strongholds of armed resistance against the military. In the years since the coup, Daniel and I have reported from border regions where insurgencies by ethnic minorities have simmered for decades. While those zones endure frequent attacks by the Myanmar military, they also have supply lines to other countries. Arms and intelligence — and the occasional reporter — can enter.

位于该国干旱中部地区的阿尼亚是反抗军事武装抵抗最强大的堡垒之一。政变发生后的几年里，丹尼尔和我曾在边境地区进行报道，那里的少数民族叛乱已经持续了数十年。虽然这些区域频繁遭受缅甸军队的袭击，但它们也有通往其他国家的供应线。武器和情报——以及偶尔的记者——可以进入。

阿尼亚的许多地方几乎与世隔绝——没有可靠的手机信号，也没有互联网。能能医生和其他反抗军士兵在阿尼亚的一个渡河口。由于反抗军试图避开军方阵地，过去只需几个小时的行程现在需要几天时间。抵抗力量与缅甸军方士兵的阵地之间相距仅半英里。

By contrast, Anyar is marooned, even as it suffers the brunt of the military’s anger. The area is home to the nation’s Bamar ethnic majority and was historically the wellspring of support for the military, which is also predominantly Bamar. But the coup, which dragged the country back to a grimmer age, turned many people in Anyar against the military. The cost of this perceived disloyalty has been devastating.

相比之下，阿尼亚处于孤立无援的境地，即便它正承受着军方最猛烈的怒火。该地区是缅甸主体民族缅族的家园，过去一直支持军方，军方也主要由缅族人构成。但将国家拖回黑暗时代的政变让阿尼亚的许多人转而反对军方。这种被视为不忠的代价是毁灭性的。

Five years into the civil war, far from the reach of international aid groups, we found a heartland that felt lost in an apocalypse. From the skies above dusty villages and patchworks of farmland plowed by emaciated oxen, the Myanmar military’s instruments of death killed with chaotic impunity. In its isolation, Anyar suffers from crippling shortages, too, of weapons, guerrillas and, increasingly, hope.

内战爆发五年后，在国际援助组织无法触及的地方，我们发现了一片仿佛迷失在末世浩劫中的腹地。在尘土飞扬的村庄和瘦骨嶙峋的黄牛耕作的农田上空，缅甸军方的死亡机器在混乱中肆无忌惮地杀戮。由于孤立无援，阿尼亚也面临着武器、游击队员严重短缺的局面，人们日渐失去希望。

To maintain his grip on power, U Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leader, stepped down as army chief in March so he could take the civilian post of president. He oversaw stage-managed elections in which the military’s proxy party was effectively the sole choice. (In April, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the civilian leader he ousted, was transferred from prison to house arrest, according to the military.)

为了维持对权力的控制，军政府领导人敏昂莱在3月辞去了军队总司令一职，以便担任总统这一文职。他监督了精心编排的选举，在这场选举中，军方的代理政党实际上是唯一的选择。（军方称，被他推翻的文职领导人昂山素季4月从被监禁转为被软禁。）

人民防卫军（一个反抗军组织的联盟）控制的村庄。流离失所的农民在一个由反抗军控制的地区收割庄稼。

The same month that Mr. Min Aung Hlaing prepared to assume the presidency, human rights groups put the monthly civilian death toll in Myanmar at the highest mark since the coup. Nationwide, over the past five years, more than 90,000 civilians and combatants have been killed and 3.7 million people displaced, the United Nations says. Apart from the Palestinian territories, Myanmar was the most conflict-ridden place last year (although not the deadliest), according to the conflict monitor A.C.L.E.D.

就在敏昂莱准备就任总统的同一个月，人权组织公布的数据显示，缅甸当月平民死亡人数创下政变以来的最高纪录。联合国表示，在全国范围内，过去五年中有超过9万名平民和战斗人员被杀，370万人流离失所。根据冲突监测机构ACLED的数据，除了巴勒斯坦地区外，缅甸是去年冲突最严重的地区（尽管不是死亡人数最多的地方）。

Gen. Zaw Min Tun, the military spokesman, told me in an interview that airstrikes were ordered “because we got solid information” of legitimate military targets.

军方发言人佐敏吞少将在接受我采访时表示，下令进行空袭是因为“我们得到了确凿的情报”，针对的是合法的军事目标。

“That many people, civilian people, have been killed in airstrikes is just propaganda,” he said.

“至于说有那么多平民在空袭中丧生，那完全是宣传抹黑，”他说。

Death Along Dangerous Roads

危险道路上的死亡

At various stops along our route, bombs fell just before we arrived or just after we left — a measure of how common aerial assaults are in Anyar. Gyrocopters, a light helicopter-like craft, struck a village a couple miles away from where we were at one point. Drones dropped deadly payloads on a community where we had spent the night. We chased the contrails of fighter jets and stared into the sky looking for armed paragliders.

在我们沿途停靠的各个站点中，炸弹要么在我们抵达前刚刚落下，要么在我们离开后随即开始轰炸——由此可见空袭在阿尼亚是多么司空见惯。旋翼机（一种类似于轻型直升机的飞行器）一度袭击了距离我们仅几英里远的一个村庄。无人机向我们过夜的一个社区投下了致命的炸弹。我们追踪战斗机划过天空的尾迹，凝视天空寻找武装滑翔伞的踪迹。

In March, about 240 Myanmar military airstrikes killed more than 400 people, many in Anyar, according to A.C.L.E.D. In mid-April, two gyrocopters attacked a village in Anyar’s Monywa Township, killing at least 17 people. During our time in central Myanmar, we confirmed at least nine killings of civilians that had not been recorded by rights groups. This daily drumbeat of death goes all but unnoticed by the outside world.

根据ACLED的数据，3月缅甸军方实施了约240次空袭，导致了400多人死亡，其中许多发生在阿尼亚。4月中旬，两架旋翼机袭击了阿尼亚蒙育瓦镇的一个村庄，造成至少17人死亡。在缅甸中部期间，我们证实了至少九起平民被杀事件，这些事件此前并未被人权组织记录在案。这种每日上演的死亡事件几乎不为外界所知。

“Do foreigners know what is happening to us?” an Anyar resident named U San Nyaung asked me, as he swept rubble from the ruins of his home, which had been burned by Myanmar soldiers.

“外国人知道我们的情况吗？”正在清理被缅军烧毁的家园废墟的阿尼亚居民桑纽问我。

To reach the front line in Anyar, we traveled by night and by camouflage. It took us three days to traverse what would normally be about a three-hour drive. We went by car, motorcycle, boat and foot, on back roads, mountain paths, rivers and strips of highway that were less than half a mile from the front lines. Many places we visited in Anyar had almost no contact with the outside world because of military blackouts — no reliable cellphone signals, no internet.

为了到达阿尼亚的前线，我们夜间潜行并借助伪装行进，花了三天时间才走完通常只需大约三小时的车程。我们乘坐汽车、摩托车、船，或是步行，穿过小道、山路、河流以及距离前线不到半英里的公路路段。由于军方的网络屏蔽，我们访问的阿尼亚许多地方几乎与外界断绝了联系——没有可靠的手机信号，也没有互联网。

Nearly 200 houses in Mr. San Nyaung’s village, which like most of the places we visited we are not naming for security reasons, had been destroyed by fire. Then bombs fell from overhead. Three people were killed by those detonations, including a Buddhist monk. The military had left one final surprise: land mines planted near homes and Buddhist temples, to ensure carnage after soldiers departed.

在桑纽的村庄，近200栋房屋被付之一炬。与我们访问的大多数地方一样，出于安全原因，我们不公开该村庄的名字。随后炸弹从头顶落下。爆炸造成三人死亡，其中包括一名佛教僧侣。军方还留下了最后一个“惊喜”：在房屋和佛教寺庙附近埋设了地雷，以确保士兵撤离后继续造成伤亡。

Mr. San Nyaung began weeping, his tears fat and true.

桑纽开始哭泣，大颗的眼泪夺眶而出，情真意切。

“I know about Ukraine, Gaza. I feel very sorry for them,” he said. “We share the same sadness.”

“我知道乌克兰和加沙的事情。我为他们感到非常难过，”他说。“我们承受着同样的悲伤。”

Stethoscopes to Guns

听诊器换成钢枪

The roots of Myanmar’s civil war reach back to 1962, when a general grabbed power, claiming that the army was needed to prevent the country from fracturing amid incursions by ethnic militias. Those insurgencies, in which ethnic minorities demanded autonomy or even independence, have endured for decades, including one that is considered one of the world’s longest running ethnic revolts. But in this latest outbreak of civil war, the rebellion by the Bamar ethnic majority has spread the conflict nationwide.

缅甸内战的根源可以追溯到1962年，当时一位将军夺取政权，声称需要军队来防止国家在少数民族武装的入侵中分裂。要求自治甚至独立的少数民族叛乱已经持续了数十年，其中一场被认为是世界上持续时间最长的民族反抗之一。但在最近爆发的内战中，占人口多数的缅族人的反抗已令冲突蔓延到了全国范围。

“The army cannot accept that this time the Bamar are also against them,” Dr. Lone Lone said. “That’s why they are the most cruel to us.”

“军队无法接受这一次缅族人也在反对他们，”能能医生说。“这就是为什么他们对我们最残忍。”

Dr. Lone Lone, 41, never intended to command a battalion of 120 soldiers. It wasn’t just his nearsightedness, asthma or chronic back pain that made his career as an armed rebel so unlikely. Born in an Anyar town famous for its working elephants, he studied medicine and then ran his own clinic.

现年41岁的能能医生从未想过要指挥一个由120名士兵组成的营。这不仅是因为近视、哮喘或慢性背痛让他看上去不太可能有一段武装反抗的戎马生涯。他出生于阿尼亚一个以大象劳作闻名的小镇，曾修读医学并经营着自己的诊所。

In 2021, Dr. Lone Lone was about to go on a grand tour of Europe when the coup intervened and the junta imprisoned Myanmar’s elected leaders. Dr. Lone Lone joined in peaceful protests. But when the military cracked down, killing hundreds of unarmed protesters — including small children — with bullets to the head or heart, he escaped to a border region. There, ethnic militias gave basic training to white-collar urbanites like him.

2021年，能能医生正准备开启他畅游欧洲的计划，这时政变发生了，军政府监禁了缅甸的民选领导人。能能医生加入了和平抗议。然而，军方镇压示威，数百名非武装抗议者——包括幼童——被子弹击中头部或心脏而亡。他逃往了一个边境地区，在那里，少数民族武装对像他这样的都市白领进行了基础训练。

“I was good at holding a stethoscope, not a gun,” Dr. Lone Lone said.

“我以前擅长拿听诊器，而不是拿枪，”能能医生说。

Still, Dr. Lone Lone commanded respect. He ran a medical corps before coaxing volunteers from his hometown to form a battalion of the People’s Defense Forces, a coalition of militias loosely organized under Myanmar’s government in exile. His soldiers told us about life in what they called the B.C. era — before the coup. One was in the second year of his college physics course. Another worked in marketing. Some of the fighters were teenagers when they took up arms. Two were still only 17 years old. The older soldiers had suspended normal life — date nights, marriage, children, harvests, beach holidays — for what they called “the revolution.”

尽管如此，能能医生依然赢得了尊重。在劝说家乡的志愿者组成人民防卫军的一个营之前，他曾领导过一支医疗队。人民防卫军是在缅甸流亡政府下松散组织起来的武装联盟。他的士兵们向我们讲述了他们所谓的BC时代——即政变前(Before Coup)的生活。其中一人当时正在读大学物理二年级。另一人从事市场营销工作。一些战士在拿起武器时还是十几岁的青少年。其中两人至今依然只有17岁。年龄大一些的士兵则中止了正常的生活——约会、结婚、生子、收割庄稼、海滩度假，投身于他们所说的“革命”。

Nevertheless, some B.C. habits endured. One soldier driving a pickup truck on dirt roads kept using his turn signal, though there was little reason for such politesse near the front line.

尽管如此，一些政变前的习惯依然保留了下来。一名在泥泞道路上开着皮卡车的士兵仍一直使用转向灯，尽管在前线附近几乎没有必要讲究这种礼仪。

Dr. Lone Lone’s soldiers had come to this front line only a week before. In late December, a seven-month battle in northern Shan State ended with 15 rebel battalions, including Dr. Lone Lone’s, retreating. The Myanmar military buys its weapons from Russia and China, and the rebels have long given up hope that the West might finance their fight, as in Ukraine. Dr. Lone Lone’s fighters withdrew so fast they had to leave behind their treasured war elephants, a reminder of Myanmar’s martial past when pachyderms were drafted for duty.

能能医生的士兵在一周前才来到这条前线。去年12月底在掸邦北部，一场持续了七个月的战斗以反抗军15个营（包括能能医生的营）撤退而告终。缅甸军方从俄罗斯和中国购买武器，而反抗军早就放弃了西方会像资助乌克兰那样资助他们的希望。由于是仓促撤退，能能医生的战士们不得不抛弃他们珍爱的战象，它们让人想起缅甸的尚武历史，那时这些厚皮巨兽也曾被征召入伍。

反抗军战士在阿尼亚收集军火弹药。夜间推着油桶穿过一座小桥，向偏远村庄供应物资。

“We have a lack of bullets,” Dr. Lone Lone said. “I feel depressed in our revolution because we do not have support from the United States and Europe, even though we are fighting for federal democracy.”

“我们缺子弹，”能能医生说。“在我们的革命中，我感到很沮丧，因为尽管我们在为联邦民主而战，但没有得到美国和欧洲的支持。”

Myanmar’s generals, for their part, draw support from neighbors like China, India and Thailand, who are mostly interested in trying to keep instability and chaos from sloshing across their borders. Those countries tacitly backed the recent elections, which the United Nations dismissed as a “sham.”

缅甸的将军们则得到了中国、印度和泰国等邻国的支持，这些邻国主要关心的是如何防止动荡和混乱蔓延过边境。这些国家默许了近期的选举，而联合国斥其为一场“骗局”。

Western investment in the country evaporated after the coup, and the generals rely on projects like a copper mine in central Myanmar, operated by a subsidiary of the Chinese state weapons manufacturer Norinco, to churn out cash. To protect those interests, the military has swept through nearby villages, burning and looting homes and bombing shelters for displaced people.

政变后，西方在该国的投资荡然无存，将军们依靠缅甸中部的一座铜矿等项目来赚取现金，该铜矿由中国国有武器制造商中国兵器工业集团的一家子公司运营。为了保护这些利益，军方已对附近村庄进行清剿，烧毁和洗劫房屋，并轰炸难民的避难所。

Ko Thu Rein, an Anyar guerrilla commander who used to work at the copper mine, said that the government in exile loosely coordinating the heartland forces had allocated only five rifles to his unit of 80 soldiers. (Using their own money, the men had managed to scrounge together 10 more.) His soldiers have fashioned mortar launchers out of bits of metal, but there are no mortar shells to fire.

阿尼亚游击队指挥官都雷曾在该铜矿工作。他说，流亡政府松散地协调着中部地区的各支武装力量，只给他麾下的80名士兵配发了五支步枪。（士兵们用自己的钱又勉强凑了10支。）他的士兵用废旧金属自制了迫击炮发射器，但并没有炮弹可以发射。

A fighter jet tore through the sky. We tensed and waited to see if the Russian-made plane would circle back for a strike.

一架战斗机划破天空。我们紧张起来，等着看这架俄罗斯制造的飞机会不会折返回来发动攻击。

“This is my life forever,” Mr. Thu Rein said.

“这就是我一辈子的生活，”都雷说。

I couldn’t tell if he meant it in defiance, or in acceptance of his fate.

我无法判断，他说这话时是带着反抗的决绝，还是已经接受了命运。

‘There Is Death Everywhere’

“到处都在死人”

There was an airstrike last week, one the week before and another the week before that, the villagers said. There were others that went unmentioned. It was impossible to list them all. There were no more tears to shed, one woman we met at a restaurant said.

村民们说，上周发生了一次空袭，上上周有一次，再前一周还有一次。还有其他一些没有被提及。根本数不清。我们在一家餐馆遇到的一名女子说，眼泪已经流干了。

We sat eating bowls of noodles. The rebel-controlled village is a transport hub from which fuel and other supplies are disbursed to guerrilla forces. That is one reason the military has been devastating these villages.

我们坐着吃面条。这个由反抗军控制的村庄是一个交通枢纽，燃料和其他物资从这里分发到各游击队。这也是军方持续摧毁这些村庄的原因之一。

Still, people need to eat. The noodles were good. Customers slurped broth as radios on tables squawked a barrage of intelligence. The bomb shelter was out back. It didn’t look large enough to fit all the diners.

不过，人总是要吃饭的。面条味道不错。食客们吸溜着汤汁，桌上的电台噼里啪啦地播报着一连串的情报。防空洞就在后面。看上去不够大，装不下所有用餐的人。

I asked Daw Wah Wah, the noodle shop owner, if there had been any attacks over the past few days. She shook her head.

我问面馆老板瓦瓦，过去几天有没有发生过袭击。她摇了摇头。

Then she remembered. Less than two miles away, there had been an airstrike. It had killed six people.

然后她想起来了。三公里多外的地方发生过一次空袭。炸死了六个人。

When was it, I asked?

我问，是什么时候的事？

“Yesterday,” she replied. “I forgot because there is death everywhere.”

“昨天，”她回答说。“我忘了，因为到处都在死人。”

The day before one of three election rounds, two fighter jets reached the village just after noon. Three gyrocopters followed. Ma Khin Moe Hnin, the owner of a fuel depot, kept on working. Then the bombs rained down. Her gas station was charred, as were a medical clinic, guesthouse and cafe where people hooked up to a Starlink satellite for internet access. Ten people were killed, including Ms. Khin Moe Hnin’s brother-in-law.

在某一轮投票（选举共进行三轮）的前一天，两架战斗机在正午过后不久抵达了该村庄。三架旋翼机紧随其后。燃料站老板钦摩宁继续干活。随后炸弹如雨点般落下。她的加油站被烧焦了，一同被毁的还有一间诊所、一家招待所和一家人们通过星链卫星接入互联网的咖啡馆。有十人丧生，其中包括钦摩宁的姐夫。

右为玛钦摩宁，她经营的燃料站遭到军方轰炸。在阿尼亚地区的一家餐馆里，桌上的电台正在播报情报，通报军方战斗机及其他空中攻击飞行器曾被目击到的位置。阿尼亚地区一处为阵亡抵抗军士兵设立的纪念碑。

“I knew it would happen one day,” she said. “The bombs always fall.”

“我知道总有一天会发生这种事，”她说。“炸弹总是会落下来的。”

One evening, we were about to cross a river by boat — bridges were bombed too often to use — when a radio alerted us to armed paragliders drifting nearby. In the B.C. years, while in Bali for a medical conference, Dr. Lone Lone had seen paragliders float above the beach, their fabric wings bright against the blue sky. Now, he thought about the soldiers soaring through the inky night, holding bombs. Two officers who deserted from the military told me that paratroopers are considered expendable in a military that depends on conscription and drugs like methamphetamine to keep ranks filled.

一天傍晚，我们正准备乘船渡河——桥梁经常被炸，已无法通行，这时电台提醒我们，有武装动力滑翔伞在附近漂移。在政变前，能能医生在巴厘岛参加一次医学会议时，曾在海滩看到天上的滑翔伞，伞翼在蓝天的映衬下格外显眼。如今，他想到的是士兵们手里拿着炸弹，在漆黑的夜空中翱翔。两名从军方叛逃的军官告诉我，在一支依赖征兵和冰毒等毒品来维持人数的军队里，伞兵被视为可以牺牲的消耗品。

We waited for a couple hours until the danger passed.

我们等待了两三个小时，直到危险过去。

“The military is creative in one way,” Dr. Lone Lone said, his voice hushed in the dark. “They always find new ways to kill.”

“军方在某种程度上很有创意，”能能医生在黑暗中低声说道。“他们总能找到新的杀人方式。”

Breaking Point

临界点

We kept on traveling through a terrorized heartland. A couple days after we visited the noodle shop, we bumped along back roads on motorcycles for six hours. There was dust in my mouth and deep in my ears. The driver of my motorcycle, a rifle slung over his shoulder and a grenade affixed to his belt, revved the engine. Suddenly, we saw a black sedan, strangely clean, stopped on the road. We stopped, too. Out of the car strode a man with a long beard and gray hair in a ponytail. He wore an army green T-shirt and a sarong, a revolver tucked by his waist. I had no idea who he was. I also had no idea where we were.

我们继续穿越这片饱受恐惧蹂躏的腹地。离开那家面馆两天后，我们骑着摩托车在乡间小路上颠簸了六个小时。我的嘴里和耳朵眼里都满是尘土。我的摩托车司机肩上挎着一支步枪，腰带上别着一枚手榴弹，他加大了油门。突然，我们看到一辆黑色的轿车停在路上，车身异常干净。我们也停了下来。一个留着长胡子、灰色头发扎成马尾辫的男人从车里下来。他身穿军绿色T恤和纱笼，腰间别着一把左轮手枪。我不知道他是谁。也不知道自己身在何处。

The man grinned and stuck out his hand.

那人咧嘴一笑，伸出了手。

“You can call me Brother Zero,” he said. “My unit is the Zero Guerrilla Force.”

“你们可以叫我零大哥，”他说。“我的部队是零游击队。”

Brother Zero, otherwise known as Ko Thet Gyi, operates out of rebel-held territory around Myingyan, close to Mandalay, Myanmar’s second-largest city. An artist, he took up arms after the coup. His wife, who was caught in junta-controlled territory, was sentenced to 25 years in prison because of her connection to him. Her face is tattooed on his arm.

零大哥又名泰吉，在缅甸第二大城市曼德勒附近的敏彦反抗军控制区活动。他是一名艺术家，政变后拿起武器。他的妻子在军政府控制区被捕，因为他的缘故而被判处25年监禁。他把她的脸文在了手臂上。

At his camp, Mr. Thet Gyi pointed to a crater in the earth where a bomb had struck. Later we looked at another hole, larger and deeper. It was a prison for his soldiers who had tried to run away, Mr. Thet Gyi said. Five years of war, with little hope of respite, had driven up desertion rates.

在营地里，哥泰吉指给我们看炸弹袭击留下的一个弹坑。后来我们又看到了一个更大、更深的坑。哥泰吉说，那是关押逃兵的监狱。战争已持续五年，且看不到停歇的希望，这导致逃兵率居高不下。

反抗军控制区内，一座靠近寺庙的建筑被缅甸军方的空袭击中。泰吉（又名“零大哥”）展示他的文身。一名阿尼亚居民展开一张昂山素季的海报。在缅甸军方控制区，持有这位前文职领导人的画像可能招致牢狱之灾。

“We don’t have many options,” he said. “We have to keep our soldiers.”

“我们没有太多选择，”他说。“我们必须留住士兵。”

In February, an Anyar rebel commander who had bickered with other guerrilla leaders, surrendered to the Myanmar military. Soon afterward, precise attacks on Anyar’s resistance forces surged, presumably fed by intelligence provided by him.

今年2月，一位与其他游击队领导人发生争执的阿尼亚反抗军指挥官向缅甸军方投降。此后不久，针对阿尼亚抵抗力量的精准袭击便开始激增，这大概是他提供的情报所致。

In mid-March, after our trip to Anyar, the rebel fighters lost Tagaung, a strategic town that they had captured in 2024. Dr. Lone Lone’s men were forced to retreat from the hilltop front line we had visited. His battalion is now half the size it was when we met him. His deputy commander — who practically hugged me when I gave him a few sachets of Starbucks caramel latte, his favorite drink — has deserted. So has a former teacher who had told me earnestly that he had resigned himself to death if it meant eradicating the military-backed regime.

3月中旬，在我们结束阿尼亚之行后，反抗军失去了达贡，这是他们在2024年占领的战略重镇。能能医生的部下被迫从我们到访过的山头前线撤退。他的营现在只有我们见到他时的一半规模了。他的副手——当我给他几包他最喜欢的星巴克焦糖拿铁时几乎要拥抱我的那个人——已经当了逃兵。同样逃跑的还有一位前教师，他曾极其诚挚地告诉我，如果能铲除军方支持的政权，他甘愿面对死亡。

One evening during our reporting journey, I jolted awake in the back of a truck to find that we had stopped, waiting out another possible airstrike. Dr. Lone Lone grinned at me. He laughed a lot for a commander in what felt like a hopeless war. Then he stopped smiling.

在我们的报道途中，一天晚上，我在一辆卡车的车厢里猛然惊醒，发现车停了下来，等待着又一次可能的空袭。能能医生对我咧嘴一笑。作为一名身处一场看似无望战争中的指挥官，他经常笑。然后，他收起了笑容。

“If I cannot win the revolution, then I will become a monk,” he told me. “I am trying to meditate always, but sometimes in this world, it is too difficult.”

“如果革命不能成功，那我就去做僧侣，”他告诉我。“我一直有尝试冥想，但有时候，在这尘世中，太难了。”