
The first sign that something unusual was unfolding in the Solomon Islands was when the Chinese police showed up at Fighter One, a quiet village ringed with banana trees.
所罗门群岛发生了一些不寻常的事,首先是中国警察出现在被香蕉树环绕的安静村庄“战斗机一号”。
The Chinese officers gathered villagers on a grassy patch and proposed a system they said would help keep them safe. They suggested that the residents fill out cards providing the names, addresses and dates of birth for each household member. They recommended collecting fingerprints and palm prints — both highly unusual and legally dubious in a country lacking laws governing personal data collection.
中国警官把村民们召集到一片草地上,提出了一套他们称有助于确保村民安全的系统。他们建议居民填写卡片,提供每个家庭成员的姓名、地址和出生日期。他们还建议收集指纹和掌纹——在一个缺乏相关法律管理个人数据收集的国家,这既罕见,又在法律上存在争议。
Under China’s leader, Xi Jinping, Beijing has tried to export its ideas about security to the world in countries like the Solomon Islands, a Pacific nation 3,000 miles away. Where Washington offers treaties that commit American troops to defend U.S. allies against external threats, Beijing offers something different: equipment and tactics for governments to keep order at home.
在中国领导人习近平的领导下,北京一直试图将其安全理念输出到世界各地,比如所罗门群岛这样距离其4800多公里外的太平洋国家。华盛顿提供的是承诺派遣美国军队保卫美国盟友免受外部威胁的条约,而北京提供的则有所不同:供政府在本国维持秩序的设备和战术。
That pitch has appealed to many authoritarian and weak democratic states in Africa, Southeast Asia and Central Asia that view domestic threats to regime security as an equal, if not bigger, priority than fielding an army.
这一推销吸引了非洲、东南亚和中亚的许多威权国家和弱民主国家,这些国家将对政权安全的国内威胁视为与组建军队同等重要、甚至更大的优先事项。
But the Solomon Islands, which had signed a security pact with China in 2022, is also emerging as an early test of the limits of China’s efforts.
但2022年与中国签署安全协议的所罗门群岛也正成为测试中国此类努力极限的早期试金石。
去年,中国警察到访霍尼亚拉的“战斗机一号”社区,照片由所罗门群岛警方提供。
China’s policing in the Solomon Islands has gone hand in hand with the growth of its mining and other businesses, and the need for Beijing to protect its interests overseas.
中国在所罗门群岛的警务工作与其采矿及其他业务的增长,以及北京保护其海外利益的需求密不可分。
The effort is more than just about technology and policing tactics, it is as much about spreading an ideology centered on state control.
这一努力不仅仅关乎技术和警务战术,它同样关乎传播一种以国家控制为核心的意识形态。
When they visited Fighter One, the Chinese police were responding to a request from the community to help keep rowdy young men and boys from coming to their village at night and getting buzzed on betel nut and a potent moonshine called kwaso.
中国警察来到“战斗机一号”村是应社区的要求,当地人希望他们帮助阻止一群粗野的男性青年和小孩夜里来到他们的村庄,在槟榔和一种名为kwaso的烈性私酿酒的作用下到处惹事。
Their solution was to introduce an obscure Mao-era community surveillance system: the Fengqiao Experience.
他们的解决方案是引入源自毛泽东时代的一种鲜为人知的社区监视系统:“枫桥经验”。
Named after Fengqiao, a town in eastern China, the system encouraged neighbors to spy and snitch on one another to root out political enemies. The system has been revived under Mr. Xi as part of a push to snuff out any challenges to the Chinese Communist Party.
该系统因中国东部小镇枫桥而得名,它鼓励邻里之间互相监视和告密,以根除政治敌人。在习近平的领导下,该系统已经重新焕发活力,用于消除一切对中国共产党的挑战。
In China, the system calls for the police to monitor individual households in sprawling apartment complexes, in one example assigning each unit a color code that denoted whether occupants presented a security risk. The police have also visited the homes of minority groups like Tibetans and Uyghurs to promote party policies. Government workers have visited churches to give “anti-cult” lectures. And companies are required to register their employees in police databases.
在中国,该系统要求警方对遍布公寓大楼的各个家庭进行监控,例如,为每户分配一个颜色编码,以此表示住户是否构成了安全风险。警方还走访了藏族和维吾尔族等少数民族的家庭,以宣传党的政策。政府工作人员走访教会,发表了“反邪教”演讲。企业也被要求将其员工登记在警方的数据库中。
The idea of introducing such a heavy-handed style of state surveillance in the Solomon Islands alarmed local politicians and observers in nearby countries like Australia, who worried it could give the government the tools to stifle freedoms.
在所罗门群岛引入这样一种高压手段的国家监视理念令当地政治人士以及澳大利亚等邻国的观察人士感到震惊,他们担心这可能会给政府提供压制自由的工具。
The Fengqiao pilot was suspended after an outcry. And the election this month of Matthew Wale, a prime minister who has historically been skeptical of Beijing, raises questions about China’s foothold in the country, and whether its ideas travel as easily as the party hopes.
枫桥试点项目在遭到强烈抗议后被暂停。而本月选举出的总理马修·瓦莱历史上一直对北京持怀疑态度,这让人们对中国在该国的立足点,以及其理念是否能如党所期望的那样轻易传播产生了疑问。
A Model Police State
一个模范警察国家
China has cast itself as a model of policing for other countries to emulate, pointing to low rates of violent crime as proof of its success.
中国将自己塑造成其他国家效仿的警务模范,并将低暴力犯罪率视为其成功的证据。
But the vast security apparatus that keeps citizens safe is frequently deployed to crush political dissent.
但是,维持公民安全的庞大安全机构经常被用来压制政治异见。
From the start, each citizen is assigned a household registration card that restricts where that person can live. Movement within the country is monitored by a growing network of surveillance cameras, many of which are equipped with artificial intelligence software that can recognize not only faces but also the way a person walks.
从一开始,每位公民都会被分配一张限制其居住地的户口登记卡。国内的流动受到日益扩大的监视摄像头网络的监控,其中许多摄像头配备了人工智能软件,不仅可以识别人脸,还可以识别一个人的行走方式。
In once-restive areas of China like the western region of Xinjiang, millions of Uyghurs have been subjected to biometric data harvesting that included giving DNA samples, iris scans and voice pattern samples.
在中国曾经动荡的西部地区新疆,数百万维吾尔族人接受了生物识别数据采集,包括提供DNA样本、虹膜扫描和声音模式样本。
All of this is necessary in the eyes of the party, which sees its legitimacy as tied to its ability to preserve social order.
在党看来,所有这些都是必要的,党将其执政合法性与维护社会秩序的能力联系在了一起。
Countries with like-minded governments have been welcoming the opportunity to use China’s assistance to entrench their power.
志同道合的政府一直乐于抓住这个机会,利用中国的协助来巩固其权力。
When Vietnam’s leader, To Lam, visited Beijing this year, the governments pledged to work closely to safeguard “political security.” Mr. Xi told Mr. Lam that they shared an interest in defending the “the ruling position of the Communist Party.” With Cambodia, China pledged in April to work on “jointly resisting external infiltration and preventing ‘color revolutions’,” — code for pro-democracy movements or popular uprisings that Beijing views as Western-backed plots to destabilize one-party rule.
当越南领导人苏林今年访问北京时,两国政府承诺将密切合作以维护“政治安全”。习近平告诉苏林,他们在维护“共产党执政地位”方面有着共同利益。对于柬埔寨,中国在4月承诺将致力于“携手抵御外部渗透,防范‘颜色革命’”——“颜色革命”是亲民主运动或民众起义的代名词,北京将这些运动视为西方支持的旨在破坏一党执政的阴谋。
霍尼亚拉的中央市场是岛上最大的市场。
中国努力向5000公里外的太平洋国家所罗门群岛输出其安全理念,表明其希望提供一种不同于美国及其安全同盟体系的替代方案。
China is training police forces in many developing countries. Since 2000, it has held nearly 900 training sessions including on counterterrorism, riot control and border control, for at least 138 countries, according to a study by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
中国正在对许多发展中国家的警察部队进行培训。根据卡内基国际和平基金会的一项研究,自2000年以来,中国已为至少138个国家举办了近900场培训,内容包括反恐、防暴控制和边境控制。
“China is trying to rewrite the standards of what global security is and which countries are the best at providing it,” said Sheena Chestnut Greitens, a political scientist at the University of Texas at Austin and one of the authors of the Carnegie report.
得克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校政治学家、卡内基报告作者之一希娜·切斯特纳特·格雷滕斯说:“中国正试图改写全球安全的标准,以及哪些国家最擅长提供这种安全。”
It has embedded its officers in police forces in the Central African Republic and the Pacific island nations of Vanuatu and Kiribati. It provided thousands of surveillance cameras to Ecuador in 2011 that enabled the country’s domestic intelligence agency to better monitor political opponents.
中国已将其警官派驻到中非共和国以及太平洋岛国瓦努阿图和基里巴斯的警察部队中。2011年,它向厄瓜多尔提供了数千个监视摄像头,使该国的国内情报机构能够更好地监控政治对手。
And it trained a unit of South African police in 2016 that was later deployed to intimidate and assassinate political rivals of then-President Jacob Zuma, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Washington-based organization that is part of the U.S. Department of Defense.
根据非洲战略研究中心(一家总部位于华盛顿、隶属于美国国防部的组织)的数据,中国还在2016年培训了一支南非警察部队,该部队后来被部署用于恐吓和刺杀时任总统雅各布·祖马的政治对手。
China may be seeking to improve the global public image of its authoritarian model by exporting its police training.
中国可能正寻求通过输出其警察培训来改善其威权模式在全球的公众形象。
“It allows China to portray their system as a public safety success rather than a human rights failure,” Ms. Greitens said.
格雷滕斯说:“这让中国能够将其系统描绘成公共安全的成功,而不是人权的失败。”
A Pacific Laboratory
一个太平洋实验室
China scored its biggest victory in the Solomon Islands in 2019 when the government there severed decades of diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of recognizing Beijing. That opened the floodgates for Chinese financial support, trade and investment.
2019年,中国在所罗门群岛取得了最大的胜利,当时该国政府断绝了与台湾数十年的外交关系,转而承认北京。这为中国的资金支持、贸易和投资打开了闸门。
The switch, as the change is referred to by residents, raised concerns in Australia, the United States and other Western allies about Beijing encroaching on their traditional sphere of influence.
被居民们称为“转换”的这一转变引发了澳大利亚、美国和其他西方盟友对北京蚕食其传统势力范围的担忧。
It also inflamed long-standing tensions between residents of the more developed island of Guadalcanal, the site of the capital, Honiara, and those from the poorer island of Malaita, which had maintained closer ties to Taiwan through farming and medical programs.
这也加剧了首都霍尼亚拉所在的较发达岛屿瓜达尔卡纳尔岛居民与较贫困岛屿马莱塔岛居民之间长期存在的紧张关系,后者曾通过农业和医疗项目与台湾保持更密切的联系。
Those tensions erupted into deadly riots in 2021 that targeted Honiara’s more than century-old Chinese community, who represent less than 2 percent of the city’s population of about 170,000, but dominate storefronts selling household goods, groceries and alcohol and also control lucrative logging and mining interests.
这些紧张关系在2021年爆发成了致命的暴乱,袭击目标针对霍尼亚拉一个有几百年历史的华人社区。华人在该市约17万人口中占比不足2%,但在开设销售日用品、杂货和酒类的店面方面占据主导地位,并控制着利润丰厚的伐木和采矿利益。
Protesters, mainly migrants from Malaita, tried to storm the personal residence of the prime minister at the time, Manasseh Sogavare. The unrest prompted Mr. Sogavare to sign the security pact with Beijing the following year, justifying it as a way to combat “hard internal threats.” He also dismissed his country’s traditional security partner, Australia, as “inadequate.”
主要来自马莱塔岛移民的示威者试图冲击时任总理梅纳西·索加瓦雷的私人住宅。这场动荡促使索加瓦雷在次年与北京签署了安全协议,并辩称这是打击“严峻内部威胁”的一种方式。他还斥责该国传统的安全合作伙伴澳大利亚“不称职”。
霍尼亚拉唐人街华人拥有的大楼在骚乱中被破坏。
霍尼亚拉中国大使馆外的一名保安。
A copy of the pact has never been publicly released. But excerpts leaked online show that the agreement allows the Solomon Islands to request that China send “police, armed police, military personnel and other law enforcement and armed forces” to restore social order and protect Chinese personnel and projects in the country. (Australia also has a security agreement with the Solomon Islands, though its focus has shifted in recent years from maintaining law and order toward providing police training.)
该协议的副本从未公开发布。但网上泄露的摘要显示,该协议允许所罗门群岛请求中国派遣“警察、武警、军事人员和其他执法及武装力量”前往恢复社会秩序,并保护在该国的中国人员和项目。(澳大利亚也与所罗门群岛签署了安全协议,不过其近年来的重点已从维持法律与秩序转向了提供警察培训。)
Beijing embedded its first batch of police in the Royal Solomon Island Police Force in 2022. Around the same time, China donated riot gear worth $1.5 million that included bulletproof vests, shields, helmets and stab-resistant suits and gloves. Photographs on the Solomon Islands government website show Chinese police training local police how to wield batons and anti-riot forks, a tool commonly seen in China that is about the length of a pitchfork with a U-shaped prong to pin down a suspect.
北京于2022年将其第一批警察派驻到所罗门群岛皇家警察部队中。大约在同一时间,中国捐赠了价值150万美元的防暴装备,包括防弹衣、盾牌、头盔以及防刺服和手套。所罗门群岛政府网站上的照片显示中国警察在培训当地警察如何使用警棍和防暴叉,后者是一种在中国常见的工具,长度与草叉差不多,带有可以制服嫌疑人的U形叉齿。
The presence of the Chinese police is just another example of how Beijing is advancing its interests in a country that lacks the power and clout to say “no,” says Peter Kenilorea Jr., who was a longtime opposition politician when we interviewed him late last year in Honiara, and is now in the new prime minister’s cabinet, overseeing national planning.
小彼得·肯尼洛雷亚表示,中国警察的存在不过是北京在一个无力也无底气说“不”的国家推进自身利益的又一例证。去年年底我们采访他时,他还是一名资深反对派政客;如今他已进入新任总理的内阁,主管国家规划事务。
He argued that the power imbalance has also allowed Chinese firms in mining and timber, two of the Solomon Island’s biggest industries, to raze forests and pollute rivers with mining runoff while using illegal ports to evade government fees, with little consequence.
他辩称,权力的不平衡还使得在采矿和木材(所罗门群岛最大的两个产业)领域的中国企业得以砍伐森林并用采矿径流污染河流,同时利用非法港口来逃避政府费用,却几乎不需要承担任何后果。
The Chinese “come and they do their own thing,” said Mr. Kenilorea, who opposed the switch from Taiwan to Beijing and whose father was the Solomon Islands’s first leader after gaining independence. “It’s like open season.”
肯尼洛雷亚说,中国人“来这里做他们自己的事情”。这位所罗门群岛独立后的第一位领导人的儿子反对从台湾转向北京。“这就像是狩猎开放季。”
Are You Fengqiao Experienced?
你体验过枫桥经验吗?
The China Police Liaison Team, as they are formally called, operate out of the Rove Police Headquarters in Honiara, a humid, weather-beaten capital city where diesel fumes from the vehicles that clog the lone highway hang heavy in the air.
这支正式名称为“中国警务顾问组”的队伍在霍尼亚拉的罗夫警察总部开展工作。霍尼亚拉是一座气候潮湿、饱经风霜的首都城市,拥堵在唯一一条高速公路上的车辆排出的柴油废气在空气中弥漫。
Beijing’s presence stands out among the rows of low-slung concrete and corrugated-steel buildings. There’s a Chinese-built sports stadium and a hospital. Chinese foremen working for Chinese state-owned construction companies are supervising the paving of roads. Chinese people run hair salons, massage parlors and restaurants serving dim sum and hot pot.
在一排排低矮的混凝土和波纹钢建筑中,北京的存在格外引人注目。那里有一个中国建造的体育场和一家医院。为中国国有建筑公司工作的中国工长正在监督道路的铺设。中国人经营着美发沙龙、按摩店以及供应小吃和火锅的餐馆。
由国有企业中国土木工程集团有限公司承建的道路项目。
The 10 or so members of the Chinese police team are seconded in the Solomon Islands for months on end before being rotated out. They seemed to keep largely to themselves. Members of the Chinese community who spoke to The Times said they did not recall seeing the police around much.
这支由大约10名成员组成的中国警察团队会在所罗门群岛驻扎数月后轮换。他们大部分时间似乎并不和外界接触。与《纽约时报》交谈的华人社区成员表示,他们印象里不常见到这些警察出没。
The police team has been held up by Chinese state propaganda as an example of the country’s benevolence toward its neighbors as a regional power. The People’s Public Security University of China, a national police university, published an article in 2024 describing the officers as roughing it so that poor villagers could benefit from the wisdom of the Fengqiao Experience.
该警察团队已被中国官方宣传奉为该国作为地区大国对邻国展现善意的典范。中国人民公安大学在2024年发表的一篇文章将这些警官描述为在艰苦的环境中生活,以便贫困的村民能够从枫桥经验的智慧中获益。
Team members suffered from infections because of a lack of medical care in remote areas. Their rooms were infested with “mosquitoes, centipedes, rats, and cockroaches.” They ate mostly “bread, biscuits, and locally produced cassava.”
团队成员因偏远地区缺乏医疗服务而染病。他们的房间里满是“蚊虫、蜈蚣、老鼠、蟑螂”。他们主要吃“面包、饼干和当地出产的木薯”。
At the same time, the Solomon Islands government website has been filled with news releases showing Chinese police shaking hands with local officials, donating clothes and sports equipment to villagers, serving tea to university students, putting on drone shows and kung fu demonstrations and holding PowerPoint presentations.
与此同时,所罗门群岛政府网站上充斥着新闻稿,展示中国警察与当地官员握手、向村民捐赠衣服和体育器材、送茶给大学生、举办无人机表演和功夫演示以及PowerPoint宣讲。
霍尼亚拉一所由华人运营的社区学校——中华学校——的二年级课堂。
霍尼亚拉的唐人街。接受《纽约时报》采访的华人社区成员表示,他们印象里不常见到这些警察出没。
Analysts say the support helps address a shortage of resources, but it was unclear if China’s influx of aid would benefit the Solomon Islands over the long term.
分析人士表示,这些支持有助于解决资源短缺的问题,但目前尚不清楚涌入的中国援助长期来看是否会使所罗门群岛受益。
Virginia Comolli, head of the Pacific Program at the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime, who coauthored a recent report on Chinese policing and interviewed residents of Fighter One, found instances in which donated Chinese police vehicles had sat idle because there was not enough money for fuel, or there were no spare parts to repair them.
打击跨国有组织犯罪全球倡议太平洋项目负责人弗吉尼亚·科莫利近日与人合著了一份关于中国警务的报告,并采访了“战斗机一号”村的居民,她发现了捐赠的中国警车存在闲置的情况,因为没有足够的资金购买燃油,或者没有零部件来维修。
“They’re getting lots of donations, but the crux of the matter is always, is this sustainable?” Ms. Comolli said.
科莫利说:“他们得到了很多捐赠,但问题的关键始终是,这具有可持续性吗?”
Other donations from China include two police speedboats valued at over $400,000, an anti-riot vehicle equipped with a water cannon, and equipment to open a forensic autopsy laboratory.
来自中国的其他捐赠包括两艘价值超过40万美元的警察巡逻艇、一辆配备水炮的防暴车以及建设法医尸检实验室所需的设备。
Some residents say they are willing to give China a chance. Anything, they say, is better than the status quo in the Solomon Islands, which the United Nations has named one of the 44 least developed countries in the world.
一些居民表示,他们愿意给中国一个机会。他们说,无论如何总比所罗门群岛的现状要好——联合国已将该国列为全球44个最不发达国家之一。
“We’ve been depending on different countries for so long,” yet nothing has improved, said Jacqueline Maeli, 43, a resident of Tasahe B, a hilltop community of makeshift homes in Guadalcanal that was visited by the Chinese police team last summer.
“我们长期以来一直依赖不同的国家,”然而一切都没有改善,43岁的杰奎琳·马埃利说。她是瓜达尔卡纳尔岛上由临时房屋组成的半山腰社区Tasahe B的居民,中国警察团队去年夏天曾到访过该社区。
Ms. Maeli, who wore a secondhand T-shirt that read “China Fantastic,” is agnostic about what flag the police fly.
身穿写着“精彩中国”字样的二手T恤的马埃利对警察挂着什么旗帜并不在乎。
“Whichever government that helps and makes this country work better, I’ll go with it,” she said.
她说:“无论是哪个政府,只要能提供帮助并让这个国家运转得更好,我就支持它。”
The Backlash
反弹
When the news emerged that the Chinese police team had visited Fighter One and proposed collecting fingerprints and other data, some Solomon Islanders expressed concerns.
当有消息传出中国警察团队访问了“战斗机一号”村并提出收集指纹和其他数据时,一些所罗门群岛人表达了担忧。
Celsus Talifilu, who is now serving as special secretary to the new prime minister, wrote a blog post arguing that the police had no authority to collect vast amounts of personal information, register individual biometric data, or conduct neighborhood surveillance.
如今是新任总理特别秘书的塞尔苏斯·塔利菲卢撰写了一篇博客文章,指出警察无权收集大量的个人信息、登记个人的生物识别数据或进行社区监视。
Mr. Talifilu wrote that the Fengqiao model’s emphasis on monitoring and coercion threatened social harmony and local customs such as having village chiefs resolve conflicts and disputes.
塔利菲卢写道,枫桥模式对监控和强迫的强调威胁到了社会和谐以及当地由村长解决冲突和纠纷的习俗。
“This is against our norms,” he said in an interview in Honiara. “People will not take lightly to being spied on by their neighbors.”
他在霍尼亚拉接受采访时说:“这违背了我们的规范。被邻居监视可不是小事。”
在霍尼亚拉港口等渡轮的人群。
In Australia, a newspaper ran an editorial criticizing the Chinese police team’s actions in the Solomon Islands. Security analysts at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute wrote that “the risk is that the Solomon Islands becomes a proving ground for authoritarian practices under the guise of community service.”
一家澳大利亚报纸发表社论,批评中国警察团队在所罗门群岛的行为。澳大利亚战略政策研究所的安全分析师写道,“风险在于所罗门群岛在社区服务的幌子下成为了威权实践的试验场。”
China’s propaganda organs pushed back. The Global Times described Western reactions as “the discomfort of former colonial powers whose exclusive influence in the Pacific is no longer assured.” It also said China was not imposing the Fengqiao model on the Solomon Islands; it was merely offering it up as something to consider.
中国的宣传机构进行了反击。《环球时报》将西方的反应形容为“前殖民大国的不适,他们在太平洋的排他性影响力已不再得到保证”。它还表示,中国并没有将枫桥模式强加给所罗门群岛;它仅仅是将其作为可供考虑的选择提出来。
The Solomon Islands police issued a statement on Facebook asserting that the Fengqiao pilot program was locally led and not introduced at the behest of China. It denied that the program was about “surveillance or coercion” and said no data would be transferred to any “foreign authority.”
所罗门群岛警方在Facebook上发表声明,断言枫桥试点计划是由当地主导的,并不是应中国的要求引入的。它否认该计划关乎“监视或强迫”,并表示没有任何数据会被转移给任何“外国当局”。
The Solomon Islands police and the Chinese Embassy in Honiara did not respond to requests for interviews.
所罗门群岛警方和中国驻霍尼亚拉大使馆未对采访请求做出回应。
Following the furor, the Fengqiao pilot program at Fighter One was suspended. No biometric data was ever shared. The noisy youth remain a problem.
轩然大波之后,“战斗机一号”村的枫桥试点计划被暂停。没有任何生物识别数据被分享。喧闹的青年仍然是一个问题。
Some residents said they would still welcome having the Chinese police play a role in their community, which houses some of Honiara’s professional elite, including lawyers, judges and doctors.
一些居民表示,他们仍然欢迎中国警察在他们的社区发挥作用,该社区居住着霍尼亚拉的一些白领精英,包括律师、法官和医生。

“战斗机一号”社区玩耍的孩童。
“We are open minded,” said Pedical Togamae, 42, an emergency room doctor, who built his two-story home shaded with trees from scratch after purchasing a plot of land in Fighter One in 2013, when there were no roads leading to the village.
42岁的急诊室医生佩迪卡尔·托加马埃说:“我们持开放态度。”2013年他在“战斗机一号”村购买了一块土地,当时那里还没有通往村子的道路,他从头开始建造了自己的这座绿树掩映的两层住宅。
Mr. Togamae said the local police are so short on staff that they cannot be relied upon to show up. If giving his fingerprints to the Chinese police team would help end the nightly nuisance, he would gladly oblige.
托加马埃说,当地警方人员极度匮乏,以至于无法指望他们出现。如果把他的指纹交给中国警察团队能有助于结束每晚的滋扰,他会非常乐意配合。
“We just want a peaceful community,” Mr. Togamae said.
托加马埃说:“我们只想要一个安静的社区。”